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EDITED BY
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PROCOPIUS
I]

Pesewpius, of Coesoven

PROCOPIUS

WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
H. B. DEWING

IN SEVEN VOLUMES
II

HISTORY OF THE WABS, BOOKS III AND IV

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS

HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS

LONDON
WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD

MCMLXI

ὙΙ ΟΠ Ὰ wi Β.008 Bee anT 3O ὙΠΟΥΎΘΙΗ

ATVAPUUIARRAM .SOGTHAMAD
Bead YMeHVI“AU = GAHAVHAH
ποῖοι
an tiga aerate ἜΜΕΝ

CONTENTS

HISTORY OF THE WARS—

BOOK I1l.—THE VANDALIC WAR. . . « « 0 « «-« 1
BOOK IV.—THE VANDALIO WAR (continued) - 209
. 461

IDMIDIODS Ss of BA Guoe a5 Go ho oie ao ae

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

HISTORY OF THE WARS:
BOOK III

THE VANDALIC WAR

ΠΡΟΚΟΠΙΟΥ ΚΑΙΣΑΡΕΩΣ
THEP TON ΠΟΛΕΜΩΝ ΛΟΙῸΣ TPITOS

Ὁ μὲν οὖν Μηδικὸς πόλεμος ἸἸουστινιανῷ Ba-

a, 6; la) 2 ΄ 2 Ν \ ΝΜ ,

σιλεῖ ἐς τοῦτο ἐτελεύτα" ἐγὼ δὲ ὅσα ἔς Te Βανδί-

λους καὶ Μαυρουσίους αὐτῷ εἴργασται φράσων
” / \ a a κά 7.

ἔρχομαι. λελέξεται δὲ πρῶτον ὅθε, ὁ Βανδίλων

\ a \

στρατὸς τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἐπέσκηψε χώρᾳ. ἐπειδὴ

Θεοδόσιος ὁ Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτωρ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων

ἠφάνιστο, ἀνὴρ δίκαιος ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα γεγονὼς

a ‘

καὶ ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμια, διεδεξάσθην αὐτοῦ τὴν

We + \ - ’ / \ ἐν
βασιλείαν ἄμφω τὼ παῖδε, ᾿Αρκάδιος μὲν ὁ πρεσ-
al Ν «
βύτερος τὴν ἑῴαν μοῖραν, τὴν ἑσπερίαν δὲ “Ονώ-
e δ Nyce
ρίος ὁ νεώτερος. διῃρητο δὲ ὧδε τὸ Ῥωμαίων
κράτος ἄνωθεν ἀπό τε Κωνσταντίνου καὶ τῶν
a \

αὐτοῦ παίδων, ὃς τὴν βασιλείαν ἐς Βυξζάντιον
᾿ fal

μεταθέμενος μείζω τε τὴν πόλιν καὶ πολλῷ ἐπι-

a [οἷ an
φανεστέραν καταστησάμενος ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἀφῆκε
προσαγορεύεσθαι.

Περιλαμβάνει μὲν κύκλῳ τὴν γῆν ὠκεανὸς ἢ
ξύμπασαν ἢ τὴν πολλήν: οὐ γάρ πω σαφές τι
ἀμφ᾽ αὐτῷ ἴσμεν' σχίζει δὲ αὐτὴν δίχα ἐς ἠπεί-
2

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA
HISTORY OF THE WARS. BOOK III

THE VANDALIC WAR
I

Sucu, then, was the final outcome of the Persian
War for the Emperor Justinian; and I shall now
proceed to set forth all that he did against the
Vandals and the Moors. But first shall be told
whence came the host of the Vandals when they
descended upon the land of the Romans. After
Theodosius, the Roman Emperor, had departed from
the world, having proved himself one of the most
just of men and an able warrior, his kingdom was
taken over by his two sons, Arcadius, the elder,
receiving the Eastern portion, and Honorius, the
younger, the Western. But the Roman power had
been thus divided as far back as the time of Con-
stantine and his sons ; for he transferred his govern-
ment to Byzantium, and making the city larger
and much more renowned, allowed it to be named
after him.

Now the earth is surrounded by a circle of ocean,
either entirely or for the most part (for our know-
ledge is not as yet at all clear in this inatter) ; and it

Jan. 17,
395 A.D.

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

΄ by ΄ » bd > a ἈΝ Ν ς ’
ρους δύο ἐκροή τις ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κατὰ τὴν ἑσπέριον
a fe Ν \ 4
εἰσβάλλουσα μοῖραν καὶ ταύτην δὴ ποιουμένη
, a! > f >
τὴν θάλασσαν, ἀπὸ Vadetpwv μὲν ἀρξαμένη, és

na 4 tA
5 αὐτὴν δὲ τὴν Μαιῶτιν διήκουσα λίμνην. Tav-

a a > ,ὔ
ταιν ταῖν ἠπείροιν ἁτέρα μὲν ἐν δεξιᾷ εἰσπλέοντι
je 3 if
τὴν θάλασσαν μέχρι Kal és THY λίμνην ᾿Ασία
Ν a , rn
κέκληται, ἀπό te Vadeipwv καὶ τῆς ἑτέρας τῶν

6 Ἡρακλέους στηλῶν. Σέπτον καλοῦσι τὸ ἐκείνῃ

φρούριον οἱ ἐπιχώριοι, λόφων τινῶν ἑπτὰ φαινο-
μένων ἐνταῦθα: τὸ γὰρ σέπτον ἑπτὰ τῇ Λατίνων
φωνῇ δύναται. ἡ δὲ ἀντιπέρας αὐτῇ ξύμπασα
Ἐὐρώπη ἐκλήθη. καὶ ὁ μὲν ταύτῃ πορθμὸς τέτ-
τάρσι καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα σταδίοις μάλιστα ἥπείΐρον
ἑκατέραν διείργει, τὸ δὲ ἐντεῦθεν πελάγεσι μεγά-
λοις ἀλλήλαιν διέχετον μέχρις Ἑλλησπόντου.
ταύτῃ γὰρ ξυνίασιν αὖθις ἀμφὶ Σηστόν τε καὶ
ἼΛβυδον, καὶ πάλιν ἔν τε Βυξαντίῳ καὶ Karyn-
δόνι μέχρι τῶν πάλαι Κυανέων λεγομένων πετρῶν,
οὗ καὶ νῦν “Ἱερὸν ὀνομάζεται. ἐν τούτοις γὰρ δὴ
τοῖς χωρίοις μέτρῳ δέκα σταδίων τε καὶ τούτου
ἐλάσσονι διείργεσθον ἀλλήλαιν.

᾿Απὸ δὲ τῆς ἑτέρας τῶν Ἡρακλέους στηλῶν
μέχρι ἐς τὴν ἑτέραν διὰ τῆς ἠιόνος ἰόντι καὶ
οὐ περιερχομένῳ κόλπον τε τὸν ᾿Ιόνιον καὶ τὸν
Εὔξεινον καλούμενον ἹΠόντον, ἀλλ᾽ ἔκ τε Καλχη-
δόνος ἐς Βυζάντιον ἔκ τε Δρυοῦντος“ ἐς ἤπειρον
1 ἀρξαμένη-- διήκουσα : Christ prefers the accusative.

2 ἑπτά Ῥ: ἕβδομον V.

5 Καλχηδόνος Maltretus: χαρκηδόνος MSS., Καρχηδόνος
Hoeschel in marg. * Spuodvtos MSS. : Ὑδροῦντος edd.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. i. 4-9

is split into two continents by a sort of outflow from
the ocean, a flow which enters at the western part
and. forms this Sea which we know, beginning at
Gadira! and extending all the way to the Maeotic
Lake.? Of these two continents the one to the right,
as one sails into the Sea, as far as the Lake, has re-
ceived the name of Asia, beginning at Gadira and at
the southern’ of the two Pillars of Heracles. Septem*
is the name given by the natives to the fort at that
point, since seven hills appear there ; for “septem”’
has the force of “seven” in the Latin tongue. And
the whole continent opposite this was named Europe.
And the strait at that point separates the two
continents® by about eighty-four stades, but from
there on they are kept apart by wide expanses of sea
as far as the Hellespont. For at this point they
again approach each other at Sestus and Abydus,
and once more at Byzantium and Chalcedon as far as
the rocks called in ancient times the ‘“ Dark Blue
Rocks,”’ where even now is the place called Hieron.
For at these places the continents are separated from
one another by a distance of only ten stades and
even less than that.

Now the distance from one of the Pillars. of
Heracles to the other, if one goes along the shore
and does not pass around the Ionian Gulf and the
sea called the Euxine but crosses from Chalcedon® to
Byzantium and from Dryous’ to the opposite main-

1 Cadiz. 2% Sea of Azov. 38 Abila. Ἅ Or Septem Fratres.

5 Most ancient geographers divided the inhabited world
into three continents, but some made two divisions. It was
a debated question with these latter whether Africa belonged
to Asia or to Europe ; ef. Sallust, Jugurtha, 17.

6 Kadi Keui.

7 More correctly Hydrous, Lat. Hydruntum (Otranto).

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

τὴν ἀντιπέρας καταίροντι, πέντε καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα
καὶ διακοσίων ὁδὸς ἡμερῶν ἐστιν, εὐζώνῳ ἀνδρί.
τὰ γὰρ ἀμφὶ. τὸν Εὔξεινον Πόντον, ὃς ἐκ Βυζαντίου
χωρεῖ εἰς τὴν λίμνην, ἅπαντα ἀκριβολογεῖσθαι
ἀμήχανα ἦν, βαρβάρων τῶν ὑπὲρ ποταμὸν “lo-
τρον, ὃν καὶ Δανούβιον καλοῦσι, Ῥωμαίοις βατὴν
ἥκιστα ποιουμένων. τὴν ἐκείνῃ ἀκτήν, πλήν γε δὴ
ὅτι ἐκ Βυζαντίου μὲν ἐς τὰς τοῦ Ἴστρου ἐκβολὰς
ἡμερῶν ἐστιν ὁδὸς δύο καὶ εἴκοσιν, ἅσπερ τῇ
Εὐρώπῃ λογιζομένους ἐντιθέναι προσήκει. κατὰ
δὲ τὴν τῆς ᾿Ασίας μοῖραν, εἴη δ᾽ ἂν ἐκ Καλχη-
δόνος ἐς ποταμὸν Φᾶσιν, ὃς ῥέων ἐκ Κόλχων
κάτεισιν ἐς τὸν Πόντον, ἀνύεται Ζεσσαράκοντα
ὁδὸς ἡμερῶν. ὥστε ξύμπασα ἡ Ῥωμαίων ome
κράτεια κατά γε τὴν ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ ὁδὸν ἐς ἑπτὰ
καὶ τεσσαράκοντα καὶ τριακοσίων ἡμερῶν ξύνεισι
μέτρον, ἤν τις, ὅπερ εἴρηται, τὸν ᾿Ιόνιον κόλπον
ἐς ὀκτακοσίους μάλιστα διήκοντα σταδίους ἐκ
Δρυοῦντος" διαπορθμεύηται. ἡ ἡ γὰρ τοῦ κόλπου
πάροδος" ἐς ὁδὸν ἡ ἡμερῶν Binfield οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ τεσ-
σάρων. τοσαύτη μὲν ἡ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴ κατά γε
τὸν παλαιὸν ἐγένετο χρόνον.

Ἔπέβαλλε δὲ τῷ μὲν τὸ τῆς ἑσπερίας ἔχοντι
κράτος Λιβύης τὰ πλεῖστα διήκοντα ἐ ἐς ἐνενήκοντα
ὁδὸν ἡμερῶν" τοσοῦτον γὰρ τὸ ἐκ Γαδείρων ἐ ἐς τὰ
ὅρια τῆς ἐν AtBon Τριπόλεώς ἐστιν" ἐν δὲ δὴ τῇ
Εὐρώπῃ πέντε καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα ὁδὸν ἡμερῶν
ἔλαχε' τοσαύτη γὰρ ἡ ἐκ τῆς ἑτέρας τῶν Ἥρα-

1 Δρυοῦντος MSS.: ὙὙδροῦντος Maltretus, Dindorf. In P
scholion δρυοὺς ἐστὶ τὸ viv βαρβαρικῶς λεγόμενον ὄτροντον
(Otranto), ἤπειρος δὲ ὃ νῦν αὐλών (Avlona).

2 πάροδος Maltretus: περίοδος MSS., Haury suggests περαί-
ωσιϑ.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. i. 9-15

land,! is a journey of two hundred and eighty-five
days for an unencumbered traveller. For as to the land
about the Euxine Sea, which extends from Byzantium
to the Lake, it would be impossible to tell everything
with precision, since the barbarians beyond the Ister
River, which they also call the Danube, make the
shore of that sea quite impossible for the Romans to
traverse—except, indeed, that from Byzantium to the
mouth of the Ister is a journey of twenty-two days,
which should be added to the measure of Europe by
one making the computation. And on the Asiatic
side, that is from Chalcedon to the Phasis River,
which, flowing from the country of the Colchians,
descends into the Pontus, the journey is accomplished
in forty days. So that the whole Roman domain,
according to the distance along the sea at least,
attains the measure of a three hundred and forty-
seven days’ journey, if, as has been said, one ferries
over the Ionian Gulf, which extends about eight
hundred stades from Dryous. For the passage across
the gulf? amounts to a journey of not less than four
days. Such, then, was the size of the Roman empire
in the ancient times. ,
And there fell to him who held the power in the
West the most of Libya, extending ninety days’
journey—for such is the distance from Gadira to the
boundaries of Tripolis in Libya; and in Europe he
received as his portion territory extending seventy-
five days’ journey—for such is the distance from the

1 At Aulon (Avlona).
2 Adding these four days to the other items (285, 22, 40),

the total is 351 days. ͵

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

κλεους στηλῶν ἐς κόλπον τὸν Ἰόνιον τυγχάνει
οὖσα. προσθείη δὲ ἄν τις καὶ τὴν τοῦ κόλπου
περίοδον. βασιλεὺς δὲ ὁ τῆς ἕω ἡμερῶν εἴκοσι
καὶ ἑκατὸν ὁδὸν ἐκληρώσατο ἐκ τῶν Κυρήνης
ὁρίων. τῆς ἐν Λιβύῃ “μέχρι ᾿Επιδάμνου, ἣ πρὸς αὐτῷ
κεῖται τῷ Ἰονίῳ κόλπῳ, “Δυρράχιον τανῦν καλου-
μένη, καὶ ὅση ἀμφὶ τὸν Εὔξεινον Πόντον, ὡς
ἔμπροσθεν εἴρήται; ὑπὸ “Ρωμαίοις ἐ ἐστί. μιᾶς δὲ
ἡμέρας ὁδὸς ἐς δέκα καὶ διακοσίους “διήκει στα-
δίους, ὅσον ᾿Αθήνηθεν “Μέγαράδε ἰέναι. οὕτω
μὲν ἤπειρον ἑκατέραν οἱ Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτορες
διείλοντο, σφίσι. τῶν δὲ δὴ νήσων Βρεττανία
μέν, ἡ ἐκτὸς στηλῶν τῶν Ἡρακλείων νήσων
πασῶν͵ μεγίστη παρὰ πολὺ οὖσα, μετὰ τῆς ἑσπε-
ρίας, ὥς γε τὸ εἰκός, ἐτάττετο μοίρας" ἐντὸς δὲ
αὐτῶν Ἔβουσα, ὥσπερ ἐν ΠΠροποντίδι τῇ μετὰ
τὴν" ὠκεανοῦ ἐσβολὴν ἐν θαλάσσῃ κειμένη, ἐς
ἑπτὰ ἡμερῶν ὁδὸν μάλιστα διήκουσα, καὶ δύο
ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὴν ἕτεραι,“ Μαϊορίκα τε καὶ Μινορίκα
ἐπιχωρίως καλούμεναι. τῶν δὲ κατὰ θάλασσαν
νήσων ἑκάστη θατέρῳ τοῖν βασιλέοιν ἐπέϑαλεν,
ὡς αὐτῇ ἐντός που τῶν ἐκείνου ὁρίων ξυνέβαινε
κεῖσθαι.

‘Ovwptov δὲ τὴν πρὸς ἡλίου δυσμαῖς ἔχοντος
βασιλείαν βάρβαροι τὴν ἐκείνου κατέλαβον
χώραν' οἵτινες δὲ καὶ ὅτῳ “τρόπῳ, λελέξεται.

2 ἸΤοτθικὰ ἔθνη πολλὰ μὲν καὶ ἄλλα πρότερόν τε

1 ὁδὸς P corr. : ὁδῶ V and P.
2 χὴν P: rod V. 3 ἕτεραι P; ἑταῖραι V.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. i. 15-ii. 2

northern! of the Pillars of Heracles to the Ionian
Gulf.?, And one might add also the distance around
the gulf. And the emperor of the East received
territory extending one hundred and twenty days’
journey, from the boundaries of Cyrene in Libya as
far as Epidamnus, which lies on the Ionian Gulf and
is called at the present time Dyrrachium, as well as
that portion of the country about the Euxine Sea
which, as previously stated, is subject to the Romans.
Now one day’s journey extends two hundred and ten
stades,° or as far as from Athens to Megara, Thus,
then, the Roman emperors divided either continent
between them. And among the islands Britain,
which is outside the Pillars of Heracles and by far
the largest of all islands, was counted, as is natural,
with the West; and inside the Pillars, Ebusa,* which
lies in the Mediterranean in what we may call the
Propontis, just inside the opening where the ocean
enters, about seven days’ journey from the opening,
and two others near it, Majorica and Minorica, as
they are called by the natives, were also assigned to
the Western empire. And each of the islands in
the Sea itself fell to the share of that one of the
two emperors within whose boundaries it happened
to lie. =~. αρας

Now while Honorius was holding the imperial power
in the West, barbarians took possession of his land ;
and I shall tell who they were and in what manner
they did so. There were many Gothic nations in

1 Calpe (Gibraltar).

2 2,6., instead of stopping at Otranto, one might also reckon
in the coast-line around the Adriatic to Dyrrachium.

3 About twenty-four English miles. 4 Iviza, 9

395 -423 a.D

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἣν καὶ τανῦν ἔστι, τὰ δὲ δὴ πάντων μέγιστά τε
καὶ ἀξιολογώτατα Τότθοι τέ εἰσι καὶ Βανδίλοι
καὶ Οὐισίγοτθοι καὶ Γήπαιδες. πάλαι μέντοι
Σαυρομάται καὶ Μελάγχλαινοι ὠνομάζοντο" εἰσὶ
δὲ of καὶ Τετικὰ ἔθνη ταῦτ᾽ ἐκάλουν. οὗτοι
ἅπαντες ὀνόμασι μὲν ἀλλήλων διαφέρουσιν,
ὥσπερ εἴρηται, ἄλλῳ δὲ τῶν πάντων οὐδενὶ διαλ-
λάσσουσι. λευκοί τε γὰρ ἅπαντες τὰ σώματά
εἰσι καὶ τὰς κόμας ξανθοί, εὐμήκεις τε καὶ ἀγαθοὶ
τὰς ὄψεις, καὶ νόμοις μὲν τοῖς αὐτοῖς χρῶνται,
ὁμοίως δὲ τὰ ἐς τὸν θεὸν αὐτοῖς ἤσκηται. τῆς

\ ? , ͵ SN eee, 1 ’ -
γὰρ ᾿Αρείου δόξης εἰσὶν ἅπαντες, φωνὴ τε αὐτοῖς
ἐστι μία, Τοτθικὴ λεγομένη" καί μου δοκοῦν" ἐξ
ἑνὸς μὲν εἶναι ἅπαντες τὸ παλαιὸν ἔθνους, ὀνόμασι
δὲ ὕστερον τῶν ἑκάστοις ἡγησαμένων διακεκρί-
σθαι. οὗτος ὃ λεὼς ὑπὲρ ποταμὸν Ἴστρον ἐκ
παλαιοῦ ῴκουν. ἔπειτα Γήπαιδες μὲν τὰ ἀμφὶ
ΣιγγιδόνονΣ τε καὶ Σίρμιον χωρία ἔσχον, ἐντός τε
καὶ ἐκτὸς ποταμοῦ Ἴστρου, ἔνθα δὴ καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ
ἵδρυνται.

Τῶν δὲ δὴ ἄλλων Οὐισέγοτθοι μὲν ἐνθένδε
ἀναστάντες τὰ μὲν πρῶτα ἐς ξυμμαχίαν Ἀρκαδίου
βασιλέως ἀφίκοντο, χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον (οὐ γὰρ
olde? βαρβάροις ἐνδιαιτᾶσθαι ἡ ἐς Ῥωμαίους
πίστις), ἡγουμένου αὐτοῖς ᾿Αλαρίχου, ἐς ἐπι-
βουλὴν ἑκατέρου βασιλέως ἐτράποντο, ἐκ Θράκης
τε ἀρξάμενοι ξυμπάσῃ Evpwrn ὡς πολεμίᾳ ἐχρή-
σαντο. βασιλεὺς δὲ “Ονώριος πρότερον μὲν ἐν
Ῥώμῃ καθῆστο, οὐδὲν ὅ τι καὶ πολέμιον ἐν νῷ

1 δοκοῦν MSS. : δοκοῦσιν or δοκοῦντες Dindorf.

Δ x γγιδόνον Haury: σινγηδὸν V, σιγγηδόνα Ῥ.
3 οἷδε P: οὐδὲ V, P in marg.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ii. 2-8

earlier times, just as also at the present, but the
greatest and most important of all are the Goths,
Vandals, Visigoths, and Gepaedes. In ancient times,
however, they were named Sauromatae and Melan-
chlaeni ;1 and there were some too who called these
nations Getic. All these, while they are distinguished
from one another by their names, as has been said,
do not differ in anything else at all. For they all
have white bodies and fair hair, and are tall and
handsome to look upon, and they use the same laws
and practise a common religion. For they are all
of the Arian faith, and have one language called
Gothic ; and, as it seems to me, they all came origin-
ally from one tribe, and were distinguished later by
the names of those who led each group. This
people used to dwell above the Ister River from of
old, Later on the Gepaedes got possession of the
country about Singidunum? and Sirmium,? on both
sides of the Ister River, where they have remained
settled even down to my time.

But the Visigoths, separating from the others,
removed from there and at first entered into an
alliance with the Emperor Arcadius, but at a later
time (for faith with the Komans cannot dwell in
barbarians), under the leadership of Alaric, they
became hostile to both emperors, and, beginning
with Thrace, treated all Europe as an enemy’s land.
Now the Emperor Honorius had before this time
been sitting in Rome, with never a thought of war

1 « Black-cloaks,” 2 Belgrade. * Mitrovitz.
1

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἔχων, ἀλλ᾽ ἀγαπῶν, οἶμαι, ἤν τις αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς
βασιλείοις ἡσυχάζειν ἐῴη. ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐκ ἄποθεν
οἱ βάρβαροι, ἀλλά που ἐν Ταυλαντίοις εἶναι
στρατῷ μεγάλῳ, ἠγγέλλοντο, καταλιπὼν τὰ
βασίλεια οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ ἐς Ῥάβενναν φεύγει, πόλιν
ἐχυρὰν ἐς αὐτόν που λήγοντα κειμένην τὸν Ἰόνιον
κόλπον. εἰσὶ δὲ οἱ καὶ φασὶν αὐτὸν τοὺς Bap-
βάρους ἐπαγαγέσθαι, στάσεως αὐτῷ “πρὸς τῶν
ὑπηκόων γεγενημένης, ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐ πιστὰ λέγοντες,
ὅσα γε τὸ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐκλογίξεσθαι ἦθος. οἱ
δὲ βάρβαροι, ἐ ἐπεὶ οὐδὲν σφίσιν ἀπήντα πολέμιον,
γίνονται ὠμότατοι ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων. πόλεις
τε γάρ, ὅσας εἷλον, οὕτω κατειργάσαντο ὥστε
οὐδὲν εἰς ἐμὲ αὐταῖς ἀπολέλειπται γνώρισμα,
ἄχλως τε καὶ ἐντὸς τοῦ Ἰονίου κόλπου, πλήν γε
δὴ ὅτι πύργον ἕνα ἢ πύλην μίαν ἤ τι τοιοῦτο.
αὐταῖς περιεῖναι ξυνέβη: τούς τε ἀνθρώπους
ἅπαντας ἔκτεινον, ὅσοι ἐγένοντο ἐν ποσίν, ὁμοίως
μὲν πρεσβύτας, ὁμοίως δὲ νέους, οὔτε γυναικῶν
οὔτε παίδων φειδόμενοι. ὅθεν εἰς ἔτι καὶ νῦν
ὀλυγάνθρωπον τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν ξυμβαίνει εἶναι. χρή-
ματα δὲ ἅπαντα ἐληίσαντο ἐκ πάσης Εὐρώπης,
καί, τό γε κεφάλαιον, ἐν Ῥώμῃ τῶν τε “δημοσίων
τῶν τε ἰδίων οὐδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν ἀπολιπόντες ἐπὶ Γαλλίας
ἐχώρησαν. τρόπῳ δὲ ὅτῳ Ῥώμην ᾿Αλάριχος
εἷλεν, ἐγὼ δηλώσω.

Ἐπειδὴ χρόνος τέ οἱ πολὺς ἐν TH προσεδρείᾳ
ἐτέτριπτο καὶ οὔτε βίᾳ οὔτε τινὶ μηχανῇ spe
ἴσχυσε τὸ χωρίον ἑλεῖν, ἐπενόει, τάδε. τῶν vt
στρατῷ νεανιῶν οὔπω γενειασκόντων, ἀλλ᾽ ἄρτι
ἡβηκότων, τριακοσίους ἀπολεξάμενος, οὕσπερ εὖ

1 ἐν MS. ; ἐν τῷ Hoeschel.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ii. 8-15

in his mind, but glad, I think, if men allowed him
to remain quiet in his palace. But when word was
brought that the barbarians with a great army were
not far off, but somewhere among the Taulantii,!
he abandoned the palace and fled in disorderly
fashion to Ravenna, a strong city lying just about at
the end of the Ionian Gulf, while some say that he
brought in the barbarians himself, because an uprising
had been started against him among his subjects ; but
this does not seem to me trustworthy, as far, at least,
as one can judge of the character of the man. And
the barbarians, finding that they had no hostile force
to encounter them, became the most cruel of all
men. For they destroyed all the cities which they
captured, especially those south of the Ionian Gulf,
so completely that nothing has been left to my time
to know them by, unless, indeed, it might be one
tower or one gate or some such thing which chanced
toremain. And they killed all the people, as many
as came in their way, both old and young alike,
sparing neither women nor children. “Wherefore
even up to the present time Italy is sparsely
populated. They also gathered as plunder all the
money out of all Europe, and, most important of all,
they left in Rome nothing whatever of public or
private wealth when they moved on to Gaul. But I
shall now tell how Alaric captured Rome. E

After much time had been spent by him in the
siege, and he had not been able either by force or
by any other device to capture the place, he formed
the following plan. Among the youths in the army
whose beards had not yet grown, but who had just
come of’ age, he. chose out three hundred whom he

1 Τῇ Ilyricum.
13

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

τε γεγονέναι καὶ ὑπὲρ τὴν ἡλικίαν ἀρετῆς pera-
ποιεῖσθαι ἠπίστατο, ἔφασκε μὲν αὐτοῖς κρύφα
ὡς σφίσι τῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ πατρικίων τινάς, ἅτε
δούλοις οὖσι δῆθεν τῷ λόγῳ, δωρήσεσθαι μέλλοι.
16 παρήγγελλε δὲ ὥστε, ἐπειδὰν ἐν ταῖς ἐκείνων
οἰκίαις. τάχιστα γένωνται, πρᾳότητα πολλὴν καὶ
σωφροσύνην ἐνδεικνυμένους ἅπαντα προθύμως
ὑπηρετεῖν, ἅπερ ἂν αὐτοῖς πρὸς τῶν κεκτημένων
171 ἐπικείμενα ἦ' ἔπειτα οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον καὶ ἐν
ἡμέρᾳ τακτῇ ἀμφὶ ἡμέραν μάλιστα μέσην, ἁπάν-
των ἤδη τῶν αὐτοὺς ληψομένων ὕπνον, ὡς τὸ
εἰκός, μετὰ τὰ σιτία αἱρουμένων, ἐν πύλῃ ἅπαντας
τῇ Σαλαρίᾳ καλουμένῃ γενέσθαι, καὶ τούς τε
φύλακας οὐδὲν προαισθομένους ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς
κτεῖναι τάς τε πύλας ἀνοιγνύναι ὡς τάχιστα.
18 ταῦτα ἐπαγγείλας ᾿Αλάριχος τοῖς νεανίαις,
πρέσβεις αὐτίκα πρὸς τοὺς ἐκ βουλῆς ἔπεμψε,
δηλῶν ὅτι ἀγασθείη μὲν αὐτοὺς τῆς ἐς τὸν σφῶν
βασιλέα εὐνοίας, οὐκέτι δὲ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐνοχλήσει,
τῆς τε ἀρετῆς καὶ πίστεως ἕνεκα, ἧς ἐς ἄγαν
μεταποιεῖσθαί εἰσιν ἔνδηλοι, ὅπως τε αὐτοῦ
μνημεῖα παρ᾽ ἀνδράσι καλοῖς τε καὶ ἀγαθοῖς
σώξοιτο, οἰκέταις τισὶ δωρεῖσθαι βούλοιτο αὐτῶν
19 ἕκαστον. ταῦτα σημήνας καὶ τοὺς νεανίας οὐκ ἐς
μακρὰν στείλας, συσκευάξεσθαι, ἐς τὴν ἄφοδον 1
‘rods βαρβάρους ἐκέλευε, τούτου τε αἴσθησιν
20 “Ρωμαίοις παρεῖχεν. of δὴ τούς τε λόγους
ἄσμενοι ἤκουσαν καὶ τὰ δῶρα δεξάμενοι ἐν πολλῇ
εὐπαθείᾳ ἐγένοντο, ἑκαστάτω τῆς τοῦ βαρβάρου
21 ἐπιβουλῆς ὄντες. οἵ τε γὰρ νέοι τῷ εὐπει-
θέστεροι τοῖς κεκτημένοις εἶναι τὸ ὕποπτον
ἄφοδον Maltretus: ἔφοδον MS.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ii. 15-21

knew to be of good birth and possessed of valour
beyond their years, and told them secretly that he
was about to make a present of them to certain
of the patricians in Rome, pretending that they were
slaves. And he instructed them that, as soon as
they got inside the houses of those men, they should
display much gentleness and moderation and serve
them eagerly in whatever tasks should be laid upon
them by their owners ; and he further directed them
that not long afterwards, on an appointed day at
about midday, when all those who were to be their
masters would most likely be already asleep after
their meal, they should all come to the gate
called Salarian and with a sudden rush kill the
guards, who would have no previous knowledge of
the plot, and open the gates as quickly as possible.
After giving these orders to the youths, Alaric
straightway sent ambassadors to the members of
the senate, stating that he admired them for their
loyalty toward their emperor, and that he would
trouble them no longer, because of their valour and
faithfulness, with which it was plain that they were
endowed to a remarkable degree, and in order that
tokens of himself might be preserved among men’
both noble and brave, he wished to present each one of
them with some domestics. After making this de-
claration and sending the youths not long after-
wards, he commanded the barbarians to make prepar-
ations for the departure, and he let this be known to
the Romans. And they heard his words gladly, and
receiving the gifts began to be exceedingly happy,
since they were completely ignorant of the plot of
the barbarian. For the youths, by being unusually
obedient to their owners, averted suspicion, and in

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἀπεκρούοντο, τοῦ τε στρατοπέδου οἱ μὲν ἤδη
ἐξανιστάμενοί τε καὶ διαλύοντες τὴν προσεδρείαν
ἐφαίνοντο, οἱ δὲ ὃ ὅσον οὔπω ταὐτὸ τοῦτο ποιήσειν
ἐπίδοξοι ἢ ἦσαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡ ἡ κυρία παρῆν, ᾿Αλάριχος
μὲν ἅπαν ἐξοπλίσας τὸ στράτευμα ὡς ἐς τὴν
ἔφοδον | ἐν παρασκευῇ εἶχεν ἄγχιστα πύλης τῆς
Σαλαρίας" ἐνταῦθα γὰρ ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενος
τῆς πολιορκίας κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἔτυχε. ξύμπαντες
δὲ οἱ νεανίαι καιρῷ τῆς ἡμέρας τῷ ξυγκειμένῳ
ἐς ταύτην én τὴν πύλην γενόμενοι, τούς τε φύλακας
ἐς τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ἐπελθόντες ἀπέκτειναν, τάς
τε πύλας ἀνακλίναντες κατ᾽ ἐξουσίαν ᾿Αλάριχόν
τε καὶ τὴν στρατιὰν τῇ πόλει ἐδέξαντο. οἱ δὲ
τάς τε οἰκίας. ἐνέπρησαν al τῆς πύλης ἄγχιστα ᾿
ἦσαν, ἐν αἷς ἣν καὶ ἡ Σαλουστίου, τοῦ “Ῥωμαίοις
τὸ παλαιὸν τὴν ἱστορίαν γράψαντος, ἧ ς δὴ τὰ
πλεῖστα ἡμίκαυτα καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἕστηκε: τήν τε
πόλιν ὅλην δληισάμενοι καὶ Ῥωμαίων τοὺς
πλείστους διαφθείραντες πρόσω ἐχώρουν. τότε
λέγουσιν ἐν “Ῥαβέννῃ ‘Ovapio τῷ. βασιλεῖ τῶν
τινα εὐνούχων. δηλονότι ὀρνιθοκόμον ἀγγεῖλαι

ὅτι δὴ Ῥώμη ἀπόλωλε. καὶ τὸν ἀνα βοήσαντα

φάναι. si Καίτοι ἐ ἔναγχος ἐδήδοκεν ἐκ χειρῶν τῶν
ἐμῶν. εἶναι γάρ οἱ ἀλεκτρυόνα ὑπερμεγέθη,
Ῥώμην ¢ ὄνομα: καὶ τὸν μὲν εὐνοῦχον ξυνέντα τοῦ
λόγου εἰπεῖν Ῥώμην τὴν πόλιν πρὸς ᾿Αλαρίχου
ἀπολωλέναι, ἀνενεγκόντα: δὲ τὸν βασιλέα ὑπο-
λαβεῖν: * “AY ἔγωγε, ὧ ἑταῖρε, Ῥώμην μοι
ἀπολωλέναι τὴν ὄρνιν ὠήθην." τοσαύτῃ ἀμαθίᾳ
τὸν βασιλέα τοῦτον ἔχεσθαι λέγουσι.
1 ἔφοδον MS. : ἄφοδον Braun.

3 ἀπέκτειναν Hoeschel: ἁπέκτειναν P, ἅπαντ᾽ ἔκτειναν P corr.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ii. 21-26

the camp some were already seen moving from their
positions and raising the siege, while it seemed that
the others were just on the point of doing the very
same thing. But when the appointed day had
come, Alaric armed his whole force for the attack
and was holding them in readiness close by the
Salarian Gate; for it happened that he had en-
camped there at the beginning of the siege. And
all the youths at the time of the day agreed upon
came to this gate, and, assailing the guards suddenly,
put them to death; then they opened the gates
and received Alaric and the army into the city at
their leisure. And they set fire to the houses which
were next to the gate, among which was also the
house of Sallust, who in ancient times wrote the
history of the Romans, and the greater part of this
house has stood half-burned up to my time; and
after plundering the whole city and destroying the
most of the Romans, they moved on. At that time
they say that the Emperor Honorius in Ravenna
received the message from one of the eunuchs,
evidently a keeper of the poultry, that Rome had
perished. And he cried out and said, “ And yet it
has just eaten from my hands!” For he had a very
large cock, Rome by name; and the eunuch com-
prehending his words said that it was the city of Rome
which had perished at the hands of Alaric, and the
emperor with a sigh of relief answered quickly : “ But
I, my good fellow, thought that my fowl Rome had
perished.”” So great, they say, was the folly with
which this emperor was possessed.

Aug. 24,
410 A.D.

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Τινὲς δὲ οὐχ οὕτω Ῥώμην ᾿Αλαρίχῳ ἁλῶναί
φασιν, ἀλλὰ “Πρόβην γυναῖκα, πλούτῳ τε καὶ
δόξῃ ἔν ye τῇ Ῥωμαίων βουλῇ ἐπιφανεστάτην
μάλιστα οὖσαν, οἰκτεῖραι μὲν λιμῷ τε καὶ τῇ
ἄλλῃ κακοπαθείᾳ διαφθειρομένους “Ῥωμαίους, οἵ
γε καὶ ἀχλήλων ἤδη ἐγεύοντο" ὁρῶσαν δὲ ὡς
πᾶσα αὐτοὺς ἐλπὶς ἀγαθὴ ἐπιλελοίπει, τοῦ τε
ποταμοῦ καὶ τοῦ λιμένος ἐχομένου πρὸς τῶν
πολεμίων, τοῖς οἰκέταις ἐγκελεύσασθαι. νύκτωρ
ἀνοιγνύναι τὰς πύλας.

᾿Βπειδὴ δὲ ᾿Αλάριχος ἐκ Ῥώμης ἐξανίστασθαι
ἔμελλεν, "Ἄτταλον τῶν τινα εὐποτριοθῃ “βασιλέα
Ῥωμαίων. ἀνεῖπε, περιθέμενος | αὐτῷ τό τε διά-
δημα καὶ τὴν ἁλουργίδα καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο ἐς
βασιλικὸν ἀξίωμα ἥκει. ἔπρασσε δὲ ταῦτα
ὡς παραλύσων μὲν τῆς βασιλείας νώριον,
παραδώσων δὲ ἅ ἅπαν ᾿Αττάλῳ τὸ ἑσπέριον κράτος.
τοιαύτῃ μὲν γνώμῃ "Ατταλός τε καὶ ᾿Αλάριχος
ἐπὶ “ΡῬάβενναν στρατῷ πολλῷ ἤεσαν. ἣν δὲ ὁ ο
Ἄτταλος οὗτος οὔτε αὐτός τι νοεῖν ἱκανὸς οὔτε
τῷ εὖ εἰπόντι πεισθῆναι. ᾿Αλαρίχου γοῦν ἥκιστα
ἐπαινοῦντος ἐς Λιβύην στρατιᾶς χωρὶς ἄρχοντας
ἔπεμψε. ταῦτα μὲν οὗν ἐπράσσετο τῇδε.

Βρεττανία δὲ ἡ νῆσος Ῥωμαίων ἀπέστη, οἵ τὲ
ἐκείνῃ στρατιῶται, ϑασιλέα σφίσι Κωνσταντῖνον
εἵλοντο, οὐκ ἀφανῆ ἄνδρα. ὃς δὴ αὐτίκα στόλον
τε ἀγείρας νηῶν καὶ στρατιὰν λόγου ἀξίαν ἐς
ἹἽσπανίαν τε καὶ Γαλλίαν ὡς δουλωσόμενος
στρατῷ μεγάλῳ ἐσέβαλεν. νώριος δὲ πλοῖα
μὲν 2 ἐν παρασκευῇ εἶχε, προσεδέχετο δὲ τὰς ἐκ

- περιθέμενος Ρ: παραθέμενος Vic
2 δὲ πλοῖα μὲν P: μὲν πλοῖα V.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ii. 27-32

But some say that Rome was not captured in this
way by Alaric, but that Proba, a woman of very
unusual eminence in wealth and in fame among the
Roman senatorial class, felt pity for the Romans who
were being destroyed by hunger and the other
suffering they endured; for they were already even
tasting each other’s flesh; and seeing that every
good hope had left them, since both the river and
the harbour were held by the enemy, she commanded
her domestics, they say, to open the gates by night.

Now when Alaric was about to depart from Rome,
he declared Attalus, one of their nobles, emperor of
the Romans, investing him with the diadem and the
purple and whatever else pertains to the imperial
dignity. And he did this with the intention of
removing Honorius from his throne and of giving
over the whole power in the West to Attalus. With
such a purpose, then, both Attalus and Alaric were
going with a great army against Ravenna. But this
Attalus was neither able to think wisely himself, nor
to be persuaded by one who had wisdom to offer.
So while Alaric did not by any means approve the
plan, Attalus sent commanders to Libya without an
army. Thus, then, were these things going on.

‘And the island of Britain revolted from the Romans,
and the soldiers there chose as their king Constan-
tinus, a man of no mean station. And he straightway
gathered a fleet of ships and a formidable army and
invaded both Spain and Gaul with a great force, think-
ing to enslave these countries. But Honorius was
holding, ships in readiness and waiting to see what

407 A.D

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Λιβύης τύχας, ὅπως, ἣν μὲν ἀποκρουσθεῖεν. οἱ
παρὰ ᾿Αττάλου σταλέντες, πλέοι τε αὐτὸς ἐπὶ
Λιβύης καὶ μοῖράν τινα τῆς βασιλείας τῆς αὐτοῦ
ἔχοι, ἢν δὲ ἀπ᾽ ἐναντίας αὐτῷ τὰ ἐκείνῃ. πράγ-
ματα ἴοι, ἐς Θεοδόσιόν τε ἵκοιτο καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ εἴη.
᾿Αρκαδίου γὰρ ἤδη πολλῷ πρότερον τελευτή-
σαντος, Θεοδόσιος ἐκείνου υἱός, ἔτι παῖς ὧν
κομιδῆ, εἶχε τῆς ἕω᾿ ἀρχήν. ταῦτα ‘Oveopup
καραδοκοῦντι, καὶ ἐν τρικυμίαις φερομένῳ τῆς
τύχης εὐτυχήματα θαυμάσια ἡλίκα ξυνηνέχθη
γενέσθαι. φιλεῖ γὰρ ὁ θεὸς τοῖς οὔτε ἀγχίνοις
οὔτε τι οἴκοθεν μηχανᾶσθαι οἵοις τε οὖσιν, ἢν
μὴ πονηροὶ εἶεν, ἀπορουμένοις τὰ “ἔσχατα ἐπι-
κουρεῖν τε καὶ ξυχλαμβάνεσθαι" ὁποῖον δή τι
καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ τούτῳ τετύχηκεν. ἔκ τε γὰρ
Λιβύης ὡς διαφθαρεῖεν. οἱ ᾿Αττάλου ἄρχοντες
ἄφνω ἠγγέλλετο, καὶ τηῶν πλῆθος ἐκ Βυξαντίου
στρατιώτας ἔχουσαι ὅτι πλείστους ἐς ἐπικουρίαν
αὐτῷ ἀφικομένους οὐ προσδεχομένῳ παρῆσαν,
διάφορός τε ᾿Αττάλῳ γεγονὼς ᾿Αλάριχος τό τε
τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτὸν ἀφαιρεῖται σχῆμα καὶ ἐν
ἰδιώτου ἤδη τελοῦντα μοίρᾳ ἐν φυλακῇ εἶχε.
μετὰ δὲ ᾿Αλάριχος μὲν τελευτᾷ νόσῳ, ὁ δὲ τῶν
Οὐισυγότθων στρατός, ἡγουμένου σφίσιν ᾽Αδα-
ούλφου, ἐπὶ Γαλλίας ἐχώρησαν, καὶ Κωνσταν-
τῖνος μάχῃ ἡσσηθεὶς ξὺν τοῖς παισὶ θνήσκει.
Βρεττανίαν μέντοι͵ Ῥωμαῖοι ἀνασώσασθαι οὐκέτι
ἔσχον, AAN οὖσα ὑπὸ τυράννοις ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἔμεινε.
Toro δὲ τὴν ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἴστρου διάβασιν “ποιη-
σάμενοι Ἰ]αννονίαν μὲν τὰ πρῶτα ἔσχον, ἔπειτα
δὲ βασιλέως δόντος ῴκησαν τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς Θρᾷκης

1 τῆς €w Vi: τὴν ἑώαν P.
20

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ii. 32--.0

would happen in Libya, in order that, if those sent

by Attalus were repulsed, he might himself sail for
Libya and keep some portion of his own kingdom,
while if matters there should go against him, he
might reach Theodosius and remain with him. For
Arcadius had already died long before, and his son
Theodosius, still a very young child,! held the power
of the East. But while Honorius was thus anxiously
awaiting the outcome of these events and tossed amid
the billows of uncertain fortune, it so chanced that
some wonderful pieces of good fortune befell him.
For God is accustomed to succour those who are
neither clever nor able to devise anything of them-
selves, and to lend them assistance, if they be not
wicked, when they are in the last extremity of
despair ; such a thing, indeed, befell this emperor.
For it was suddenly reported from Libya that the
commanders of Attalus had been destroyed, and that
a host of ships was at hand from Byzantium with a
very great number of soldiers who had come to assist
him, though he had not expected them, and that
Alaric, having quarrelled with Attalus, had stripped
him of the emperor’s garb and was now keeping
him under guard in the position of a private citizen.
And afterwards Alaric died of disease, and the army
of the Visigoths under the leadership of Adaulphus
proceeded into Gaul, and Constantinus, defeated in
battle, died with his sons. However the Romans
never succeeded in recovering Britain, but it remained
from that time on under tyrants. And the Goths,
after making the crossing of the Ister, at first occu-
pied Pannonia, but afterwards, since the emperor

gave them the right, they inhabited the country of

1 He ascended the throne at the age of seven.
21

408-450 Α-Ρ

411 α.Ὁ.

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

la) \ if
40 χωρία. ἐνταῦθά te οὐ πολὺν διατρίψαντες
, a > \ fo]
χρόνον τῆς ἑσπερίας ἐκράτησαν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα
lal n la ? /
μὲν ἐν τοῖς περὶ τῶν Γότθων εἰρήσεται.

III

Βανδίλοι δὲ ἀμφὶ τὴν Μαιῶτιν ὠκημένοι λίμνην,
ἐπειδὴ λιμῷ ἐπιέζοντο, ἐς Γερμανούς τε, οἱ νῦν
Φράγγοι καλοῦνται, καὶ ποταμὸν ἱῬῆνον ἐχώρουν,

2 ᾿Αλανοὺς ἑταιρισάμενοι, Γοτθικὸν ἔθνος. εἶτα
ἐνθένδε, ἡγουμένου αὐτοῖς Γωδιγίσκλου, ἐν ‘Io-
πανίᾳ ἱδρύσαντο, ἣ πρώτη ἐστὶν ἐξ ὠκεανοῦ χώρα
τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῆς. τότε ξυμβαίνει Γωδιυγίσκλῳ
‘Ovepios ἐφ᾽ ᾧ δὴ οὐκ ἐπὶ λύμῃ τῆς χώρας

8 ἐνταῦθα ἱδρύσονται. νόμου δὲ ὄντος Ῥωμαίοις,
ἤν τινες οὐχ ὑπὸ ταῖς οἰκείαις χερσὶ τὰ σφέτερα
αὐτῶν ἔχοιεν καὶ τρίβοιτο χρόνος εἰς τριάκοντα
ἐνιαυτοὺς ἥκων, τούτοις δὴ 1 οὐκέτι εἶναι κυρίοις
ἐπὶ τοὺς βιασαμένους ἰέναι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐς παραγραφὴν
αὐτοῖς ἀποκεκρίσθαι τὴν ἐς τὸ δικαστήριον εἴσ-
οδον, νόμον ἔγραψεν ὅπως ὁ τῶν Βανδίλων χρόνος,
ὃν ἂν ἔν ye τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῇ. διατρίβοιεν, ἐς
ταύτην δὴ τὴν τριακοντοῦτιν παραγραφὴν ἥκιστα

4 φέροιτο. “Ονώριος μέν, ἐς τοῦτό οἱ τῆς ἑσπερίας
ἐληλαμένης, ἐτελεύτησε νόσῳ. ἐτύγχανε δὲ πρό-
τερον ξὺν τῷ “Ονωρίῳ τὴν βασιλείαν Κωνστάντιος

1 δὴ Haury: δὲ MSS., Christ would delete.
FR eee ὼ
1 That is, the actual occupant could enter a demurrer to
the former owner’s action for recovery, citing his own occu-
pancy for thirty years or more. The new law extended the
period during which the ousted proprietor could recover

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ii. 39-iii. 4

Thrace. And after spending no great time there
they conquered the West. But this will be told in
the narrative concerning the Goths,

ΠῚ

Now the Vandals dwelling about the Maeotic
Lake, since they were pressed by hunger, moved to
the country of the Germans, who are now called
Franks, and the river Rhine, associating with them-
selves the Alani, a Gothic people. Then from there,
under the leadership of Godigisclus, they moved and
settled in Spain, which is the first land of the Roman
empire on the side of the ocean. At that time
Honorius made an agreement with Godigisclus that
they should settle there on condition that it should
not be to the detriment of the country. But there
was a law among the Romans, that if any persons
should fail to keep their property in their own
possession, and if, meanwhile, a time amounting to
thirty years should pass, that these persons should
thenceforth not be entitled to proceed against those
who had forced them out, but they were excluded
by demurrer 1 fom access to the court; and in view
of this he established a law that whatever time
should. be spent by the Vandals in the Roman
domain should not by any means be counted toward
this thirty-year demurrer. And Honorius himself,
when the West had been driven by him to this
pass, died of disease. Now before this, as it
happened, the royal power had been shared by
possession, ‘by admitting no demurrer from the occupant so
far as the years were concerned during which the Vandals
should be in possession of the country.

Aug. 27,
423 A.D.

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἔχων, τῆς ᾿Αρκαδίου τε καὶ ‘Ovepiov ἀδελφῆς
Τλακιδίας ἀνήρ, ὃς ἡμέρας τῇ ἀρχῇ ἐπιβιοὺς
ὀλίγας, πονήρως τε νοσήσας εἶτα ἀπέθανεν,
᾿Ονωρίου ζῶντος, οὐδὲν οὔτε εἰπεῖν λόγου ἄξιον
οὔτε πρᾶξαι ἰσχύσας: οὐ γὰρ αὐτῷ ἐπήρκει ὁ
χρόνος ὃν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ ἐβίου. τούτου δὴ τοῦ
Κωνσταντίου παῖς Βαλεντινιανός, ἄρτι τοῦ τιτθοῦ
ἀπαλλαγείς, ἐν τοῖς Θεοδοσίου βασιλείοις ἐτρέ-
pero, οἱ δὲ τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ βασιλέως αὐλῆς τῶν
TWA ἐκείνῃ στρατιωτῶν, ᾿Ιωάννην ὁ ὄνομα, βασιλέα
αἱροῦνται. ἦν δὲ οὗτος ἀνὴρ πρᾷός τε καὶ
ξυνέσεως εὖ ἥκων καὶ ἀρετῆς μεταποιεῖσθαι
ἐξεπιστάμενος. πέντε γοῦν ἔτη τὴν τυραννίδα
ἔχων μετρίως ἐξηγήσατο, καὶ οὔτε! τοῖς διαβάλ-
λουσι τὴν ἀκοὴν ὑπέσχεν ® οὔτε: φόνον ἄδικον
εἰργάσατο ἑκών γε εἶναι οὔτε χρημάτων ἀφαι-
ρέσει ἐπέθετο" ἐς δὲ , βαρβάρους οὐδὲν ὅ ὅ τιϑ καὶ
πρᾶξαι οἷός τε ἐγεγόνει, ἐπεί οἱ τὰ ἐκ Βυζαντίου
πολέμια ἣν. ἐπὶ τοῦτον τὸν ᾿Ιωάννην Θεοδόσιος
ὃ ᾿Αρκαδίου στρατὸν πολὺν πέμψας καὶ στρατη-
γοὺς "᾿Ασπαρά τε καὶ ᾿Αρδαβούριον, τὸν “Ag mapos
υἱόν, αὐτόν τε ἀφαιρεῖται τὴν τυραννίδα καὶ
Βαλεντινιανῷ ἔτι παιδὶ ὄντι τὴν βασιλείαν Tape:
δωκε. ζῶντα δὲ Βαλεντινιανὸς Ἰωάννην λαβὼν
ἔν τε τῷ ᾿Ακυληίας ἱπποδρομίῳ τὴν ἑτέραν ταῖν
χεροῖν ἀποκοπέντα εἰσῆγεν ᾿ἐπόμπευσέ τε ὄνῳ
ὀχούμενον, καὶ πολχὰ παρὰ τῶν ἀπὸ σκηνῆς
ἐνταῦθα παθόντα τε καὶ ἀκούσαντα ἔκτεινεν.
οὕτω μὲν Βαλεντινιανὸς τὸ τῆς ἑσπερίας παρέλαβε

1 οὔτε-- οὔτε---οτε Dindorf: οὐδέ-- οὐδέ---οὐὐδέ MSS.

2 ὑπέσχεν P: ἐπέσχεν V.

34 τι καί MSS. : Haury suggests ὅ τι καὶ λόγου ἄξιον ; οἵ.
eh. xvi. 15.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. iii. 4-9

Honorius with Constantius, the husband of Placidia,
the sister of Arcadius and Honorius; but he lived
to exercise the power only a few days, and then,
becoming seriously ill, he died while Honorius
was still living, having never succeeded in saying
or in doing anything worth recounting; for the
time was not sufficient during which he lived in
possession of the royal power. Nowa son of this
Constantius, Valentinian, a child just weaned, was
being reared in the palace of Theodosius, but the
members of the imperial court in Rome chose one of
the soldiers there, John by name, as emperor. This
man was both gentle and well-endowed with sagacity
and thoroughly capable of valorous deeds. At any
rate he held the tyranny five years! and directed it
with moderation, and he neither gave ear to slanderers
nor did he do any unjust murder, willingly at least,
nor did he set. his hand to robbing men of money ;
but he did not prove able to do anything at all
against the barbarians, since his relations with
Byzantium were hostile. Against this John, Theo-
dosius, the son of Arcadius, sent a great army and
Aspar and Ardaburius, the son of Aspar, as generals;
and wrested from him the tyranny and gave over the
royal power to Valentinian, who was still a child.
And Valentinian took John alive, and he brought him
out in the hippodrome of Aquileia with one of his
hands cut off and caused him to ride in state on an
ass, and then after he had suffered much ill treatment
from thé stage-performers there, both in word and in
deed, he put him to death. Thus Valentinian took

1 This is an error; he really ruled only eighteen months.

25
VOL. II. B

421 A.D.

426 A.D.

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

a f
κράτος. Ἰϊλακιδία δὲ ἡ αὐτοῦ μήτηρ θηλυνο-
Ν ‘ \ f
μένην παιδείαν τε καὶ τροφὴν! τὸν βασιλέα
A / 3
τοῦτον ἐξέθρεψέ τε καὶ ἐξεπαίδευσε,Σ καὶ ἀπ᾽
a \ 14
αὐτοῦ κακίας ἔμπλεως ἐκ παιδὸς γέγονε. φαρμα-
a a By
κεῦσί τε yap τὰ πολλὰ Kal τοῖς ἐς τὰ ἄστρα
lA a
περιέργοις ὡμίλει, ἔς τε ἀλλοτρίων γυναικῶν
ἔρωτας δαιμονίως ἐσπουδακὼς πολλῇ ἐχρῆτο ἐς
\ n
τὴν δίαιταν παρανομίᾳ, καίπερ γυναικὶ ξυνοικῶν
εὐπρεπεῖ τὴν ὄψιν ἐς ἄγαν οὔσῃ. ταῦτά τοι
td Ὁ ld > 2 ze
οὐδέ TL ἀνεσώσατο τῇ βασιλείᾳ ὧν ἀφήρητο Tpo-
> Ni AN Ud , Ν > Ν
τερον, ἀλλὰ καὶ Λιβύην προσαπώλεσε καὶ AUTOS
ἐφθάρη. καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐτελεύτησε, τῇ τε γυναικὶ
ταῖς τε παισὶ δορυαλώτοις γενέσθαι ξυνέπεσε.
/ NK AES UA 4
γέγονε δὲ ὧδε TO ἐν Λιβύῃ πάθος.
B ,
Στρατηγὼ δύο Ῥωμαίων " ἤστην, ᾿Δέτιός τε καὶ
Βονιφάτιος, καρτερώ τε ὡς * μάλιστα καὶ πολλῶν
r ’ na
πολέμων ἐμπείρω TOV γε κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον
Ie
οὐδενὸς ἧσσον. τούτω τὼ ἄνδρε διαφόρω μὲν τὰ
πολιτικὰ ἐγενέσθην, ἐς τοσοῦτον δὲ μεγαλοψυχίας
τε καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἀρετῆς ἡκέτην ὥστε, εἴ τις
a ε
αὐτοῖν ἑκάτερον ἄνδρα Ῥωμαίων ὕστατον εἴποι,
οὐκ ἂν ἁμάρτοι: οὕτω τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρετὴν ξύμ-
πασαν ἐς τούτω τὼ ἄνδρε ἀποκεκρίσθαι τετύχηκε.
vA Ό
τούτοιν τὸν ἕτερον Βονιφάτιον ἡ Π]λακιδία στρα-
ὡΣ a
τηγὸν ἀπέδειξε Λιβύης ἁπάσης. τοῦτο δὲ ov
/ a ? / 2 ϑ' ὦ / € > _N
βουλομένῳ ἣν ᾿Δετίῳ, ἀλλ ἥκιστά γε ὡς avTOV
οὐκ ἀρέσκει ἐξήνεγκεν. οὔπω γὰρ αὐτοῖν ἡ ἔχθρα
> n ? 50 > bk KS Ni lol , 6 ε I
ἐς φῶς ἐληλύθει, ἀλλ ὑπὸ TO προσώπῳ" EKATEPH

1 θηλυνομένην---τροφὴν V: θηλυνομένη παιδεία τε καὶ τροφὴ P

pr. m. 2 ἐξεπαίδευσε V: ἐπαίδευσε P.
3 ῥωμαίων Vi: ῥωμαῖοι P. 4 ὡς V: és τὰ Pz
5 εἴποι Ῥ: εἴπη Υ. ὁ προσώπων : προσωπείω Ῥ,

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. iii. 9-16

over the power of the West. But Placidia, his mother, -

had reared this emperor and educated him in an
altogether effeminate manner, and in consequence
he was filled with wickedness from childhood. For
he associated mostly with sorcerers and those who
busy themselves with the stars, and, being an
extraordinarily zealous pursuer of love affairs with
other men’s wives, he conducted himself in a most
indecent manner, although he was married to a woman
of exceptional beauty. -And not only was this true,
but he also failed to recover for the empire anything
of what had been wrested from it before, and he
both lost Libya in addition to the territory previously
lost and. was himself destroyed. And when he
perished, it fell to the lot of his wife and his children
to become captives. Now thedisasterin Libya came
about as follows.

There were two Roman generals, Aetius and
Boniface, especially valiant men and in experience
of many wars inferior to none of that time at least.
These two came to be at variance in regard to matters

455 a.D,

of state, but they attained to such a degree of high- _

mindedness and excellence in every respect that if
one should call either of them “the last of the
Romans” he would not err, so true was it that all the
excellent qualities of the Romans were summed up
in these two men. One of these, Boniface, was
appointed by Placidia general of all Libya. Now
this was not in accord with the wishes of Aetius,
but he by no means disclosed the fact that it did not
please him. For their hostility had not as yet come
to light, but was concealed behind the countenance

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἐκρύπτετο. ἐπεὶ δέ of! Βονιφάτιος ἐκποδὼν ἐγε-
γόνει, διέβαλεν αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν ΠΠλακιδίαν ὡς τυραν-
γνοίη, ἀποστερήσας αὐτήν τε καὶ βασιλέα Λιβύης
ἁπάσης, ῥᾷάδιόν τε εἶναι αὐτῇ ἔλεγε τἀληθὲς
ἐξευρεῖν. ἢν yap μεταπέμποιτο Βονιφάτιον ἐς
Ῥώμην, οὐ μή ποτε ἔλθῃ. ἐπεὶ δὲ ταῦτα ἤκουσεν
ἡ γυνή, εὖ τέ οἱ εἰπεῖν ᾿Αέτιος ἔδοξε καὶ κατὰ
ταῦτα ἐποίει. προτερήσας δὲ ᾿Αέτιος ἔγραψε
πρὸς Βονιφάτιον λάθρα ὡς ἐπιβουλεύοι αὐτῷ ἡ
βασιλέως μήτηρ καὶ βούλοιτο αὐτὸν ἐκποδὼν
ποιήσασθαι. καί οἱ τεκμήριον τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς
προηγόρευεν ἔσεσθαι μέγα" ἐξ αἰτίας γὰρ οὐδε-
μιᾶς αὐτίκα μάλα μετάπεμπτος ἔσται. ταῦτα
μὲν ἡ ἐπιστολὴ ἐδήλου. Βονιφάτιος δὲ οὐκ ἀλο-.
γήσας τὰ γεγραμμένα, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα παρῆσαν
of αὐτὸν ws? βασιλέα ἐκάλουν, ἀπεῖπε τὸ μὴ
βασιλεῖ τε καὶ τῇ αὐτοῦ μητρὶ ἐπακούειν, οὐδενὶ
τὴν ᾿Αετίου ὑποθήκην ἐκφήνας. Ἰ]Πλακιδία μὲν
οὖν ὡς ταῦτα ἤκουσεν, ᾿Αέτιόν τε τοῖς βασιλέως
πράγμασιν εὔνουν ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ᾧετο εἶναι καὶ
τὰ ἀπὸ Βονιφατίου ἐν βουλῇ εἶχε. Βονιφάτιος
δὲ (καὶ γάρ οἱ οὔτε βασιλεῖ ἐδόκει ἀντιτάξασθαι
οἵῳ τε εἶναι ἐς Ῥώμην τε ἀπιόντι οὐδεμία σωτηρία
ἐφαίνετο) βουλεύεται ὅπως οἱ, ἢν δύνηται, ὁμαιχ-
μία ἐς τοὺς Βανδίλους ἔσται, οἱ ἐν ᾿ἱσπανίᾳ, ὡς
πρόσθεν εἴρηται, οὐ πόρρω Λιβύης ἱδρύσαντο.
ἔνθα δὴ Γωδίγισκλος μὲν ἐτεθνήκει, διεδέξαντοϑ
δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν οἱ ἐκείνου παῖδες, Γόνθαρις μὲν ἐκ
γυναικὸς αὐτῷ γαμετῆς γεγονώς, Τιζέριχος δὲ

1 ον : 6P. 8 ὡς: ἐς Ῥ,
3 διεδέξαντο V: διεδεξάτην P, διεδεξάσθην Dindorf.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IIL. iii. 16-23

of each. But when Boniface had got out of the
way, Aetius slandered him to Placidia, saying that
he was setting up a tyranny and had robbed her and
the emperor of all Libya, and he said that it was
very easy for her to find out the truth; for if she
should summon Boniface to Rome, he would never
come. And when the woman heard this, Aetius
seemed to her to speak well and she acted accord-
ingly. But Aetius, anticipating her, wrote to Boni-
face secretly that the mother of the emperor was
plotting against him and wished to put him out of ᾿
the way. And he predicted to him that there
would be convincing proof of the plot; for he would
be summoned very shortly for no reason at all.
Such was the announcement of the letter. And
Boniface did not disregard the message, for as soon
as those arrived who were summoning him to the
emperor, he refused to give heed to the emperor and
his mother, disclosing to no one the warning ot
Aetius. So when Placidia heard this, she thought
that Aetius was exceedingly well-disposed towards
the emperor’s cause and took under consideration
the question of Boniface. But Boniface, since it did
not seem to him that he was able to array himself
against the emperor, and since if he returned to
Rome there was clearly no safety for him, began
to lay plans so that, if possible, he might have
a defensive alliance with the Vandals, who, as
previously stated, had established themselves in
Spain not far from Libya. There Godigisclus had
died and the royal power had fallen to his sons,
Gontharis, who was born to him from his wedded
wife, and Gizeric,! of illegitimate birth. But the

1 Geiseric, Gaiseric, less properly Genseric.

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

νόθος. ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν ἔτι" ἣν παῖς καὶ τὸ δρασ-
τήριον οὐ σφόδρα ἔχων, Τιξέρεχος δὲ τά τε
πολέμια ὡς ἄριστα ἐξήσκητο καὶ δεινότατος ἣν
ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων. πέμψας οὖν ἐς Ἱσπανίαν
Βονιφάτιος τοὺς αὑτῷ μάλιστα ἐπιτηδείους ἑ ἑκά-
τερον τῶν Γωδιγίσκλου παίδων ἐπὶ τῇ ἴσῃ καὶ
ὁμοίᾳ προσεποιήσατο, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ αὐτῶν ἕκαστον τὸ
Λιβύης πριτημόριον ἔχοντα τῶν κατ᾽ αὐτὸν
ἄρχειν" ἢν δέ τις ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν τινα ἴοι πολεμήσων,
κοινῇ τοὺς ἐπιόντας ἀμύνασθαι. ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ
ὁμολογίᾳ Βανδίχλοι τὸν ἐν Γαδείροις πορθμὸν δια

βάντες" ἐς Λιβύην ἀφίκοντο καὶ Οὐισίγοτθοι "
τῷ ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ ἐν ‘lomavig ἱδρύσαντο. ἐν δὲ
τῇ Ῥώμῃ οἱ Βονιφατίῳ ἐπιτήδειοι, τοῦ τε τρόπου
ἐνθυμούμενοι τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐκλογιξόμενοί τε
ἡλίκος ὁ παράλογος ἦν, ἐν θαύματι μεγάλῳ ἐποι-
obvTo, εἰ Βονιφάτιος τυραννοίη, τινὲς δὲ αὐτῶν
Πλακιδίας ἐπαγγελλούσης ἐς Καρχηδόνα. ἦλθον.
ἔνθα δὴ Βονιφατίῳ συγγενόμενοι τά τε ᾿Αετίου
γράμματα εἶδον καὶ τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀκούσαντες
ἐς Ῥώμην τε ὡς εἶχον τάχους ἀνέστρεφον καὶ
ὅπως αὐτῇ Βονιφάτιος ἔχοι ἀπήγγελλον. κατα-
πλαγεῖσα δὲ ἡ γυνὴ ᾿Λέτεον μὲν εἰργάσατο οὐδὲν
ἄχαρι οὐδέ τι ὠνείδισεν ὧν αὐτῷ ἐς τὸν βασιλέως
οἶκον ἐπέπρακτο, ἐπεὶ αὐτός τε δυνάμει μεγάλῃ
ἐχρῆτο καὶ τὰ τῆς βασιλείας πράγματα πονηρὰ
ἤδη ἦν: τοῖς δὲ Βονιφατίου φίλοις τήν τε ᾿Αετίου
ὑποθήκην ἔφραξε καὶ πίστεις παρεχομένη καὶ
ὅρκια ἔχρῃξεν αὐτῶν ὅπως τὸν ἄνδρα, ἢ ἢν δύνων-
ται, πείσουσιν5 ἐπανήκειν ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη, οὐ

1 ἔτι Υ : ἔτι τε Ῥ. ? διαβάντες P: διαλαβόντες V.

3 relcovow V: πείσωσιν P,

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. iii. 23-29

former was still a child and not of very energetic
temper, while Gizeric had been excellently trained in
warfare, and was the cleverest of all men. Boniface
accordingly sent to Spain those who were his own most
intimate friends and gained the adherence of each of
the sons of Godigisclus on terms of complete equality,
it being agreed that each one of the three, holding a
third part of Libya, should rule over his own subjects;
but if a foe should come against any one of them to
make war, that they should in common ward off
the aggressors. On the basis of this agreement the
Vandals crossed the strait at Gadira and came into
Libya, and the Visigoths in later times settled in
Spain. But in Rome the friends of Boniface, re-
membering the character of the man and considering
how strange his action was, were greatly astonished
to think that Boniface was setting up a tyranny, and
some of them at the order of Placidia went to
Carthage. There they met Boniface and saw the
letter of Aetius, and after hearing the whole story
they returned to Rome as quickly as they could and
reported to Placidia how Boniface stood in relation
to her. And though the woman was dumbfounded,
she did nothing unpleasant to Aetius nor did she
upbraid him for what he had done to the emperor’s
house, for he himself wielded great power and the
affairs of the empire were already in an evil plight ;
but she disclosed to the friends of Boniface the
advice Aetius had given, and, offering oaths and
pledges of safety, entreated them to persuade the
man, if they could, to return to his fatherland and

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

περιιδόντα b ὑπὸ βαρβάροις κειμένην τὴν Ῥωμαίων
ἀρχήν. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ ὁ ᾿ Βονιφάτιος ἤκουσε ταῦτα, τῆς
τε πράξεως αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς ἐς τοὺς βαρβάρους
ὁμολογίας μετέμελε, καὶ αὐτοὺς ἐλυπάρει μύρια
πάντα ὑποδεχόμενος ἢ ἀπὸ Λιβύης ἀνίστασθαι.
τῶν δὲ οὐκ ἐνδεχομένων τοὺς λόγους, ἀλλὰ περι-
υβρίξεσθαι οἰομένων, ἐς χεῖρας αὐτοῖς ἐλθεῖν
ἠναγκάσθη καὶ ἡσσηθεὶς τῇ μάχῃ ἐς Ἵππονε-
ρέγιον ἀνεχώρησε, πόλιν ὀχυρὰν" ἐν Νουμιδίᾳ
τῇ ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ κειμένην. ἔνθα δὴ οἱ Βανδίλοι
στρατοπεδευσάμενοι Ῥιξερίχου σφίσιν ἡγουμένου
ἐπολιό cou: TP όνθαρις γὰρ ἤδη ἐτεθνήκει. φασὶ
δὲ αὐτὸν πρὸς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ ἀπολέσθαι. Βανδίλοι
δὲ τούτοις οὐχ ὁμολογοῦντες Γόνθαρίν φασιν ἐ ἐν
Ἱσπανίᾳ πρὸς Ῥερμανῶν ξυλληφθέντα ἐν μάχῃ
ἀνασκολοπισθῆναι, καὶ Γιξέριχον ἤδη αὐτοκρά-
Topa. ὄντα Βανδίλοις ἐς Λιβύην ἡγήσασθαι.
ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτω πρὸς Βανδίλων ἀ ἀκήκοα. χρό-
νου δὲ πολλοῦ διελθόντος, ἐπεὶ οὔτε“ βία οὔτε"
ὁμολογίᾳ τὸ Ἱππονερέγιον παραστήσασθαι οἷοί
τε ἦσαν καὶ τῷ λιμῷ ἐπιέζοντο, τὴν προσεδρείαν
διέλυσαν. ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον χρόνῳ Βονιφάτιός
τε καὶ οἱ ἐν Λιβύῃ “Ῥωμαῖοι, ἐπεὶ αὐτοῖς ἔκ τε
“Ῥώμης καὶ Βυζαντίου πολὺς στρατὸς ἦλθε καὶ
στρατηγὸς ἼἌσπαρ, ἀναμαχέσασθαί τε ἠξίουν καὶ
μάχης καρτερᾶς, γενομένης παρὰ πολὺ ἡσσημένοι
τῶν πολεμίων ὅπη ἕκαστος ἐδύναντο ἐς φυγὴν
ὥρμηντο. καὶ ὅ τεΑσπαρ ἐπ᾽ οἴκου ἀπεκομίσθη

ὑποδεχόμενος V: ὑποσχόμενος P.
ἀνεχώρησε Ῥ: amexadpnoe V.
ὀχυράν V: ἐχυράν P.

οὔτε--οὔτε Haury: οὐδέ---οὐδέ MSS.

1
3
8

ἐν

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. iii. 29-36

not to permit the empire of the Romans to lie under
the hand of barbarians. And when Boniface heard
this, he repented of his act and of his agreement
with the barbarians, and he besought them inces-
santly, promising them everything, to remove from
Libya. But since they did not receive his words
with favour, but considered that they were being
insulted, he was compelled to fight with them, and
being defeated in the battle, he retired to Hippo?
Regius, a strong city in the portion of Numidia that
is on the sea. There the Vandals made camp under
the leadership of Gizeric and began a siege; for -
Gontharis had already died. And they say that he
perished at the hand of his brother. The Vandals,
however, do not agree with those who make this
statement, but say that Gontharis was captured in
battle by Germans in Spain and impaled, and that
Gizeric was already sole ruler when he led the
Vandals into Libya. This, indeed, I have heard
from the Vandals, stated in this way. But after
much time had passed by, since they were unable
to secure Hippo Regius either by force or by surrender,
and since at the same time they were being pressed
by hunger, they raised the siege. And a little later
Boniface and the Romans in Libya, since a numerous
army had come from both Rome and Byzantium and
Aspar with them as general, decided to renew the
struggle, and a fierce battle was fought in which
they were badly beaten by the enemy, and they
made haste to flee as each one could. And Aspar
betook himself homeward, and Boniface, coming

1 Now corrupted to Bona. 33

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

4 ἈΝ

καὶ Βονιφάτιος ὡς Ἰ]Πλακιδίαν ἀφικόμενος τὴν

a δ >

ὑποψίαν διέχυεν, ὡς οὐκ ἐξ ἀληθοῦς αἰτίας és
αὐτὸν γένοιτο.

Τὴν μὲν δὴ Λιβύην οὕτω Βανδίλοι Ῥωμαίους
ἀφελόμενοι ἔσχον. τῶν δὲ πολεμίων ods λάβοιεν
ζῶντας ἐν ἀνδραπόδων ποιούμενοι μοίρᾳ! ἐν φυ-
λακῇ εἶχον. ἐν τούτοις δὲ καὶ Μαρκιανὸν ξυνέ-
πεσεν εἶναι, ὃς ὕστερον τελευτήσαντος Θεοδοσίου
τὴν βασιλείαν παρέλαβε. τότε μέντοι Τιζέριχος
ἐν τῇ βασιλέως αὐλῇ παρεῖναι τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους
ἐκέλευεν, ὅπως οἱ εἰδέναι σκοπουμένῳ ἐξῇ ὅτῳ ἂν
δεσπότῃ αὐτῶν ἕκαστος οὐκ ἀπὸ τῆς αὑτοῦ ἀξίας
δουλεύοι. καὶ ἐπειδὴ ξυνελέγησαν αἴθριοι, ἀμφὶ
ἡμέραν μέσην ὥρᾳ θέρους ἀχθόμενοι τῷ ἡλίῳ
ἐκάθηντο. ἐν αὐτοῖς δὲ καὶ Μαρκιανὸς ὅπου δὴ
ἀπημελημένως ἐκάθευδε. καί τις αὐτοῦ ἀετὸς
ὑπερίπτατο, τὰ πτερά, ὡς λέγουσι, διαπετάσας,
90 ἢ / 2 “Ὁ > lol n 3» Ψ» /
ἀεί τε μένων ἐν TH αὐτῇ τοῦ ἀέρος χώρᾳ μόνον
τὸν Μαρκιανὸν ἐπεσκίαζεν.. ἐκ δὲ τῶν ὑπερῴων
τὸ ποιούμενον ἰδὼν Γιζέριχος, ἀγχίνους τις dv
μάλιστα, θεῖόν τε εἶναι τὸ πρῶγμα ὑπώπτευσε
καὶ τὸν ἄνθρωπον μεταπεμψάμενος ἐπυνθάνετο
αὐτοῦ ὅστις ποτὲ εἴη. ὁ δὲ τῶν ἀπορρήτων
Λσπαρι ἔφη κοινωνὸς εἶναι" δομέστικον δὲ τοῦ-
Tov τῇ σφετέρᾳ γλώσσῃ καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι.

fa] ὔ A
8 ταῦτα Tvlepiyw ἀκούσαντι καὶ ξυμβαλλομένῳ

1 ἐν---μοίρα Υ : ἐς-- μοῖραν P.
2 ὑπώπτευσε Maltretus: ὑπόπτευσε MS,
8 ὅστις Maltretus: ὥς τις MS

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. iii. 36-iv. 8

before Placidia, acquitted himself of the suspicion,
showing that it had arisen against him for no true
cause.

So the Vandals, having wrested Libya from the
Romans in this way, made it their own. And those
of the enemy whom they took alive they reduced to
Slavery and held under guard. Among these
happened to be Marcian, who later upon the death
of Theodosius assumed the imperial power. At that
time, however, Gizeric commanded that the captives
be brought into the king’s courtyard, in order that
it might be possible for him, by looking at them, to
know what master each of them might serve with-
out degradation. And when they were gathered
under the open sky, about midday, the season being
summer, they were distressed by the sun and sat
down. And somewhere or other among them
Marcian, quite neglected, was sleeping. Then an
eagle flew over him spreading out his wings, as they
say, and always remaining in the same place in the air
he cast a shadow over Marcian alone. And Gizeric,
upon seeing from the upper storey what was happen-
ing, since he was an exceedingly discerning person,
suspected that the thing was a divine manifestation,
and summoning the man enquired of him who he
might be. And he replied that he was a confidential
adviser of Aspar; such a person the Romans call a
« domesticus” in their own tongue. And when
Gizeric heard this and considered first the meaning

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

μὲν τὸ τοῦ ὄρνιθος ἔργον, τὴν δὲ ΓΑσπαρος δύναμιν
ἐν νῷ ἔχοντι ὅσῃ ἐν Βυζαντίῳ ἐχρῆτο, καταφανὲς
ἐγίνετο ὡς εἰς βασιλείαν ὁϊ ἀνὴρ ἄγοιτο.
9 κτεῖναι μὲν οὖν αὐτὸν ἥκιστα ἐδικαίου, ἐκλογιζό-
μενος ὡς, ἢν μὲν ἐξ ἀνθρώπων αὐτὸν ἀφανίζῃ,
εὔδηλον ἔσται ὡς οὐδὲν ἂν τὸ τῷ ὄρνιθι ποιηθὲν
εἴη (οὐ γὰρ βασιλέα τῇ σκιᾷ θεραπεύοι, ὅς γε
αὐτίκα δὴ ἀπολεῖσθαι. ἔμελλε), λόγῳ τε αὐτὸν
οὐδενὶ κτείνοι" ἢν δέ γε χρῆν ἐν τῷ ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ
βασιλεῦσαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον, οὐ μήποτέ οἱ θανάτῳ
καταληπτὸς ἔσται" τὰ γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ. ἐς βουλὴν
ἥκοντα οὐκ ἂν δύναιτο ἀνθρώπου γνώμῃ κωλυτὰ

10 εἶναι. ὅρκοις δὲ αὐτὸν καταλαμβάνει ὡς, ἢν ἐπ᾽
αὐτῷ ἔσται, οὔποτε πρός ye Βανδίλους ἐν ὅπλοις
γένηται. οὕτω δὴ Μαρκιανὸς ἀφειμένος ἐς Βυ-
ζάντιον ἀφίκετο καὶ Θεοδοσίου χρόνῳ ὕστερον

11 τελευτήσαντος ἐδέξατο τὴν βασιλείαν. καὶ τὰ
μὲν ἄλλα ξύμπαντα βασιλεὺς ἐγεγόνει ἀγαθός,
τὰ δὲ ἀμφὶ Λιβύην ἐν οὐδενὶ ἐποιήσατο λόγῳ.
ἀλλὰ ταῦτα" μὲν ἐν τῷ ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ ἐγένετο.

12. Γι ξέριχος δὲ τότε “Ασπαρά τε καὶ Βονιφάτιον
μάχῃ νικήσας πρόνοιάν τε ἐπιδειξάμενος ἀφηγή-
σεως ἀξίαν, τὴν εὐτυχίαν ὡς μάλιστα ἐκρατύνατο.

13 δείσας γάρ, ἢν καὶ αὖθις ἔκ τε Ῥώμης καὶ Βυξαν-
τίου στρατὸς ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἴοι, μὴ οὐχ οἷοί τε How οἱ
Βανδίλοι τῇ τε ῥώμῃ καὶ τῇ τύχῃ ὁμοίᾳ χρῆσθαι,
ἐπεὶ τὰ ἀνθρώπεια τοῖς τε θείοις σφάλλεσθαι καὶ
τοῖς σώμασι φιλεῖ ἐχλασσοῦσθαι, οὐχ οἷς εὐημέρη-
σεν ἐπηρμένος, ἀλλ᾽ οἷς ἔδεισε μέτριος γεγονώς,

leis βασιλείαν ὁ added by Haury, from Theophanes i.

104, 29.
3 ταῦτα Maltretus: ταύτη MS.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. iv. 8-13

of the bird’s action, and then remembered how
great power Aspar exercised in Byzantium, it became
evident to him that. the man was being led to royal
power. He therefore by no means deemed it right
to kill him, reasoning that, if he should remove him

from the world, it would be very clear that the thing ©

which the bird had done was nothing (for he would
not honour with his shadow a king who was about to
die straightway), and he felt, too, that he would be
killing him for no good cause ; and if, on the other
hand, it was fated that in later times the man should
become king, it would never be within his power to
inflict death upon him; for that which has been

decided upon by God could never be prevented by a

man’s decision. But he bound Marcian by oaths that,
if it should be in his power, he would never take up
arms against the Vandals at least. Thus, then,
Marcian was released and came to Byzantium, and
when at a later time Theodosius died he received the
empire. And in all other respects he proved himself
a good emperor, but he paid no attention at all to
affairs in Libya. But this happened in later times.
At that time Gizeric, after conquering Aspar and
Boniface in battle, displayed a foresight worth
recounting, whereby he made his good fortune most
thoroughly secure. For fearing lest, if once again
an army should come against him from both Rome
and Byzantium, the Vandals might not be able to
use the same strength and enjoy the same fortune,
(since human affairs are wont to be overturned by
Heaven and to fail by reason of the weakness of
men’s bodies), he was not lifted up by the good for-
tune he had enjoyed, but rather became moderate
because of what he feared, and so he made a treaty

450 A.D.

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

σπονδὰς πρὸς Bacthéa Βαλεντινιανὸν ποιεῖται
ἐφ᾽ ᾧ ἐς ἕκαστον ἔτος δασμοὺς ἐκ Λιβύης βασιλεῖ
φέρειν, ἕνα te τῶν παίδων “Ονώριχον ἐν ὁμήρου
μοίρᾳ ἐπὶ ταύτῃ δὴ. τῇ ὁμολογίᾳ παρέδωκε.
Γιζέριχος μὲν οὖν ἔν τε τῇ μάχῃ ἐγένετο ἀνὴρ
ἀγαθὸς καὶ τὴν νίκην ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα διεφύλαξε
καὶ “Ονώριχον τὸν παῖδα τῆς φιλίας αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ
μέγα χωρούσης ἀπέλαβεν. ἐν δὲ δὴ Ῥώμῃ Πλα-
κιδία μὲν πρότερον ἐτελεύτα, ἔπειτα δὲ Βαλεντιν-
ιανὸς ὁ ταύτης υἱός, ἄπαις ἀρσενογόνου, θυγατέρε
μέντοι αὐτῷ δύο ἐξ Evdokias τῆς Θεοδοσίου
παιδὸς ἐγενέσθην. ὅτῳ δὲ τρόπῳ Βαλεντινιανὸς
ἐτελεύτα, λέξων ἔρχομαι.

Μάξιμός τις ἣν ἐκ γερουσίας ἀνὴρ Ῥωμαῖος, ἐκ
τῆς ἐκείνου Μαξίμου οἰκίας ὃν 61 πρεσβύτερος
Θεοδόσιος τυραννοῦντα καθελὼν ἔκτεινεν: ὑπὲρ
οὗ δὴ καὶ τὴν ἐνιαύσιον ἑορτὴν ἄγουσι Ῥωμαῖοι
τῆς τοῦ Μαξίμου ἥσσης ἐπώνυμον. οὗτος ὁ
νεώτερος Μάξιμος γυναικὶ ξυνῴκει σώφρονί τε
τὸν τρόπον καὶ τὸ κάλλος διαβοήτῳ ἐς ἄγαν οὔσῃ.
διὸ δὴ αὐτῇ ἐς κοίτην ἐλθεῖν Βαλεντινιανῷ τις 5
ἐπιθυμία ἐγένετο. καὶ ἐπεὶ βουλομένῳ αὐτῇ
ξυγγενέσθαι ἀμήχανα ἦν, ἐβούλευσέ τε ἀνόσια
ἔργα καὶ ἐπιτελῆ ταῦτα ἐποίησε. μεταπεμψά-
μενος γὰρ τὸν Μάξιμον ἐς παλάτιον ξὺν αὐτῷ
ἐς τὸ πεττεύειν καθίστατο, καὶ χρυσίον ῥητὸν
ἐτέτακτο ἡ ζημία τῷ ἡσσηθέντι: νενικηκὼς δὲ ὁ
βασιλεὺς ἐν τούτῳ τῷ ἔργῳ καὶ τὸν Μαξίμου
δακτύλιον ἐνέχυρον τῷ ξυγκειμένῳ κεκομισμένος
ἐς τὴν ἐκείνου οἰκίαν πέμπει, εἰπεῖν ἐπιστείλας

1 ὁ added by Herwerden. ἼΩΝ,
2 τις MSS. : δεινή τις Herwerden, cf. ἐξαισία τις vii. 31, 2.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. iv. 13-20

with the Emperor Valentinian providing that each
year he should pay to the emperor tribute from
Libya, and he delivered over one of his sons,
Honoric, as a hostage to make this agreement
binding. So Gizeric both showed himself a brave
man in the battle and guarded the victory as securely
as possible, and, since the friendship between the
two peoples increased greatly, he received back his
son Honoric. And at Rome Placidia had died before
this time, and after her, Valentinian, her son, also
died, having no male offspring, but two daughters
had been born to him from Eudoxia, the child of
Theodosius. And I shall now relate in what manner
Valentinian died.

There was a certain Maximus, a Roman senator, of
the house of that Maximus! who, while usurping the
imperial power, was overthrown by the elder Theo-
dosius and put to death, and on whose account also
the Romans celebrate the annual festival named from
the defeat of Maximus. This younger Maximus
was married to a woman discreet in her ways and
exceedingly famous for her beauty. For this reason
a desire came over Valentinian to have her to wife.
And since it was impossible, much as he wished it,
to meet her, he plotted an unholy deed and carried
it to fulfilment. For he summoned Maximus to the |
palace and sat down with him to a game of draughts,
and a certain sum was set as a penalty for the loser ;
and the emperor won in this game, and receiving
Maximus’ ring as a pledge for the agreed amount, he
sent it to his house, instructing the messenger to

1 Emperor in Gaul, Britain and Spain 383-388. acre
to be Emperor of the West, he invaded Italy, was defeate

by Theodosius, and put to death.
39

26.

τ PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

? x
τῇ γυναικὶ ὅτι δὴ αὐτὴν κελεύει Μάξιμος ὡς
’ >
τάχιστα ἐς παλάτιον ἥκειν τὴν βασιλίδα Ev-
. \ \ \ , a
δοξίαν ἀσπασομένην. καὶ ἡ μὲν τὸν λόγον TO
A ,ὔ aA
δακτυλίῳ τεκμηραμένη Μαξίμου εἶναι ἐσβᾶσα
εἰς τὸ φορεῖον κομίζεται ἐς τὴν βασιλέως αὐλήν.
f \ 3 \ \ [4 3 Δ e
χαβόντες δὲ αὐτὴν οἷς δὴ αὕτη ἐκ βασιλέως ἡ
ὑπουργία ἐπέκειτο, εἰσάγουσιν εἴς τι δωμάτιον
o \ ae
τῆς γυναικωνίτιδος μακρὰν ἄποθεν, οὗ δὴ αὐτῇ ὁ
Βαλεντινιανὸς ἐντυχὼν οὔτι ἑκουσίαν βιάζεται.
ἡ δὲ μετὰ τὴν ὕβριν ἐς τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τὴν οἰκίαν
ἐχθοῦσα δεδακρυμένη τε καὶ τῇ συμφορᾷ ὡς
” 4 a 1 \ oe a
ἔνι. μάλιστα περιαλγοῦσα' πολλᾶς ἐπέβαλε TO
Μαξίμῳ ἀράς, ἅτε τοῖς πεπραγμένοις τὴν αἰτίαν
παρασχομένῳ. περιώδυνος τοίνυν ὁ Μάξιμος
a a id ’
τοῖς ξυμπεσοῦσι γενόμενος αὐτίκα μὲν eis ἐπι-
βουλὴν τοῦ βασιλέως καθίστατο ὡς δὲ τὸν
? , er , ὃ ΄ ὰ } >
Αέτιον ἑώρα μέγα δυνάμενον, ὃς καὶ ᾿Αττίλαν
ἄρτι ἐνενικήκει στρατῷ μεγάλῳ Μασσαγετῶν τε
n , a
Kal TOV ἄλλων Σκυθῶν ἐς τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν
> , 22 θύ / f° HG [2 <9 4 >
ἐσβαλόντα," ἐνθύμιόν οἱ ἐγένετο ὥς οἱ ᾿Αέτιος és
ψ a
τὰ πρασσόμενα ἐμπόδιος ἔσται. ταῦτά τε δια-
x 4 ἔδ “4 οἷ 3 , 3 N
νοουμένῳ ἄμεινον ἔδοξεν εἶναι τὸν ᾿Αέτιον ἐκποδὼν
ποιήσασθαι πρότερον, οὐδὲν ποιησαμένῳ ὅτι ἐς
αὐτὸν περιέστηκε πᾶσα ἡ Ῥωμαίων ἐλπίς. τῶν
δὲ ἀμφὶ τὴν βασιλέως θεραπείαν εὐνούχων edvoi-
κῶς οἱ ἐχόντων, ἀνέπεισε ταῖς αὐτῶν μηχαναῖς
βασιλέα ὡς νεωτέροις πράγμασιν ἐγχειροίη
> / \ δ Ν > \ [4 \
Aérios. Βαλεντινιανὸς δὲ ἄλλῳ οὐδενὶ ὅτε μὴ
n ye
τῇ ᾿Δετίου δυνάμει τε Kal ἀρετῇ τεκμηριώσας τὸν
λόγον ὑγιᾶ εἶναι κτείνει τὸν ἄνδρα. ὅτε δὴ καὶ
1 περιαλγοῦσα V : συναλγοῦσα P.
2 ξσβαλόντα Haury: ἐσβαλόντι V, ἐσβάλλόντων P.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. iv. 20-28

tell the wife of Maximus that her husband bade her
come as quickly as possible to the palace to salute
the queen Eudoxia.. And she, judging by the ring
that the message was from Maximus, entered her
litter and was conveyed to the emperor’s court.
And she was received by those who had been
assigned this service by the emperor, and led into a
certain room far removed from the women’s apart-
ments, where Valentinian met her and forced her,
much against her will. -And she, after the outrage,
went to her husband’s house weeping and feeling the
deepest possible grief because of her misfortune, and
she cast many curses upon Maximus as having pro-
vided the cause for what had been done. Maximus,
accordingly, became exceedingly aggrieved at that
which had come to pass, and straightway entered
into a conspiracy against the emperor; but when he
saw that Aetius was exceedingly powerful, for he
had recently conquered Attila, who had invaded the
Roman domain with a great army of Massagetae and
the other Scythians, the thought occurred to him
that Aetius would be in the way of his undertaking.
And upon considering this matter, it seemed to him
that it was the better course to put Aetius out of
the way first, paying no heed to the fact that the
whole hope of the Romans centred in him. And
since the eunuchs who were in attendance upon the
emperor were well-disposed toward him, he persuaded
the emperor by their devices that Aetius was setting
on foot a revolution. And Valentinian, judging by
nothing else than the power and valour of Aetius
that the report was true, put the man to death.
Whereupon a certain Roman made himself famous

Sept. 21,
454 A.D,

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Ῥωμαίων τις ἔπος εἰπὼν ηὐδοκίμησεν. ἐρομένου
γὰρ αὐτὸν βασιλέως εἴ οἱ καλῶς ὁ τοῦ ᾿Δετίου
θάνατος ἐργασθείη, ἀπεκρίνατο λέγων οὐκ ἔχειν
μὲν εἰδέναι τοῦτο εἴτε εὖ εἴτε πη ἄλλῃ αὐτῷ
εἴργασται, ἐκεῖνο μέντοι ὡς ἄριστα ἐξεπίστασθαι,
ὅτι αὑτοῦ τὴν δεξιὰν τῇ ἑτέρᾳ χειρὺ ἀποτεμὼν εἴη.

᾿Αετίου γοῦν τελευτήσαντος ᾿Αττίλας, οὐδενός
οἱ ἀντιπάλου ὄντος, Εὐρώπην τε ξύμπασαν πόνῳ
οὐδενὶ ἐληίξετο καὶ βασιλείαν ἑκατέραν ἐπακού-
ουσαν ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν ἔσχε. “δασμοὶ “γὰρ
αὐτῷ πρὸς τῶν βασιλέων ἐπέμποντο & ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος.
τότε τῷ ᾿Αττίλᾳ πόλιν ᾿Ακυληίαν πολιορκοῦντι
μεγάλην. τε καὶ ἀτεχνῶς πολυάνθρωπον, παρ-
αλίαν μέν, ἐκτὸς δὲ κόλπου τοῦ ᾿Ιονίου οὗσαν,
τοιόνδε φασὶν εὐτύχημα ξυνενεχθῆναι. λέγουσι
γὰρ αὐτόν, ἐπειδὴ οὔτε βίᾳ οὔτε τῳ ἄχλῳ τρόπῳ
οἷός τε ἣν τὸ χωρίον ἑλεῖν, πρός τε τὴν προσε-
δρείαν a ἀπειπεῖν, ἤδη ἐπὶ μακρότατον γεγενημένην,
καὶ ἅπαν κελεῦσαι τὸ στράτευμα τὰ ἐς τὴν
ἀναχώρησιν ἐν παρασκευῇ αὐτίκα 51) μάλα ποιή-
σασθαι, ὅπως δὴ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ἐνθένδε “ἅπαντες
ἐξανιστῶνται ὁ ἅμα ἡλίῳ ἀνίσχοντι. ἡμέρᾳ δὲ τῇ
ἐπιυγινομένῃ ἀμφὶ ἡλίου ἀνατολὰς λύσαντας μὲν
τὴν προσεδρείαν τοὺς βαρβάρους τῆς ἀφόδου.
ἔχεσθαι ἤδη, ὃ ἕνα δὲ πελαργὸν ἐπὶ πύργου τενὸς
τοῦ τῆς πόλεως περιβόλου καλιάν τε ἔχοντα καὶ
νεοττοὺς τρέφοντα “ ἐνθένδε ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ξὺν
τοῖς τέκνοις ἐξαναστῆναι. καὶ τὸν μὲν πατέρα
πελαργὸν ἵπτασθαι, τοὺς δὲ πελαργιδεῖς, ἅτε
οὔπω ἐκπετησίμους παντάπασιν ὄντας, τὰ “μὲν
αὐτῷ μετέχειν τῆς πτήσεως, τὰ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ νώτου

1 ἀφόδου Ῥ : ἐφόδου V. 3 τρέφοντα P: φέροντα.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IIL iv. 28-33

by a saying which he uttered. For when the
emperor enquired of him whether he had done well
in putting Aetius to death, he replied saying that,
as to this matter, he was not able to know whether
he had done well or perhaps otherwise, but one
thing he understood exceedingly well, that he had
cut off his own right hand with the other.

So after the death of Aetius,! Attila, since no one
was a match for him, plundered all Europe with no ἡ
trouble and made both emperors subservient and
tributary to himself. For tribute money was sent to
him every year by the emperors. At that time,
while Attila was besieging Aquileia, a city of great
size and exceedingly populous situated near the
sea and above the Ionian Gulf, they say that. the
following good fortune befell him. For they tell
the story that, when he was able to capture the
place neither by force nor by any other means,
he gave up the siege in despair, since it had
already lasted a long time, and commanded the
whole army without any delay to make their
preparations for the departure, in order that on
the morrow all might move from there at sunrise.
And the following day about sunrise, the barbarians
had raised the siege and were already beginning
the departure, when a single male stork which
had a nest on a certain tower of the city wall
and was rearing his nestlings there suddenly rose
and left the place with his young. And the father
stork was flying, but the little storks, since they
were not yet quite ready to fly, were at times
sharing their father’s flight and at times riding

1 This is an error, for Attila died before Aetius.
43

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

τοῦ πατρὸς φέρεσθαι, οὕτω τε ἀποπτάντας τῆς
πόλεως ἑκαστάτω γενέσθαι. ὃ δὴ ᾿Αττίλαν
κατιδόντα (ἦν γὰρ δεινότατος ξυνεῖναί τε καὶ
ξυμβαλεῖν ἅπαντα) κελεῦσαι τὸν στρατὸν αὖθις
ἐν χώρῳ τῷ αὐτῷ μένειν, ἐπειπόντα οὐκ ἄν ποτε
εἰκῆ ἐνθένδε ἀποπτάντα ξὺν τοῖς νεοττοῖς τὸν
ὄρνιν οἴχεσθαι, εἰ μή TL ἐμαντεύετο φλαῦρον οὐκ
εἰς μακρὰν τῷ χωρίῳ ξυμβήσεσθαι. οὕτω μὲν
τὸ τῶν βαρβάρων στρατόπεδον αὖθις ἐς τὴν
πολιορκίαν καταστῆναί, φασι, τοῦ δὲ περιβόλου
μοῖράν τινα οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐκείνην ἣ τὴν τοῦ
ὄρνιθος τούτου καλιὰν εἶχεν, ἀπ᾽ οὐδεμιᾶς αἰτίας
ἐξαπιναίως καταπεσεῖν καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ταύτῃ
ἐσιτητὰ ἐς τὴν πόλιν γενέσθαι, οὕτω τε τὴν
᾿Ακυληίαν κατὰ κράτος ἁλῶναι. τὰ μὲν οὖν
ἀμφὶ τῇ ᾿Ακυληίᾳ ταύτῃ πη ἔσχεν.

Ὕστερον δὲ καὶ βασιλέα οὐδενὶ πόνῳ ἔκτεινε
Μάξιμος καὶ τὴν τυραννίδα ἔσχε, τῇ τε ᾿Εὐδοξίᾳ
ξυγγέγονε βίᾳ. γυνὴ γὰρ ἥπερ αὐτῷ ξυνῴκει
τετελευτήκει οὐ πολλῷ πρότερον. καί ποτε αὐτῇ
ἐν τῇ κοίτῃ προσέφερε λόγον ὡς τοῦ αὐτῆς ἔρωτος
εἵνεκα πάντα εἴη διαπεπραγμένος ἃ εἴργαστο.
τήν τε Εὐδοξίαν ἀχθομένην. Μαξίμῳ καὶ πρό-
τερον τίσασθαί τε αὐτὸν τῆς ἐς Βαλεντινιανὸν
ἀδικίας ἐπιθυμοῦσαν ἔτι 3 μᾶλλον εἰς αὐτὸν
οἰδαίνειν ὁ (i) λόγος ἐποίησεν, ἔς τε “τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν
ἐνῆγεν, ἐπεὶ τῷ ἀνδρὶ αὐτῆς ἕνεκα ξυμβῆναι
τὴν συμφορὰν Μαξίμου “λέγοντος ἤκουσε. καὶ
ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα ἡμέρα ἐγένετο, πέμπει ἐς Καρχη-

1 ξυνεῖναί Υ͂ : ξυνιδεῖν P.

2 δὲ after ἔτι deleted by Haury.
5 ἐνῆγεν Haury : ἐνῆκεν MSS.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IIL. iv. 33-38

upon his back, and thus they flew off and went
far away from the city. And when Attila saw this
(for he was most clever at comprehending and
interpreting 411 things), he commanded the army,
they say, to remain still in the same place, adding
that the bird would never have gone flying off at
random from there with his nestlings, unless he
was prophesying that some evil would come to the
place at no distant time. Thus, they say, the
army of the barbarians settled down to the siege
once more, and not long after that a portion of
the wall—the very part which held the nest of that
bird—for no apparent reason suddenly fell down,
and it became possible for the enemy to enter the
city at that point, and thus Aquileia was captured
by storm. Such is the story touching Aquileia.
Later on Maximus slew the emperor with no
trouble and secured the tyranny, and he married
Eudoxia by force. For the wife to whom he had
been wedded had died not long before. And on
one occasion in private he made the statement to
Eudoxia that it was all for the sake of her love
that he had carried out all that he had done. And
since she felt a repulsion for Maximus even before
that time, and had been desirous of exacting
vengeance from him for the wrong done Valentinian,
his words made her swell with rage still more
against him, and led her on to carry out her plot,
since she had heard Maximus say that on account
of her the misfortune had befallen her husband.
And as soon as day came, she sent to Carthage

455 a.D.

-PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Sova δεομένη Ριζερίχου τιμωρεῖν Βαλεντινιανῷ
ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς ἀ ἀνοσίου διαφθαρέντι, αὐτοῦ τε ἀναξίως
καὶ τῆς βασιλείας, καὶ αὐτὴν ῥύεσθαι πάσχουσαν
πρὸς τοῦ τυράννου ἀνόσια. ἐπέσκηπτε δὲ ὡς
pido: Te Kal ξυμμάχῳ ὄντι Γιξερίχῳ καὶ τηλικ-
οὔδεϊ πάθους és? οἶκον τὸν βασιλέως ξυμβάντος
τὸ μὴ οὐχὶ τιμωρῷ γενέσθαι οὐχ ὅσιόν ἐστιν.
ἐκ Βυζαντίου γὰρ τιμωρίαν οὐδεμίαν ῴετο
” fe δ .

ἔσεσθαι, Θεοδοσίου μὲν ἤδη ἐξ ἀνθρώπων
᾽ / “ \ \ ,
ἀφανισθέντος, Mapxiavod δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν
παραλαβόντος.

Γιξέριχος δὲ δι’ ἄλλο μὲν οὐδέν, ὅτε δὲ αὐτῷ
χρήματα μεγάλα ἔσεσθαι ὑπετόπαζε, στόλῳ
πολλῷ ἐς Ἰταλίαν κατέπλευσεν. ἀναβὰς δὲ ἐς
Ῥώμην, ἐπεὶ οὐδείς οἱ ἐμποδὼν ἕστηκε, τῶν

Ψ 9 ΄ tA \ Φ 8 ,ὔ
βασιλείων ἐκράτησε. Μάξιμον μὲν οὖν 8 φεύ-
γοντα Ῥωμαῖοι λίθοις βαλόντες * διέφθειραν, καὶ
τήν τε κεφαλὴν τῶν τε ἄλλων μελῶν ἕκαστον
ἀποτεμόμενοι διείλοντο σφίσι. Ῥιξέριχος͵ δὲ τήν
τε Evdogiay ἅμα Εὐδοκίᾳ τε καὶ Πλακιδίᾳ, ταῖς
αὐτῆς τε καὶ Βαλεντινιανοῦ “παισίν, αἰχμά-
λωτον εἷλε, χρυσοῦ τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων βασι-
λέως κτημάτων πολύ τι χρῆμα ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν
3 ΄ 3, t yy », a »
ἐνθέμενος ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἔπλει, οὔτε χαλκοῦ οὔτε
ἄλλου ὁτουοῦν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις φεισάμενος.
ΝΣ \ \ \ a \ a ?
ἐσύλησε δὲ καὶ τὸν τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Καπιτωλίου

1 τηλικοῦδε : τηλικούτου δὲ VP. 2 ἐς οῃ. VO.
3 μὲν οὖν VP: δὲ αὖ Ο.
4 βαλόντες P: λαβόντες V, βάλλοντες Ο.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. iv. 38-v. 4

entreating Gizeric to avenge Valentinian, who had
been destroyed by an unholy man, in a manner
unworthy both of himself and of his imperial station,
and to deliver her, since she was suffering unholy
treatment at the hand of the tyrant. And she im-
pressed it upon Gizeric that, since he was a friend
and ally and so great a calamity had befallen the
imperial house, it was not a holy thing to fail to be-
come an avenger. For from Byzantium she thought
no vengeance would come, since Theodosius had
already departed from the world and Marcian had
taken over the empire.

Anp Gizeric, for no other reason than that he
suspected that much money would come to him, set
sail for Italy with a great fleet. And going up to
Rome, since no one stood in his way, he took
possession of the palace. Now while Maximus was
trying to flee, the Romans threw stones at him and
killed him, and they cut off his head and each of his
other members and divided them among themselves.
But Gizeric took Eudoxia captive, together with
Eudocia and Placidia, the children of herself and
Valentinian, and placing an exceedingly great amount
of gold and other imperial treasure ὦ in his ships sailed
to Carthage, having spared neither bronze nor
anything else whatsoever in the palace. He plun-
dered also the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, and

1 Including the famous treasure which Titus had brought

from Jerusalem, cf. IV. ix. 5.
47

Mar. 17,
455 A.D.

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Ν ὶ a re \ δὲ ih > in a
νεὼν καὶ τοῦ τέγους THY ἡμίσειαν ἀφείλετο μοῖραν.
τοῦτο δὲ τὸ τέγος χαλκοῦ μὲν τοῦ ἀρίστου
ἐτύγχανεν ὄν, χρυσοῦ δὲ αὐτῷ ὑπερχυθέντος
ἁδροῦ ὡς μάλιστα μεγαλοπρεπές τε καὶ θαύματος

ροῦ ὡς μ μεγ
πολλοῦ ἄξιον διεφαίνετο. τῶν δὲ μετὰ Γιζερίχου
νεῶν μίαν μέν, ἣ τὴς εὐπαρ ἐξέ ε fe
> ᾿ i Ὁ a A -. ” ΞΡ ᾿ ,
ἀπολέσθαι, πάσαις δὲ ταῖς ἄλλαις οἱ Βανδίλοι
ἐς τὸν Καρχηδόνος λιμένα κατῆραν. Ἑὐδοκίαν
μὲν οὖν" Τιζέριυχος “Ονωρίχῳ τῷ τῶν παίδων

, ΟΝ δὲ ἘΝ ee 2 Nal
oe AR oe τὴν i 7 le (av pb
ap ξυνῴκει ᾿Ολυβρίῳ, τῶν ἐν βουλῇ τῇ Ῥωμαίων
* ρ ἘΠ ie ρ i Ἢ E33 7 Ὥ ᾿ μ
οκιμωτάτῳ) ἅμα τῇ μητρὶ Eve οξίᾳ, ἐξαιτησα-
μένου βασιλέως, ἐς Βυζάντιον ἔπεμψεν. ἤδη δὲ
τὸ τῶν ἑῴων κράτος ἐς Λέοντα περιεστήκει,
ἼΑσπαρος ἐς τοῦτο αὐτὸν καταστησαμένου,3
> \ Ας 2 3 ’ 2 ΄
ἐπειδὴ Μαρκιανὸς ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀπήλλακτο.

Ὕστερον δὲ Tuképuxos ἐπενόει τοιάδε. τῶν
ἐν Λιβύῃ πόλεων, πλὴν Καρχηδόνος, τὰ τείχη
καθεῖλεν, ὡς ἂν μήτε αὐτοὶ Λίβυες τὰ Ῥωμαίων
ἑλόμενοι ἔκ τε ἐχυροῦ ὁρμᾶσθαι καὶ νεωτερίζειν
. Lal
ἱκανοὶ elev μήτε τοῖς ἐκ βασιλέως στελλομένοις

i? yy
ἐν ἐλπίδι ἔσται ὡς καὶ πόλιν καταλήψονται
καὶ φρουρὰν ἐν αὐτῇ ποιησάμενοι πράγματα
Βανδίλ, Ξ Aah τὸ ἐν οὖν εὖ τε ἔδ
ανδίλοις παρέξονται. τότε μὲν οὖν εὖ τε ἔδοξε

βεβουλεῦσθαιδ καὶ τὴν εὐημερίαν Βανδίλοις
ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα διασώσασθαι, χρόνῳ δὲ τῷ
€ ,ὔ Ὁ A > / i eat x
ὑστέρῳ, ὅτε δὴ ἀτείχιστοι οὖσαι ῥᾷόν τε καὶ
ἀπονώτερον πρὸς Βελισαρίου αἱ πόλεις αὗται
ἡλίσκοντο, πολύν τε γέλωτα ἤδη Τιζέριχος ὦφλε

1 οὗν VP: εὖ . 2 ξυνώκισε O: ξυνώκησε VP.

® κματαστησαμένου VP: ἀποκαταστησαμένου O,

* παρέξονται Dindorf: παρέξωνται MSS.
ὃ βεβουλεῦσθαι VO: βουλεύεσθαι P.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. v. 4-9

tore off half of the roof. Now this roof was of
bronze of the finest quality, and since gold was laid
over it exceedingly thick, it shone as a magnificent
and wonderful spectacle.1 But of the ships with
Gizeric, one, which was bearing the statues, was lost,
they say, but with all the others the Vandals reached
port in the harbour of Carthage. Gizeric then married
Eudocia to Honoric, the elder of his sons; but the
other of the two women, being the wife of Olybrius,
a most distinguished man in the Roman senate, he
sent to Byzantium together with her mother, Eudoxia,
at the request of the emperor. Now the power of
the East had by now fallen to Leon, who had been
set in this position by Aspar, since Marcian had
already passed from the world.

Afterwards Gizeric devised the following scheme.
He tore down the walls of all the cities in Libya
except Carthage, so that neither the Libyans them-
selves, espousing the cause of the Romans, might
have a strong base from which to begin a rebellion,
nor those sent by the emperor have any ground
for hoping to capture a city and by establishing a
garrison in it to make trouble for the Vandals. Now
at that time it seemed that he had counselled
well and had ensured prosperity for the Vandals in
the safest possible manner ; but in later times when
these cities, being without walls, were captured by
Belisarius all the more easily and with less exertion,
Gizeric was then condemned to suffer much ridicule,

1 Domitian had spent 12,000 talents (£2,400,000) on the
gilding alone ; Plutarch, Pubi. 15.
49:

457 a.d.

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ee: A a ΄ « > ΄ 2 » Ses
καὶ ἡ τέως δοκοῦσά οἱ εὐβουλία ἐς ἄνοιαν αὐτῷ
a ‘ th
ἀπεκρίθη. ταῖς yap δὴ τύχαις ἀεὶ Tas δόξας ἐπὶ
an , / Vs
τοῖς πρότερον βεβουλευμένοις ξυμμεταβάλλεσθαι
a an \ vs ν \
φιλοῦσιν ἄνθρωποι. τῶν δὲ Λιβύων εἴ τι μὲν
x 2
δόκιμον ἐτύγχανεν ὃν καὶ πλούτῳ ἀκμάζον,
αὐτοῖς ἀγροῖς τε καὶ πᾶσι χρήμασιν ἐν ἀνδρα-
an 7
πόδων μοίρᾳ παρέδωκε τοῖς παισὶν “Ονωρίχῳ τε
\
καὶ TévSau. Θεόδωρος yap ὁ νεώτατος ἐτελεύτα
» /
ἤδη, ἄπαις TO παράπαν appevos τε καὶ θήλεος
γόνου. Λίβυας δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους ἀφείλετο μὲν
τοὺς ἀγρούς, οἱ πλεῖστοί τε ἦσαν καὶ ἄριστοι,
2 δὲ Ν a B δί ὃ [4 1 ἔθ Ἃ Πα >
és δὲ τὸ τῶν Βανδίλων διένειμεν 1 ἔθνος, Kal ἀπ
ΕῚ “ a I: € 3. μι ka > f
αὐτοῦ κλῆροι Βανδίλων οἱ ἀγροὶ οὗτοι és τόδε
καλοῦνται τοῦ χρόνου. τοῖς δὲ δὴ πάλαι κεκτη-
Ν -
μένοις τὰ χωρία ταῦτα πένεσθαί τε ὡς μάλιστα
x > / fo) V4 “Φ ἣν > Lal >?
καὶ ἐλευθέροις εἶναι ξυνέβαινεν: ἣν δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐν
> , \ “ ΄ 9 ,
ἐξουσίᾳ καὶ ὅποι βούλοιντο ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι.
καὶ τὰ μὲν χωρία ξύμπαντα, ὅσα τοῖς τε παισὶ
καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις Βανδίλοις Γιζέριχος παραδεδώκει,
Ὁ la ? lol a
οὐδεμιᾶς φόρου ἀπαγωγῆς ὑποτελῆ ἐκέλευσεν
i. A δὲ n ev Ud 3 ᾽ θ) gS F
εἶναι. τῆς δὲ γῆς ὅση οἱ οὐκ ἀγαθὴ ἔδοξεν εἶναι,
a lal / fol
ἀφῆκε τοῖς πρότερον ἔχουσι, τοσαῦτα ἐνθένδε
a / oi rn
τῷ δημοσίῳ φέρεσθαι τάξας ὥστε οὐδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν
il a \ Me \ a
περιῆν τοῖς τὰ χωρία τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν ἔχουσιν.
ἔφευγον δὲ πολλοὶ καὶ ἐκτείνοντο. αἰτίαι yap
αὐτοῖς πολλαί τε καὶ χαλεπαὶ προσεφέροντο"
lal \ ᾽ ο
πασῶν δὲ μία μεγίστη δὴ ἐδόκει εἶναι ὅτι χρή-
/ > a
ματά τις οἰκεῖα ἔχων ἀπέκρυπτεν. οὕτω τοὺς
Λίβυας πᾶσα ἰδέα ξυμφορᾶς περιέστη.

1 διένειμεν VP: διέβη μὲν Ο,
δο

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ν. 9-17

and that which for the time he considered wise
counsel turned out for him to be folly. For as
fortunes change, men are always accustomed to
change with them their judgments regarding what
has been planned in the past. And among the
Libyans all who happened to be men of note and
conspicuous for their wealth he handed over as slaves,
together with their estates and all their money, to
his sons Honoric and Genzon. For Theodorus, the
youngest son, had died already, being altogether
without offspring; either male or female. And he
robbed the rest of the Libyans of their estates,
which were both very numerous and excellent, and
distributed them among the nation of the Vandals,
and as a result of this these lands have been called
‘Vandals’ estates ” up to the present time. And it
fell to the lot of those who had formerly possessed
these lands to be in extreme poverty and to be at
the same time free men; and they had the privilege
of going away wheresoever they wished. And
Gizeric commanded that all the lands which he had
given over to his sons and to the other Vandals
should not be subject to any kind of taxation. But
as much of the land as did not seem to him good he
allowed to remain in the hands of the former owners,
but assessed so large a sum to be paid on this land
for taxes to the government that nothing whatever
remained to those who retained their farms. And
many of them were constantly being sent into exile
or killed. For charges were brought against them
of many sorts, and heavy ones too; but one charge
seemed to be the greatest of all, that a man, having
money of .his own, was hiding it. Thus the Libyans
were visited with every form of misfortune.

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Τοὺς δὲ δὴ Bavéiaovs te καὶ ᾿Αλανοὺς és
A -“
λόχους καταστησάμενος, λοχαγοὺς αὐτοῖς ἐπέ-
2 Λ A
στησεν οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ ὀγδοήκοντα, οὕσπερ χιλι-
, €
dpyous ἐκάλεσε, δόκησιν παρέχων ἐς ὀκτώ οἱ
“ 4
μυριάδας συνιέναι τὸν τῶν στρατευομένων λεών.
lal A a
καίτοι οὐ μᾶλλον ἢ ἐς μυριάδας πέντε TO TOV
Βανδίλων τε καὶ ᾿Αλανῶν πλῆθος ἔν γε τῷ πρὶν
/ a
χρόνῳ ἐλέγετο εἶναι. ἔπειτα μέντοι τῇ τε κατὰ
a ’
σφᾶς παιδοποιίᾳ καὶ ἄλλους βαρβάρους ἑταιρι-
σάμενοι ἐς μεγάλην τινὰ πολυανθρωπίαν ἐχώ-
ρησαν. τὰ δὲ τῶν ᾿Αλανῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων
βαρβάρων ὀνόματα, πλὴν Μαυρουσίων, ἐς τὸ τῶν
Βανδίλων ἅπαντα ἀπεκρίθη. τότε δὲ Τιζέριχος
Μαυρουσίους προσποιησάμενος, ἐπειδὴ Βαλεν-
τινιανὸς ἐτελεύτησεν, ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος ἦρι ἀρχομένῳ
i a
ἔς τε Σικελίαν καὶ Ἰταλίαν éo Boras ἐποιεῖτο καὶ
τῶν πόλεων τὰς" μὲν ἀνδραποδίσας, Tas? δὲ
.ν > ΝΜ / lé “ > \
καθελὼν ἐς ἔδαφος, ληισάμενός τε ἅπαντα, ἐπεὶ
ἀνθρώπων τε ἡ χώρα καὶ χρημάτων ἔρημος ἐγε-
γόνει, ἐς τὸ τοῦ ἑῴου βασιλέως ἐσέβαλε κράτος.
"IAN ὺς οὖν ἐληί ὶ τῇ II 7
υριοὺς οὖν ἐληίξετο καὶ τῆς τε Πελοποννήσου
A ” € 7 N a Ne > a
τῆς τε ἄλλης Ελλάδος τὰ πλεῖστα Kal ὅσαι αὑτῇ
na /
νῆσοι ἐπίκεινται. αὖθις δὲ ἔς τε Σικελίαν καὶ
ain / ? / Φ if A ee 2
ταλίαν ἀπέβαινεν, ἦγέ τε καὶ ἔφερεν ἐκ περι-
a ’ὔ A
τροπῆς ἅπαντα. καί ποτε αὐτὸν és τὴν ναῦν
> ΄ ? fol (3 / ΕΣ Ψ'
ἐσβὰ ἐν Κ ὃ ἐμένι, ἀνα
ἐσβ ντὰ ἐν τῷ Καρχηδόνος λιμένι, ἀν τεινομένων
ἤδη τῶν ἱστίων, φασὶν ἐρέσθαι τὸν κυβερνήτην
ἐπὶ τίνας ποτὲ ἀνθρώπων ἰέναι κελεύοι. καὶ τὸν

| προσποιησάμενος V : προσεταιρισάμενος Ο.
3 τὰς μὲν Vi: τὰ μὲν
3 ras δὲ VO pr. m. corr. : τὰ δὲ O pr. m.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. v. 18-25

The Vandals and the Alani he arranged in com-
panies, appointing over them no less than eighty
captains, whom he called “ chiliarchs,’1 making it
appear that his host of fighting men in active service
amounted to eighty thousand. And yet the number
of the Vandals and Alani was said in former times,
at least, to amount to no more than fifty thousand
men. However, after that time by their natural
inerease among themselves and by associating other
barbarians with them they came to be an exceedingly
numerous people. But the names of the Alani and
all the other barbarians, except the Moors, were
united in the name of Vandals. At that time, after
the death of Valentinian, Gizeric gained the support
_of the Moors, and every year at the beginning of
spring he made invasions into Sicily and Italy,
enslaving some of the cities, razing others to the
ground, and plundering everything ; and when the
land had become destitute of men and of money, he
invaded the domain of the emperor of the East.
And so he plundered Illyricum and the most of the
Peloponnesus and of the rest of Greece and all the
islands which lie near it. And again he went off to
Sicily and Italy, and kept plundering and pillaging
all places in turn. And one day when he had
embarked on his ship in the harbour of Carthage,
and the sails were already being spread, the pilot
asked him, they say, against what men in the world
he bade them go. And he in reply said: “ Plainly

1 fe. ‘‘leaders of a thousand.”

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

, ᾽ ἃ Ὁ \
ἀποκρινάμενον φάναι, δηλονότι ἐφ᾽ ods ὁ θεὸς
᾿ ca ral , > aA x
ὥργισται. οὕτως ἐξ οὐδεμιᾶς αἰτίας ἐφ᾽ ods ἂν
τύχοι ἐσέβαλλε.

A }-

Tavoe εἵνεκα τίσασθαι Βανδίλους βασιλεὺς
Λέων: βουλόμενος ξυνήγειρεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς στρά-
τευμα" τοῦδε δὲ τοῦ στρατεύματος λέγουσι τὸ
πλῆθος ἐς δέκα μάλιστα μυριάδας γενέσθαι.

/ \ an > e ts n Ν »" 4
στόλον δὲ νεῶν ἐξ ἁπάσης τῆς πρὸς ἕω θαλάσ-

> / ἈΝ 2 / v4
ons ἀθροίσας πολλὴν ἐπεδείξατο μεγαλοφροσύ-
νὴν ἔς τε στρατιώτας καὶ ναύτας, δεδιὼς μή τί
οἱ ἐκ μικρολογίας. ἐμποδὼν γένηται προθυμου-
μένῳ ἐς τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐπιτελέσαι τὴν κόλασιν.
fal a /
φασὶ γοῦν αὐτῷ τριακόσια καὶ χίλια κεντηνάρια
ἐπ᾽ οὐδενὶ ἔργῳ δεδαπανῆσθαι. ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ οὐκ
ἔξει Βανδίλους τῷ στόλῳ τούτῳ ἀπολωλέναι,
αὐτοκράτορα τοῦ πολέμου ποιεῖται Βασιλίσκον,
,ὔ an a
Βηρίνης τῆς γυναικὸς ἀδελφὸν ὄντα καὶ τῆς
/ / a
βασιλείας ἐκτόπως ἐρῶντα, ἥν of ἤλπισεν ἀμα-
= Ν ”
χητὶ ἔσεσθαι τὴν “Aorapos προσποιησαμένῳ
Ν \ Uy an
φιλίαν. αὐτὸς yap Ασπαρ τῆς ᾿Αρείου δόξης
4 “
μεταποιούμενος, ταύτην τε οὐκ ἐννοῶν μετατίθε-
a \ Z
σθαι, παρελθεῖν μὲν εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν οὐχ οἷός
7,
τε ἦν, καταστήσασθαι δὲ ἐς αὐτὴν ἕτερον εὐπε-
τῶς ἴσχυσεν, ἤδη τε Λέοντι τῷ βασιλεῖ ὡς
? , , STA 5 t
ἐπιβουλεύσει προσκεκρουκότι ἐπίδοξος ἦν. λέ-
γούσιν οὖν σπᾶρα tote δείσαντα μὴ Βανδί-
Ve /
λων ἡσσημένων ὁ Λέων ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα τὴν
1 λέωνΟ: λέγων V.
2 λέγουσιν οὖν : λέγουσι γοῦν Ο.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ν. 25-vi. 4

against those with whom God is angry.” Thus
without any cause he kept making invasions wherever
chance might lead him.

Anv the Emperor Leon, wishing to punish the
Vandals because of these things, was gathering an
army against them; and they say that this army
amounted to about one hundred thousand men. And
he collected a fleet of ships from the whole of the
eastern Mediterranean, shewing great generosity to
both soldiers and sailors, for he feared lest from a par-
simonious policy some obstacle might arise to hinder
him in his desire to carry out his punishment of the
barbarians. Therefore, they say, thirteen hundred
centenaria! were expended by him to no purpose.
But since it was not fated that the Vandals should
be destroyed by this expedition, he made Basiliscus
commander-in-chief, the brother of his wife Berine,
a man who was extraordinarily desirous of the royal
power, which he hoped would come to him without
a struggle if he won the friendship of Aspar. For
Aspar himself, being an adherent of the Arian faith,
and having no intention of changing it for another, was
unable to enter upon the imperial office, but he was
easily strong enough to establish another in it, and it
already seemed likely that he would plot against the
Emperor Leon, who had given him offence. So they
say that since Aspar was then fearful lest, if the
Vandals were defeated, Leon should establish his

1 130,000 Roman pounds ; οἵ. Book I. xxii. 4. The modern
equivalent is unknown.

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

βασιλείαν κρατύνηται, πολλὰ Βασιλίσκῳ. ἐπι-
σκήψαντα παρακαταθέσθαι οἱ Βανδίλους τε καὶ
Ριξέριχον.

Λέων δὲ ἤδη πρότερον ᾿Ανθέμιον, ἄνδρα ἐκ
γερουσίας, πλούτῳ τε καὶ γένει, μέγαν, βασιλέα
τῆς ἑσπερίας καταστησάμενος ἔπεμψεν, ὅπως οἱ
τὰ ἐς τὸν ᾿Βανδιλικὸν συλλήψεται. πόλεμον.
καίτοι Τιξέριχος ἔχρῃξε καὶ πολλὰ ἐλιυπάρει
᾿Ολυβρίῳ παραδοθῆναι τὴν βασιλείαν Πλακιδίᾳ
τῇ Βαλεντινιανοῦ παιδὶ ξυνοικοῦντι καὶ διὰ τὸ
κῆδος εὐνοϊκῶς αὐτῷ ἔχοντι, ἐπειδή τε τούτου
ἠτύχησεν, ἔτι μᾶλλον ὠργίξετο καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν
βασιλέως γῆν ἐληίξετο. ἦν δέ τις ἐν Δαλματίᾳ
Μαρκελλιανὸς τῶν ᾿Αετίῳ γνωρίμων, ἀνὴρ δό-
κιμος, ὃς ἐπειδὴ ᾿Λέτιος ἐτελεύτησε τρόπῳ τῷ
εἰρημένῳ, βασιλεῖ εἴκειν οὐκέτι ἠξίου, ἀλλὰ νεω-
τερίσας τε καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας ἀποστήσας
autos} εἶχε τὸ Δαλματίας κράτος, οὐδενός οἱ ἐς
χεῖρας ἰέναι τολμήσαντος. τοῦτον δὴ τὸν Μαρ-
κελλιανὸν τότε Λέων βασιλεὺς εὖ μάλα τιθασ-
σεύων προσεποιήσατο, καὶ ἐς Σαρδὼ τὴν νῆσον
ἐκέλευεν ἰέναι, Βανδίλων κατήκοον οὖσαν. ὁ δὲ
αὐτὴν " Βανδίλους ἐξελάσας οὐ χαλεπῶς ἔσχεν.
Ἣ Ἰράκλειος δὲ σταλεὶς ἐκ Βυξαντίου εἰς Τρίπολιν
τὴν ἐν Διβύῃ νικήσας τε μάχῃ τοὺς ταύτῃ Βανδί-
λους τάς τε πόλεις ῥᾳδίως εἷλε καὶ τὰς ναῦς
ἐνταῦθα ἀπολιπὼν πεζῇ τὸ στράτευμα ἐς Καρχη-
δόνα ἦγε. τὰ μὲν οὖν τοῦ πολέμου προοίμια
τῇδε ἐφέρετο.

1 αὐτὸς Haury : οὗτος MSS.
3 αὐτὴν VPO pr. πι. : αὐτῆς O corr.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. vi. 4-9

power most. securely, he repeatedly urged. upon ,

Basiliscus that he should spare the Vandals and
Gizeric.

‘Now before this time Leon had already appointed
and sent Anthemius, as Emperor of the West, a man
of the senate of great wealth and high birth, in
order that he might assist him in the Vandalic
war. And yet Gizeric kept asking and earnestly
entreating that the imperial power be given to
Olybrius, who was married to Placidia, the daughter
of Valentinian, and on account of his relationship?
well-disposed toward him, and when he failed in this
he was still more angry and kept plundering the whole
land of the emperor. Now there was in Dalmatia a
certain Marcellianus, one of the acquaintances of
Aetius and a man of repute, who, after Aetius had
died in'the manner told above,? no longer deigned
to yield obedience to the emperor, but beginning a
revolution and detaching all the others from alle-
giance, held the power of Dalmatia himself, since no
one dared encounter him. But the Emperor Leon

467 A.vD.

at that time won over this Marcellianus by very _
careful wheedling, and bade him go to the island of ©

Sardinia, which was then subject to the Vandals.
And he drove out the Vandals and gained possession
of it with no great difficulty. And Heracleius was
sent from Byzantium to Tripolis in Libya, and after
conquering the Vandals. of that district in battle, he

easily captured the cities, and leaving his ships there, .

led his army on foot toward Carthage. Such, then,

was the sequence of events which. formed the - .

prelude of the war.
1 Placidia’s sister, Eudocia, was wife of Honoric, Gizeric’s
son. 2 See chap. iv. 27.

VOL, ITI. Cc 3

1ὅ

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

a I ,
Βασιλίσκος δὲ τῷ παντὶ στόλῳ ἐς πόλισμα
, > a
κατέπλευσε, Καρχηδόνος διέχον οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ
€ a
ὀγδοήκοντά τε καὶ διακοσίοις σταδίοις (Ἑρμοῦ
δὲ νεὼς ἐνταῦθα ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἐτύγχανεν ὦν, ἀφ᾽
4 \ ¥ 4 ¢ if > / cf
οὗ δὴ καὶ Mepxovptov ὁ τόπος ἐκλήθη" οὕτω
γὰρ τὸν Ἑρμῆν καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι), καὶ εἰ μὴ
> / τὰ t > > > \ 2 ’,ὔ
ἐθελοκακήσας ἐμέλλησεν, GAN εὐθὺ ἐπεχείρησε
Καρχηδόνος ἰέναι, αὐτήν τε ἂν αὐτοβοεὶ etre
,
καὶ Βανδίλους ἐς οὐδεμίαν ἀλκὴν τραπομένους
A ef fe / e BA
κατεδουλώσατο" οὕτω Γιζέριχος Λέοντα ws ἀμα-
,
you βασιλέα κατωρρώδησεν, ἐπεί, of Σαρδώ. τε
καὶ Τρίπολις ἁλοῦσαι ἠγγέλλοντο καὶ τὸν Βασι-
λίσκου στόλον ἑώρα οἷος οὐδείς πω ἐλέγετο
¢ 2 a a A
Ῥωμαίοις πρότερον γεγενῆσθαι. viv δὲ τοῦτο
ἐκώλυσεν ἡ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ μέλλησις, εἴτε κακό-
τητι εἴτε προδοσίᾳ προσγενομένη." ΓΤ ζέρυχος
δὲ τῆς Βασιλίσκου ὀλιγωρίας ἀπολαύων ἐποίει
ς la
τάδε. ὁπλίσας ἅπαντας ws ἄριστα εἶχε τοὺς
ὑπηκόους ἐπλήρου τὰς ναῦς, ἄλλας τε κενὰς
ἀνδρῶν καὶ ὡς τάχιστα πλεούσας ἐν παρασκευῇ
3 Ῥ a
εἶχε. πέμψας δὲ πρέσβεις ὡς Βασιλίσκον ἐδεῖτο
\ la - an
τὸν πόλεμον ἐς πέντε ἡμερῶν ὑπερβαλέσθαι χρό-
νον, ὅπως μεταξὺ βουλευσάμενος ἐκεῖνα ποιοίη
a δ) 4 a) ca) i Μ ,
ἃ δὴ μάλιστα βασιλεῖ βουλομένῳ εἴη. λέγουσι
\ “Ὁ an
δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ χρυσίου πολύ τι χρῆμα κρύφα τῆς
Γ᾿ a
Βασιλίσκου στρατιᾶς πέμψαντα ταύτην δὴ τὴν
, na
ἐκεχειρίαν ὠνήσασθαι. ἔπρασσε δὲ ταῦτα οἰό-
μενος, ὅπερ ἐγένετο, πνεῦμα ἐπίφορον ἐν τούτῳ
e A
οἱ τῷ χρόνῳ γενήσεσθαι. Βασιλίσκος δὲ ἢ
ν /
Ασπαρι καθάπερ ὑπέστη χαριζόμενος ἢ τὸν
1 σταδίοις PO: σταδίους V.
2 προσγενομένη VP: γενομένη Ο.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. vi. το--τό

But Basiliscus with his whole fleet put in at a
town distant from Carthage πὸ less than two
hundred and eighty stades (now it so happened
that a temple of Hermes had been there from. of
old, from which fact the place was named Mer-
curium ; for the Romans call Hermes “ Mercurius’’),
and if he had not purposely played the coward and
hesitated, but had undertaken to go straight for
Carthage, he would have captured it at the first
onset, and he would have reduced the Vandals to
subjection without their even thinking’ of resist-
ance; sO overcome was Gizeric with awe of’ Leon
as an invincible emperor, when the report was
brought to him that Sardinia and Tripolis had been
captured, and he saw the fleet of Basiliscus to be
such as the Romans were said never to have had
before. But, as it was, the general’s hesitation,
whether caused by cowardice or treachery, prevented
this success. And Gizeric, profiting by the negligence
of Basiliscus, did as follows. Arming all his subjects
in the best way he could, he filled his ships, but
not all, for some he kept in readiness empty, and
they were the ships which sailed most swiftly.
And sending envoys to Basiliscus, he begged him
to defer the war for the space of five days, in
order that in the meantime he might take counsel
and do those things which were especially desired
by the emperor. They say, too, that he sent also
a great amount of gold without the knowledge of
the army of Basiliscus and thus purchased this
armistice. And he did this, thinking, as actually
did happen, that a favouring wind would rise for
him during this time. And Basiliscus, either as
doing a favour to Aspar in accordance with what

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

καιρὸν ᾿χρημάτων ἀποδιδόμενος, ἢ καὶ βέλτιον
αὐτῷ ἐνομίσθη, ἐ ἐποίει τε τὰ αἰτούμενα καὶ ἡσύ-
vate é ἐν TO στρατοπέδῳ, τὴν εὐκαιρίαν προσδεχό-
μενος τῶν 'πολεμίων.

Οἱ δὲ Βανδίλοι, ἐπειδὴ sia τάχιστα τὸ
πνεῦμα ἐγεγόνει, ὃ δὴ τέως καραδοκοῦντες ἐκά-
θηντο, ἀράμενοί τε τὰ ἱστία καὶ τὰ πλοῖα ἀφέλ-
κοντες ὅσα αὐτοῖς ἀνδρῶν κενά, ὥσπερ μοι πρό-
TEPOV εἴρηται, παρεσκεύαστο, ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τοὺς
πολεμίους. ὡς δὲ ἀγχοῦ ἐγένοντο, πῦρ ἐν τοῖς
πλοίοις ἐνθέμενοι, ἃ ἃ δὴ αὐτοὶ ἐφέλκοντες ἦγον,
κεκολπωμένων αὐτοῖς τῶν ἱστίων, ἀφῆκαν ἐπὶ
τὸ τῶν Ῥωμαίων. στρατόπεδον. ἅτε δὲ πλήθους
ὄντος ἐνταῦθα νηῶν, ὅπη τὰ πλοῖα ταῦτᾳ προσ-
πίπτοιεν,, ἔκαιόν τε ῥᾳδίως καὶ αὐτὰ" οἷς ἂν
συμμίξαιεν ἑτοίμως ξυνδιεφθείροντο.3 οὕτω. be
τοῦ πυρὸς ἐπιφερομένου θόρυβός᾽ τε, ὡς τὸ εἰκός,
εἶχε τὸν Ῥωμαίων στόλον * καὶ “κραυγῆς μέγεθος
τῷ τε πνεύματι καὶ τῷ τῆς φλογὸς βόμβῳ ἀντι- ;
παταγούσης μάλιστα, καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν. ὁμοῦ
τοῖς ναύταις ἀλλήλοις ὃ ἐγκελευομένων καὶ τοῖς
κοντοῖς διωθουμένων τά τε πυρφόρα πλοῖα καὶ
τὰς σφῶν αὐτῶν ναῦς ὑπ᾽ ἀχλήλων διαφθειρο-
μένας οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ. τῶ] δὲ καὶ οἱ Βανδίλοι
παρῆσαν ἐμβάλλοντές ὃ τε καὶ καταδύοντες καὶ
αὐτοῖς ὅπλοις τοὺς διαφεύγοντας τῶν στρατιω-
τῶν ληιζόμενοι. εἰσὶ δὲ οἱ καὶ ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ

3 προσπίπτοιεν PB: παραπίπτοιεν Ο.

2 αὐτὰ O: αὐτοὶ P, αὐτοῖς Grotius.

ξ ἡ ἐρηδιεφθείβογτο Haury : ξυνδιεφθείρετο MSS.
4 εἶχε τὸν-- στόλον Pe ἦν ἐν τῶ---στόλω 0.

δ᾽ ἀλλήλοις Ρ : ἀλλήλους τε Ὁ,
© ἐμβάχλοντές O: βάλλοντές Ρ.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. vil 16-22

he had promised, or selling the moment) of ὁρ-
portunity for money, or perhaps thinking it the
better course, did as he was requested and remained
quietly in the camp, awaiting the moment favourable
to the enemy. '

But the Vandals, as soon as the wind had arisen
for them which they had been expecting during
the time they lay at rest, raised their sails and,
taking in tow the boats which, as has been stated
above, they had made ready with no men in them,
they sailed against the enemy. And when they came
near, they set fire to the boats which they were
towing, when their sails were bellied by the wind,
and let them go against the Roman fleet. And
since there were a great number of ships there,
these boats easily spread fire wherever they struck,
and were themselves readily destroyed together
with those with which they came in contact. . And
as the fire advanced in this way the Roman fleet
was filled with tumult, as was natural, and with a
great din that rivalled the noise caused by the wind
and the roaring of the flames, as the soldiers together
with the sailors shouted orders to one another and
pushed off with their poles the fire-boats and their .
own. ships. as well, which were being destroyed by
one.another in complete disorder. And already the
Vandals too were at. hand ramming and sinking the
ships, and making booty of such of the soldiers as
attempted to escape, and of their arms as well. But
there were also some of the Romans who proved

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Ῥωμαίων ἐν τῷ πόνῳ τούτῳ ἐγένοντο, καὶ πάν-
τῶν μάλιστα Ἰωάννης, ὑποστράτηγός Te ὧν
Βασιλίσκου καὶ οὐδ᾽ ὁπωστιοῦν τῆς ἐκείνου
προδοσίας μεταλαχών. περιστάντος γὰρ ὁμίλου
πολλοῦ τὴν αὐτοῦ ναῦν, ἔκτεινε μὲν ἐπιστροφάδην
ἀπὸ τοῦ καταστρώματος πολύ τι τῶν πολεμίων
πλῆθος, ὡς δὲ ἁλισκομένης ἤσθετο τῆς “Ψεώς,
ἥλατο! ξὺν πάσῃ τῇ τῶν ὅπλων σκευῇ ἀπὸ τῶν
ἰκρίων εἰς θάλασσαν. πολλὰ μὲν οὗν αὐτὸν ἐλι-
πάρει Γένζων ὁ Τ' ἐζερίχου, πιστά τε παρεχόμενος
καὶ σωτηρίαν προτεινόμενος, ὁ δὲ οὐδὲν ἧ ἧσσον ἐς
θάλασσαν καθῆκε τὸ σῶμα, ἐκεῖνο μόνον ἀπο-
φθεγξάμενος, ὡς οὐ μή ποτε ᾿Ιωάννης ὑπὸ χερσὶ
κυνῶν γένηται.

Ὁ μὲν δὴ πόλεμος οὗτος ἐς τοῦτο ἐτελεύτα καὶ
Ἡράκλειος ἐπ᾽ οἴκου ἀπεκομίσθη" “Μαρκελλιανὸς
γὰρ πρός του τῶν συναρχόντων ἀπώλετο δόλῳ.
Βασιλίσκος δὲ «ἀφικόμενος ἐς Βυξάντιον ἱκέτης
ἐκάθητο ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν Χριστοῦ τοῦ μεγάλου θεοῦ
(Σοφίαν καλοῦσιν οἱ Βυξάντιοι τὸν νεών, ταύτην
δὴ μάλιστα τῷ θεῷ πρέπειν τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ἡγού-
μενοι), ἐξαιτησαμένης δὲ αὐτὸν Βηρίνης τῆς
βασιλίδος τὸν μὲν κίνδυνον τοῦτον διέφυγεν, ἐς
βασιλείαν δὲ τότε παρελθεῖν, ἧ ἧς δὴ ἕνεκα πάντα
αὐτῷ εἴργαστο, οὐχ οἷός te ἦν. Λέων γὰρ βασι-
Neve οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον "Ασπαρά τε καὶ ᾽Αρδα-
βούριον ἐν παλατίῳ διέφθειρεν, ἐπεί οἱ θάνατον
ἐπιβουλεύειν αὐτοὺς ὑπετόπησε. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν
ἐγένετο THOE.

1 ἥλατο Hoeschel: ἥλλατο MSS. 2 αὐτὸν O: om. P.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. vi. 22-27

themselves brave men in this struggle, and most
of all John, who was a general under Basiliscus
and who had no share whatever in his treason.
For a great throng having surrounded his ship, he
stood on the deck, and turning from side to side
kept killing very great numbers of the enemy from
there, and when he perceived that the ship was
being captured, he leaped with his whole equipment
of arms from the deck into the sea. And though
Genzon, the son of Gizeric, entreated him earnestly
not to do this, offering pledges and holding out
promises of safety, he nevertheless threw himself
into the sea, uttering this one word, that John would
never come under the hands of dogs.

So this war came to an end, and Heracleius

departed for home; for Marcellianus had been de-
stroyed treacherously by one of his fellow-officers.
And Basiliscus, coming to Byzantium, seated himself
as a suppliant in the sanctuary of Christ the Great
God (“Sophia”! the temple is called by the men of
Byzantium who consider that this designation is es-
_ pecially appropriate to God), and although, by the
intercession of Berine, the queen, he escaped this
danger, he was not able at that time to reach the
throne, the thing for the sake of which everything
had been done by him. For the Emperor Leon not
long afterwards destroyed both Aspar and Ardaburius
in the palace, because he suspected that they were
plotting against his life. Thus, then, did these events
take place.
1 2,6. ‘ wisdom.”

471 A.D.

ες PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

VII

᾿Ανθέμιος δὲ ὁ τῶν δυσμῶν αὐτοκράτωρ πρὸς
τοῦ κηδεστοῦ Ῥεκίμερος διαφθαρεὶς ἐτελεύτα,
Ὀλύβριός τε τὴν βασιλείαν ἐκδεξάμενος" ὀλίγῳ
ὕστερον χρόνῳ τὴν ὁμοίαν πεπρωμένην ἀνέπλησε.
2 'τεχευτήσαντος δὲ καὶ Λέοντος ἐν Βυζαντίῳ, παῤέ-
λαβε τὴν βασιλείαν Λέων ὁ Ζήνωνός te καὶ
᾿Αριάδνης τῆς Λέοντος θυγατρός, ἐς ἡμερῶν ἔτι
3 ὀλίγων πὸυ ἡλικίαν ἥκων. αἱρεθέντος δὲ 'ξυμε
βασιλέως" αὐτῷ τοῦ πατρός, αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα ὁ
4 παῖς ἐξ, ἀνθρώπων ἠφάνιστο. ἄξιόν δὲ καὶ
"“Μαϊορίνου ἐπιμνησθῆναι, ὃς δὴ πρότερον ἔσχε τὸ
ἑσπέριον κράτος. οὗτος γὰρ ὁ Maiopivos, ξύμ-
παντας τοὺς πώποτε Ῥωμαίων βεβασιλευκότας
ὑπεραίρων “ἀρετῇ πάσῃ, τὸ Λιβύης πάθος οὐκ
ἤνεγκε πρᾷως, ἀλλὰ στρατιὰν ἐπὶ Βανδίλους
ἀξιολογωτώτην ἀγείρας ἐν ᾿Λιγούροις ἐγένετο,
αὐτὸς τῷ στρατῷ ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐξηγεῖσθαι
5 διανοούμενος. ἦν γὰρ ὁ Μαϊορῖνος és τε τοὺς
ἄχλους πόνους καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα ἐς τοὺς κινδύνους
6 ἄοκνος κομιδῆ. οὐκ ἀξύμφορον δέ οἱ ἡγούμενος
εἶναι δύναμίν te τὴν Βανδίλων καὶ τὸ Τιζερίχου
ἦθος διερευνήσασθαι πρότερον καὶ ὅπη ποτὲ
Μαυρούσιοί te καὶ Λίβυες εὐνοίας te ἢ ἔχθους
πέρι ἐς αὐτοὺς ἔχοιεν, οὐκ ἄλλοις τισι πιστεύει:
7 τὸ τοιοῦτον ἢ ὀφθαλμοῖς τοῖς αὑτοῦ ἔγνω. πρεσ-
1 ἐκδεξάμενος VP: διαδεξάμενος Ο.
2 ξυμβασιλέως PO: ξυμβασιλεύειν V.

3 ἔχοιεν---αὑτοῦ VO: κατέστησαν, αὐτὸς τοῦ τοιούτου ἔργον
τελεστὴς γενέσθαι P.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III vii. 1-7

Vil

Now Anthemius, the emperor of the West, died at
the hand of his son-in-law Rhecimer, and Olybrius,
succeeding to the throne, a short time. afterward
suffered the same fate. And when Leon also had
died in Byzantium, the imperial office was taken
over by the younger Leon, the son of Zeno and,
Ariadne, the daughter of Leon, while he was ‘still
only a few days old. And his father having.been
chosen as partner in the royal power, the: child
forthwith ‘passed from the world. Majorinus also
deserves mention, who had gained the power of the
West before this time. For this Majorinus, who
surpassed in every virtue all who have ever been
emperors of the Romans, did not bear lightly the loss
of Libya, but collected a very considerable army
against the Vandals and came to Liguria, intending
himself to lead the army against the enemy. For
Majorinus never showed the least hesitation before any
task.and least of all before the dangers of war. But
thinking it not inexpedient for him to investigate
first the strength of the Vandals and the character of
Gizeric and to discover how the: Moors and Libyans
stood with regard to friendship’ or hostility toward
the Romans, he decided to trust no eyes other than
his own in such a matter, Accordingly he set out as

Aug. 11
472 A.D.

Oct. 10,
472 A.D.

474 A.D.

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

βευτὴς οὖν ὡς δὴ ἐκ βασιλέως παρὰ τὸν Γιξέρι-
χον ἐστάλη, ἄλλο τι αὑτῷ ὄνομα ξυμπεπλασμένον
ἐπενεγκών. δείσας δὲ μὴ καταφανὴς γεγονὼς
αὐτός τε κακόν τι λάβῃ καὶ τὰ πρασσόμενα
διακωλύσῃ, μηχανᾶται τ τοιάδε. τὰς ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ
τρίχας (δια βόητοι γὰρ ἦσαν ἐς πάντας ἀνθρώπους
ὅτι δὴ οὕτω ξανθαὶ εἶεν ὥστε χρυσῷ ἀκιβδήλῳ
εἰκάξεσθαι) βαφῇ τινι ; χρίσας ἐς τοῦτο ἐξεπίτηδες
ἐξευρημένῃ ἐπὶ καιροῦ μεταβαλεῖν ἐς τὸ κυάνεον
παντελῶς ἴσχυσεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ I ἐξερί @ ἐς ὄψιν
ἦλθε, τά τε ἄχλα ὁ Γιζέριχος αὐτὸν ἐνεχείρει
δεδίσσεσθαι καὶ ἅτε φίλον ἐπαγαγόμενος ἐς τὸ
οἴκημα ἦλθεν οὗ δὴ τὰ ὅπλα ξυνέκειτο πάντα,
πολλά τε καὶ ἀξιολογώτατα ὑπερφυῶς ὄντα.
ἐνταῦθά φασι τὰ ὅπλα κινηθέντα ἐκ τοῦ αὐτο-
μάτου πάταγον οὐ “μέτριον! οὐδὲ τὸν τυχόντα
ἀφεῖναι, καὶ τότε μὲν τῷ Γιξερίχῳ σεισμόν τινα
γεγονέναι δοκεῖν, ἔξω δὲ γενομένῳ ἀμφί τε τῷ
σεισμῷ ἀναπυνθανομένῳ, ἐπεί οἱ τῶν ἄχλων
οὐδεὶς ὡμολόγει, θαῦμα μὲν ἐπιπεσεῖν μέγα, οὐ
μέντοι ξυμβαλεῖν τὸ γεγονὸς οἵῳ τε εἶναι. ὁ μὲν
οὖν Μαϊορῖνος διαπεπραγμένος ἅπερ ἐβούλετο
ἐπὶ Λυγουρίας ἀπεκομίσθη, καὶ τῷ στρατῷ πεζῇ
βαδίξοντι ἐξηγούμενος. ἐπὶ στήλας τὰς Ἡρακλεί-
ους ἤει, διαβαίνειν μὲν διανοούμενος τὸν ἐκείνῃ
πορθμόν, ὁδῷ δὲ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπὶ Καρχηδόνα ἐνθένδε
ἰέναι. ὧνπερ ὁ Ριξέριχος αἰσθόμενος καὶ ὅτι δὴ
πρὸς Μαϊορίνου ἐν τῇ πρεσβείᾳ φενακισθείη, ἐ ἔς
τε ὀρρωδίαν ἐμπέπτωκε καὶ τὰ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον
ἐξηρτύετο. οἵ τε Ῥωμαῖοι τεκμηριούμενοι τῇ
Μαϊορίνου ἀρετῇ εὐέλπιδες ἤδη ἐγένοντο Διβύην

1 οὐ μέτριον VPO in marg. : οὐ μικρὸν O in context.
66

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IIL. vii. 7-13

if an envoy from the emperor to Gizeric, assuming
some fictitious name. And fearing lest, by becoming
known, he should himself receive some harm and at
the same time prevent the success of the enterprise,
he devised the following scheme. His hair, which
was famous among all men as being so fair as to
resemble pure gold, he anointed with some kind of
dye, which was especially invented for this purpose,
and so succeeded completely in changing it for the
time to a dark hue. And when he came before
Gizeric, the barbarian attempted in many ways to
terrify him, and in particular, while treating him
with engaging attention, as if a friend, he brought
him into the house where all his weapons were
stored, a numerous and exceedingly noteworthy
array. Thereupon they say that the weapons shook
of their own accord and gave forth a sound of no
ordinary or casual sort, and then it seemed to Gizeric
that there had been an earthquake, but when he got
outside and made enquiries concerning the earth-
quake, since no one else agreed with him, a great
wonder, they say, came over him, but he was not
able to comprehend the meaning of what had
happened. So Majorinus, having accomplished the
very things he wished, returned to Liguria, and lead-
ing his army on foot, came to the Pillars of Heracles,
purposing to cross over the strait at that point, and
then to march by land from there against Carthage.
And-when Gizeric became aware of this, and per-
ceived that he had been tricked by Majorinus in the
matter of the embassy, he became alarmed and made
his preparations for war. And the Romans, basing
their confidence on the valour of Majorinus, already
began to have fair hopes of recovering Libya for the

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA i

τῇ ἀρχῇ ἀνασώσασθαι. ἀχλὰ μεταξὺ νόσῳ δυσ-
evrepias ἁλοὺς ὁ Μαϊορῖνος διαφθείρεται, a
τὰ μὲν εἰς τοὺς ὑπηκόους μέτριος γεγονώς, φοβε-
ρὸς δὲ τὰ ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους. καὶ Νέπως δὲ τὴν
βασιλείαν πὰἀραλαβὼν ὀλίγας τε ἡμέρας ἐπιβιοὺς
ἐτελεύτησε νόσῳ, καὶ Ἐλυκέριος μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐς
ταύτην δὴ προελθὼν τὴν ἀρχὴν τύχην τὴν ὁμοίαν
ἀνέπλησε. μεθ᾽ dv. δὴ Αὔγουστος τὴν αὐτοκρά-
τορα ἀρχὴν ἔλαβε. βασιλεῖς “μέντοι καὶ ἄλλοι
πρότερον ἐν. τῇ ἑσπερίᾳ γεγόνασιν, ὧνπερ τὰ
ὀνόματα ἐξεπιστάμενος ὡς ἥκιστα ἐπιμνήσομαι.
Ἰρόνον τε γὰρ. αὐτοῖς τῇ ἀρχῆ ὀλίγον τινὰ ἐπι-
Μιῶναι καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ λόγου ἄξιον οὐδὲν πεπρα-
χέναι" ξυνέπεσε. ταῦτα μὲν ἐν τῇ ἑσπερίᾳ
ἐγένετο.

Ἔν δὲ Βυξαντίῳ ὁ ὁ Βασιλίσκος (οὐ γὰρ ἔτι οἷός
τε ἣν τὸν ἔρωτα τῆς βασιλείας βιάξεσθαι) τυραν-
νίδι ἐπιθέμενος ἐκράτησεν οὐδενὶ πόνῳ, Ζήνωνος
ὁμοῦ τῇ γυναικὶ ἐς τὴν ᾿Ισαυρίαν, , ἀφ᾽ ἧς δὴ
ὡρμᾶτο, διαφυγόντος. ἔχοντι, δὲ αὐτῷ τὴν τυραν-
νίδα ἐνιαυτὸν τε καὶ μῆνας ὀκτὼ οἵ τε ἄλλοι ὡς
εἰπεῖν. ξύμπαντες καὶ οἱ τῆς αὐλῆς στρατιῶται
διὰ φιλοχρηματίας μέγεθος ἤχθοντο. ὧν δὴ

Envov αἰσθόμενος στρατιάν τε ἀγείρας ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν
ἤει. Βασιλίσκος δὲ στρατόν τε καὶ στρατηγὸν
“Αρμάτον ὡς ἀντιταξόμενος " Ζήνωνι. ἔπεμψεν.
ὡς δὲ πλησίον mov ἀλλήλοις ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο,
παραδίδωσιν “Appdros Ζήνωνι τὸ αὑτοῦ στράτευ:
μὰ, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ Βασίλίσκον τὸν αὐτοῦ υἱόν, κομιδῆ

1 πεπραχέναι PO: πεπράχθαυ V.
2 ἀντιταξόμενος VO: ἀντιταξόμενον P,

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. vii. 13-21

empire. But meantime Majorinus was attacked by
the disease of dysentery and died, a man who had 461 a.
shewn himself moderate toward his subjects, and an
object. of fear to his enemies. And another emperor, July 2,
Nepos, upon taking over the empire, and living. to oa
enjoy it only a few days, died οἵ disease, and
Glycerius after him entered into this office and 474-475 ap.
suffered a. similar fate. And after him Augustus
assumed the imperial power. There were, moreover,
still other emperors in the West before this time,
but though I know their names well, 1 shall make no
mention of them whatever. For it so fell out that
they lived only a short time after attaining the office,
and as a result of this accomplished nothing worthy
of mention. Such was the course of events in the
West.

But in Byzantium Basiliscus, being no longer able
to master his passion for royal power, made an
attempt to usurp the throne, and succeeded without
difficulty, since Zeno, together with his wife, sought
refuge in Isauria, which was his native home. And 475 a»
while he was maintaining his tyranny for a year and
eight months he was detested by practically everyone
and in particular by the soldiers of the court on account
of the greatness of his avarice. And Zeno, perceiving
this, collected an army and came against him. And
Basiliscus sent an army under the general Harmatus
in order to array himself against Zeno. But when
they had made. camp near one another, Harmatus
surrendered his army to Zeno, on the condition that
Zeno should appoint as Caesar Harmatus’ son Basilis-

69,

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ὄντα παῖδα véov,' Kaicapa te καταστήσεσθαι καὶ
τελευτῶντι διάδοχον τῆς βασιλείας ἀπολιπεῖν.
Βασιλίσκος δὲ πάντων ἔρημος γεγονὼς ἐς τὸ
ἱερὸν καταφεύγει οὗπερ καὶ πρότερον. καὶ αὐτὸν
᾿Ακάκιος, ὁ τῆς πόλεως ἱερεύς, Ζήνωνι ἐνεχείρισεν,
ἀσέβειάν τε αὐτῷ ἐπενεγκὼν καὶ ὡς πολλὰ τοῦ
Χριστιανῶν δόγματος ξυνετάραξέ τε καὶ ἐνεόχμω-
σεν, ἐς τὴν ὐτυχοῦς αἵρεσιν ἀποκλίνας. καὶ ἣν
δὲ οὕτως. Ζήνων δὲ αὖθις τὴν βασιλείαν παρα-
λαβὼν καὶ τὴν ἐς ᾿Αρμάτον πίστιν ἀφοσιούμενος
Βασιλίσκον τὸν αὐτοῦ παῖδα Καίσαρα καταστη-
σάμενος, οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον αὐτόν τε ἀφείλετο
τὴν τιμὴν καὶ ᾿Αρμάτον ἔκτεινε. Βασιλίσκον δὲ
ὁμοῦ τοῖς τε παισὶ καὶ τῇ γυναικὶ πέμψας ἐς
Καππαδοκίαν χειμῶνος ὥρᾳ σιτίων τε καὶ ἱμα-
τίων καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἐπιμελείας ἐρήμους ἐκέλευσεν
εἶναι. ἔνθα δὴ ψύχει τε καὶ λιμῷ πιεζόμενοι ἔς
τε ἀλλήλους καταφεύγουσι καὶ τὰ φίλτατα Te pl-
βαλόντες σώματα διεφθάρησαν. αὕτη te Βασι-
λίσκον τῶν πεπολιτευμένων κατέλαβε τίσις.
ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν χρόνῳ τῷ ὑστέρῳ ἐγένετο.
Τιζέριχος δὲ τότε ἀπάτῃ τε περιελθὼν καὶ κατὰ
κράτος ἐξελάσας, ὡς πρόσθεν εἴρηται, τοὺς πολε-
μίους, οὐδέν τι ἧσσον, εἰ μὴ καὶ μᾶλλον, ἣγέ τε
τὰ Ῥωμαίων καὶ ἔφερε ξύμπαντα, ἕως αὐτῷ
βασιλεὺς Ζήνων ἐς ὁμολογίαν ἀφίκετο σπονδαί τε
αὐτοῖς ἀπέραντοι ξυνετέθησαν, μήτε Βανδίλους
πολέμιόν τι ἐς τὸν πάντα αἰῶνα “Ῥωμαίους ἐργά-
σασθαι μήτε αὐτοῖς πρὸς ἐκείνων ξυμβῆναι. ταύ-
Tas τε τὰς σπονδὰς Ζήνων τε αὐτὸς διεσώσατο

1 νέον Ὗ : om. P, νήπιον O.
3 ἀπολιπεῖν VP: καταλιπεῖν O,

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. vii. 21-26

cus, who was a very young child, and leave him as suc-
cessor to the throne upon his death. And Basiliscus,
deserted by all, fled for refuge to the same sanctuary
as formerly. And Acacius, the priest of the city,
put him into the hands of Zeno, charging him with
impiety and with having brought great confusion and
many innovations into the Christian doctrine, having
inclined toward the heresy of Eutyches. And this was
so. And after Zeno had thus taken over the empire
a second time, he carried out his pledge to Harmatus
formally by appointing his son Basiliscus Caesar, but
not long afterwards he both stripped him of the
office and put Harmatus to death. And he sent
Basiliscus together with his children and his wife into
Cappadocia in the winter season, commanding that
they should be destitute of food and clothes and
every kind of care. And there, being hard pressed
by both cold and hunger, they took refuge in one
another’s arms, and embracing their loved ones,
perished. And this punishment overtook Basiliscus
for the policy he had pursued. These things, how-
ever, happened in later times.

But at that time Gizeric was plundering the whole
Roman domain just as much as before, if not more,
circumventing his enemy by craft and driving them
out of their possessions by force, as has been
previously said, and he continued to do so until the
emperor Zeno came to an agreement with him
and an endless peace was established between them,
by which it was provided that the Vandals should
never in all time perform any hostile act against the
Romans nor suffer such a thing at their hands.
And this peace was preserved by Zeno himself and

ε- PROCOPIUS OF ΘΑΕΘΑΒΒΑ.

καὶ ὃς μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὴν βασιλείαν παρέλαβεν
᾿Αναστάσιος. διέμειναν δὲ καὶ ἐς ᾿ἸἸουστῖνον
αὐτοκράτορα. τούτου δὲ ᾿Ιουστίνου ἀδελφιδοῦς
ὧν ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς διεδέξατο! τὴν βασιλείαν: ἐπὶ
τούτου ᾿Ιουστινιανοῦ βασιλεύοντος 6 πόλεμος
κατέστη ὅδε, τρόπῳ ᾧ ἐν τοῖς ὄπισθεν λελέξεται
λόγοις. χρόνον δὲ ὀλίγον Trképryos ἐπιβιοὺς
ἐτελεύτα πόρρω που ἤδη ἡλικίας ἥκων, διαθήκας.
διαθέμενος ἐν αἷς ἄλλα τε πολλὰ Βανδίλοις
ἐπέσκηψε καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀεὶ Βανδίλων ἐς:
τοῦτον ἰέναι ὃς ἂν ἐκ γόνου ἄρρενος αὐτῷ Τίζε-
ρίχῳ κατὰ γένος προσήκων πρῶτος ὧν ἁπάντων
τῶν αὐτοῦ ξυγγειῶν τὴν ἡλικίαν τύχοι. Γιζέρεχος
μὲν οὖν ἄρξας Βανδίλων ἐπειδὴ Καρχηδόνος
ἐκράτησεν ἔτη ἐννέα καὶ τριάκοντα, ἐτελεύτησεν;
ὥσπερ εἴρηται. : ἷ '

VIII

‘Ovdpixos δέ, ὁ τῶν ἐκείνου παίδων πρεσβύ-
τατος, διεδέξατο τὴν ἀρχήν, Γένξωνος ἤδη. ἐξ
ἀνθρώπων ἀφανισθέντος. ἐπὶ τούτου “Ονωρίχου
Βανδίλων ἄρχοντος πόλεμος αὐτοῖς πρὸς οὐδένα,

,
ἀνθρώπων, ὅτι μὴ ἐς Μαυρουσίους, ἐγένετο. δέει
a ,ὔ a
yap τῷ ἐκ Γιζερίχου ἡσυχάζοντες πρὸ τοῦ οἱ
7 a
Μαυρούσιοι, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα ἐκποδὼν αὐτοῖς
ἐκεῖνος ἐγεγόνει, ἔδρασάν τε πολλὰ τοὺς Βαν.
δί \ \ > \ wv θ / δὲ ¢ ΄
ὕχους κακὰ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἔπαθον. γέγονε δὲ ‘Ove-
> \ > Le \ > je iA
pexos es τοὺς ἐν Λιβύῃ Χριστιανοὺς ὠμότατός τε
καὶ, ἀδικώτατος ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων. βιαζόμενος
γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἐς τὴν ᾿Αρειανῶν μετατίθεσθαι δόξαν,
1 διεδέξατο PO: ἐδέξατο.
χ2

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IIE vii. 26-viii. 4

also by his successor in the empire, Anastasius. And
it remained in force until the time of the emperor
Justinus. But. Justinian, who was. the nephew of
Justinus, succeeded him in the imperial power, and
it was in the reign of this Justinian. that the war
with which we are concerned came to pass, in the
manner which will be told in the following narrative,
Gizeric, after living on a short time, died at an
advanced. age, having made a will in which he
enjoined many things upon the Vandals and ἰὴ
particular that the royal power among them should
always fall to that one who should be the first in
years among all the male offspring descended from
Gizeric himself. So Gizeric, having ruled over the
Vandals thirty-nine years from the time when he
captured Carthage, died, as I have said.

VIII

» Anp: Honoric, the eldest of his sons, succeeded to

477 A.D.

the throne, Genzon having already departed from ᾿

the: world. ._During the time when this Honoric
ruled the Vandals they had no war against anyone at
all,.except the Moors. For through. fear of Gizeric

the Moors had remained quiet before that time, but .

as soon as he. was out of their way they both did
much harm to the Vandals and suffered the same

themselves. And Honoric shewed himself the most

cruel and unjust of all men toward the Christians in
Libya. For he forced them to change over to the
Arian faith, and as many as he found not readily

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ὅσους dv λάβοι οὐχ ἑτοίμως αὐτῷ εἴκοντας,
ἔκαιέ τε καὶ ἄλλαις θανάτου ἰδέαις διέφθειρε,
πολλῶν δὲ καὶ τὰς γχώσσας ἀπέτεμεν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῆς
φάρυγγος, of ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ περιόντες ἐν Βυξαντίῳ
ἐχρῶντο ἀκραιφνεῖ τῇ φωνῇ, ovd ὁπωστιοῦν
ταύτης δὴ τῆς τιμωρίας ἐπαισθανόμενοι: ὧν δὴ
δύο, ἐπειδὴ γυναιξὶν ἑταίραις πλησιάζειν ἔγνωσαν,
οὐκέτι φθέγγεσθαι τὸ λοιπὸν ἴσχυσαν. ἔτη τε
ὀκτὼ Βανδίλων ἄρξας ἐτελεύτησε νόσῳ, Μαυρου-
σίων ἤδη τῶν ἐν τῷ Αὐρασίῳ ὄρει ῳφκημένων "
ἀποστάντων τε ἀπὸ Βανδίλων καὶ αὐτονόμων
ὄντων (ἔστι δὲ τὸ Αὐράσιον ἐν Νουμιδίᾳ τριῶν
καὶ δέκα ἡμερῶν ὁδὸν μάλιστα Καρχηδόνος
διέχον, τετραμμένον τε πρὸς μεσημβρίαν), ob
οὐκέτι ὑπὸ Βανδίλοις ἐγένοντο, οὐ δυναμένων
Βανδίλων ἐν ὄρει δυσόδῳ τε καὶ ἀνάντει λίαν
πόλεμον πρὸς Μαυρουσίους διενεγκεῖν.
Τελευτήσαντος δὲ “Ονωρίχου τὸ τῶν Βανδίλων
κράτος ἐς Γουνδαμοῦνδον ἦλθε τὸν Τένζωνος τοῦ
Τιζερίχου. ἐς αὐτὸν γὰρ ὁ χρόνος ἔφερε τὰ
πρωτεῖα τοῦ [Γιζερίχου γένους. οὗτος ὁ Γουνδα-
μοῦνδος πλείοσι μὲν πρὸς Μαυρουσίους ἐμαχέσατο
ξυμβολαῖς, μείζοσι δὲ τοὺς Χριστιανοὺς ὑπα-
γωγὼν πάθεσιν ἐτελεύτησε νοσήσας, ἤδη που
μεσοῦντος τοῦ δωδεκάτου τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔτους. ἀδελ-
hos τε αὐτοῦ Τρασαμοῦνδος παρέλαβε τὴν
βασιλείαν, εἴδους τε καὶ ξυνέσεως ἐς τὰ μάλιστα
καὶ μεγαλοψυχίας εὖ ἥκων. τοὺς μέντοι Χρισ-
τιανοὺς ἐβιάζετο μεταβαλέσθαι τὴν πάτριον
δόξαν, οὐκ αἰκιζόμενος τὰ σώματα ὥσπερ οἱ
1 ἑτοίμως VO: ἑτοίμους P. 2 ὠκημένων VP: κειμένων O,
2 δυναμένων PO: γενομένων V.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IIL. viii. 4-9

yielding to him he burned, or destroyed by other
forms of death; and he also cut off the tongues of
many from the very throat, who even up to my time
were going about in Byzantium having their speech
uninjured, and perceiving not the least effect from
this punishment ; but two of these, since they saw
fit to go in to harlots, were thenceforth no longer
able to speak. And after ruling over the Vandals
eight years he died of disease ; and by that time the
Moors dwelling on Mt. Aurasium! had revolted from
the Vandals and were independent (this Aurasium
is a mountain of Numidia, about thirteen days’
journey distant from Carthage and fronting the
south); and indeed they never came under the
Vandals again, since the latter were unable to carry
on a war against Moors on a mountain difficult of
access and exceedingly steep.

After the death of Honoric the rule of the Vandals
fell to Gundamundus, the son of Genzon, the son of
Gizeric. For he, in point of years, was the first of
the offspring of Gizeric. This Gundamundus fought
against the Moors in numerous encounters, and after
subjecting the Christians to still greater suffering, he
died of disease, being now at about the middle of the.
twelfth year of his reign. And his brother Trasa-
mundus took over the kingdom, a man well-favoured
in appearance and especially gifted with discretion
and highmindedness. However he continued to
force the Christians to change their ancestral faith,
not by torturing their bodies as his predecessors had

; 1 Jebel Auress,

485 A.D.

496 a.D,

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

πρότεροι, ἀλλὰ τιμαῖς TE καὶ ἀρχαῖς. μετιὼν: καὶ,
χρήμασι μεγάλοις δωρούμενος, καὶ τοὺς ἀπειθοῦν-
τας, ὁποῖοί ποτε, εἶεν, ἥκιστά γε εἰδέναι. ποιού-
μενος. εἰ δέ τινας λάβοι μεγάλοις ἁμαρτήμασιν
ἐνόχους ἢ τύχῃ ἢ γνώμῃ γεγενημένους, τούτοις
δὴ μεταβαλλομένοις τὴν δόξαν. μισθὸν mpov-
τίθει. μὴ δοῦναι τὴν δίκην ὧν ἥμαρτον. ἐπειδὴ.
δὲ ἡ, γυνὴ ἐτελεύτα, οὐ γενομένη μήτηρ. οὔτε
ἄρσενος οὔτε θήλεος γόνου, κρατῦναι ὡς ἄριστα
τὴν βασιλείαν βουλόμενος, ἐς Θευδέριχον τὸν
ΓΤότθων βασιλέα πέμψας ἤτει οἱ γυναῖκα τὴν
ἀδελφὴν ᾿Αμαλαφρίδαν διδόναι, ἧς δὴ ἄρτι ὁ ἀνὴρ
ἐτεθνήκει. ὁ δέ οἱ καὶ τὴν 5 ἀδελφὴν ἔπεμψε καὶ
Γότθων δοκίμων χιλίους ἐν δορυφόρων λόγῳ, οἷς
δὴ ὅμιλος θεραπείας εἵπετο ἐς πέντε μάλιστα
"λιάδας ἀνδρῶν μαχίμων. ἐδωρήσατο δὲ τὴν
ἀδελφὴν Θευδέριχος καὶ τῶν Σικελίας ὃ ἀκρω-
τηρίων τριῶν ὁ ὄντων ἑνί, ὃ δὴ καλοῦσι ΔΛιλύ-
βάιον, καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἔδοξεν ὁ Τρασαμοῦνδος
πάντων δὴ τῶν ἐν Βανδίλοις ἡγησαμένων κρείσ-
σὼν τε ἐΐναι καὶ δυνατώτατος. ἐγένετο δὲ φίλος
καὶ ᾿Αναστασίῳ βασιλεῖ ἐς τὰ μάλιστα. ἐπὶ
Τούτου βασιλεύοντος ξυνέπεσε Βανδίλοις πάθος
tt παθεῖν πρὸς Μαυρουσίων οἷον οὔπω πρὸ τοῦ
ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι.
KaBaov ἣν tis ἄρχων τῶν ἀμφὶ Τρίπολιν
Μαυρουσίων, πολέμων τε πολλῶν ἔμπειρος καὶ
λίαν ἀγχίνους. οὗτος ὁ Καβάων ἐπειδὴ ἐπ᾽
αὐτὸν στρατεύεσθαι Βανδίλους ἐπύθετο, ἐποίει
1 δὴ Hoeschel: δὲ MSS. 2 καὶ τὴν O: καὶ om, P, -

8 σικελίας PO pr. m.: ἐν σικελία O pr. m. corr.
4 τριῶν added by Haury.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. viii. 9-15

done, but by seeking to win them with honours and Ὁ
offices and presenting them with «great: sums of
money; and in the case of those who would not be
persuaded, he pretended. he had not the least know-
ledge of what manner of men they. were.t And if
he caught any guilty of great crimes which they had
committed either by accident.or deliberate intent,
he would offer ‘such men, as a reward for changing
their faith, that they should not be punished for their |
offences. And when his wife died without becoming
the moter of either male or female offspring, wishing
to establish the kingdom as securely ‘as possible, he
sent to Theoderic, the king of the Goths, asking
him to give him his sister Amalafrida to wife, for her
husband had just died. And Theoderic sent. him
not only his sister but also a thousand of the notable
Goths as a bodyguard, who were followed by a host
of: attendants amounting to about five thousand
fighting men, And Theoderic ,also . presented his
sister-with one of the promontories of Sicily, which
are three in. number,—the one which they call
Lilybaeum,—and as a result of this Trasamundus
was accounted the strongest and most powerful of all
those who had ruled over the Vandals. He became
also a very special friend of the emperor Anastasius.
It was during the reign of Trasamundus that it came
about that the Vandals suffered a disaster at the
hands of the Moors such as had never befallen them
before that time." « * ‘

“There was a certain Cabaon ruling over the Moors
of Tyipolis, a man’ experienced in many wars and
exceedingly’ shrewd... This Cabaon, upon learning
that the Vandals were marching against him, did as

1 i.e. to what sect or religion they belonged,
77

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

τοιάδε. πρῶτὰ μὲν τοῖς ὑπημόοις ἐπήγγελλεν
ἀδικίας Te πάσης καὶ βρώσεως ἐς τρυφὴν ἀγούσης
καὶ πάντων μάλιστὰ γυναικῶν ξυνουσίας ἀπέ-
χεσθαι' χαρακώματάτε δύο πηξάμενος ἐν θατέρῳ
μὲν αὐτὸς ξὺν πᾶσιν ἐστρατοπεδεύσατο τοῖς
ἀνδράσιν, ἐν δὲ δὴ τῷ ἑτέρῳ τὰς γυναῖκας
καθεῖρξε, θάνατόν τε τὴν ζημίαν ἠπείλησεν ἔσε-
σθαι, ἤν τις ἐπὶ τὸ τῶν γυναικῶν χαράκωμα ἴοι.
μετὰ δὲ πέμψας ἐς Καρχηδόνα κατασκόπους
ἐπέταττε τάδε: ἐπειδὰν οἱ Βανδίλοι ἐπὶ τὴν
στρατείαν! βαδίζοντες ἔς τινα νεὼν ὑβρίσωσιν
ὃν οἱ Χριστιανοὶ σέβονται, αὐτοὺς μὲν ἐφορᾶν τὰ
γινόμενα" ἢν δὲ οἱ Βανδίλοι τὸ χωρίον ἀμείψωσιν,
ἅπαντα ποιεῖν τἀναντία ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν ὧν ἐκεῖνοι
δράσαντες οἴχονται. ἐπειπεῖν δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ τοῦτό
φασιν, ὡς ἀγνοοίη μὲν τὸν θεὸν ὃν Χριστιανοὶ
σέβονται, εἰκὸς δὲ αὐτόν," εἴπερ ἰσχυρός ἐστιν, ὡς
λέγεται, τίσασθαι μὲν τοὺς ὑβρίζοντας, ἀμῦναι
δὲ τοῖς θεραπεύουσιν. οἱ μὲν οὖν κατάσκοποι ἐς
Καρχηδόνα ἐλθόντες ἡσύχαζον, τὴν παρασκευὴν
τῶν Βανδίλων θεώμενοι: ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸ στράτευμα
τὴν ἐπὶ Τρίπολιν ἤεσαν, σχήματα περιβεβλη-
μένοι ταπεινὰ εἵποντο. οἱ δὲ Βανδίλοι ὡς ἡμέρᾳ
τῇ πρώτῃ ηὐλίσαντο, ἐς τῶν Χριστιανῶν τοὺς
νεὼς τούς τε ἵππους τά τε ἄλλα ζῷα ἐσαγαγόντες,
ὕβρεώς. τε οὐδεμιᾶς ἀπελείποντο καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀκο-
λασίᾳ τῇ σφετέρᾳ ἐχρήσαντο, τούς τε ἱερέας, ods
ἂν λάβοιεν, ἐρράπιζόν τε καὶ ξαίνοντες κατὰ τοῦ
νώτου πολλὰς ὑπηρετεῖν σφίσιν ἐκέλευον ὅσα δὴ

1 στρατείαν Kuagrius : στρατιὰν MSS.
2 αὐτὸν MSS. : αὐτόν, φησίν Kuagrius.
8. ἡσύχαζον MSS, : ἐσχόλαζον Euagrius.
4 ἤεσαν Euagrius ; ἤει MSS.

η8

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. viii. 15-20

follows. First of all-he issued orders to his subjects
to abstain from all injustice and from all foods tend-
ing towards luxury and most of all from association
with women; and setting up two palisaded en-
closures, he encamped himself with all the men in
one, and in the other he shut the women, and he
threatened that death would be the penalty if any-
one should go to the women’s palisade. And after
this he sent spies to Carthage with the following
instructions: whenever the Vandals in going forth
on the expedition should offer insult to any temple
which the Christians reverence, they were to look on
and see what took place; and when the Vandals
had passed the place, they were to do the opposite
of everything which the Vandals had done to the
sanctuary before their departure. And they say
that he added this also, that he was ignorant of the
God whom the Christians worshipped, but it was
probable that if He was powerful, as He was said to
be, He should wreak vengeance upon those who
insulted Him and defend those who honoured
Him. So the spies came to Carthage and waited
quietly, observing the preparation of the Vandals ;
but when the army set out on the march to Tripolis,
they followed,-clothing themselves in humble garb.
And the Vandals, upon making camp the first day,
led their horses and their other animals into the
temples of the Christians, and sparing no insult,
they acted with all the unrestrained lawlessness
natural to them, beating as many priests as they
caught and lashing them with many blows over the
back and commanding them to render such service
to the Vandals as they were accustomed to assign to

24°

“PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA >

ἐπέχειν τῶν ᾿οἰκετῶν᾽ τοῖς ᾿ἀτιμοτάτοις εἰώθεσαν.

“καὶ ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα ἐνθένδὲ ἀπηλλάγησαν, ἐποί-
᾿οὺν οἱ τοῦ KaBaovos κατάσκοποι ὅσα, αὐτοῖς

ἐπετέτακτο" τά τε γὰρ ἱερὰ ἐκάθηραν αὐτίκα τήν
« \
ΓΕ κόπρον καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο οὐχ ὁσίως ἐπέκειτο ξὺν

“ἐπιμελείᾳ πολλῇ ἀφελόμενοι, τά τε λύχνα Exav-

σαν ἅπαντα καὶ τοὺς ἱερέας αἰδοῖ .τε πολλῇ
προσεκύνησαν καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ φιλοφροσύνῃ. ἧσπά.
σαντο". ἀργύριά τε τοῖς πτωχοῖς" δόντες ot ἀμφὶ
τὰ ἱερὰ ταῦτα ἐκάθηντο, οὕτω δὴ τῇ τῶν Βαν-
δίλων. στρατιᾷ εἵποντο. καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου κατὰ
τὴν ὁδὸν ξύμπασαν οἵ τε Βανδίλοι κατὰ ταὐτὰ
ἡμάρτανον καὶ οἱ κατάσκοποι ἐθεράπευον. ἐπεὶ
δὲ ἀγχοῦ ἔσεσθαι ἔμελλον, προτερήσαντες οἱ
κἀτάσκοποι ἀγγέλλουσι. τῷ Καβάωνι ὅσα Βαν-

᾿δίλοις TE. καὶ σφίσιν ἐς τὰ Χριστιανῶν ἱερὰ

εἴργαστο, καὶ ὡς ἐγγύς που οἱ πολέμιοι εἶεν. ὁ δὲ
ἀκούσας ἐς τὴν ξυμβολὴν καθίστατο ὧδε. κύκλον

-:ἀπολαβὼν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ ἔνθα δὴ τὸ χαράκωμα
“ποιεῖσθαι ἔμελλε, τὰς καμήλους ἔρυμα τῷ στρα-

τοπέδῳ ἐγκαρσίας ἐν κύκλῳ καθίστη, κατὰ δώ-

δεκα dora καμήλους ποιησάμενος TO TOD
, Fi lal a
“μετώπου βάθος. παῖδας μὲν οὖν καὶ γυναῖκας
καὶ εἴ τι αὐτοῖς ἀπόμαχον ἣν ὁμοῦ τοῖς χρήμασιν
/

és) | WET ov ἐτίθετο, τὸν δὲ τῶν μαχίμων λεὼν ἐς
τῶν ᾿ζῴων ἐκείνων TOUS πόδας ἐν. μέσῳ φραξα-
μένους. ταῖς ἀσπίσιν ἐκέχευεν εἶναι. οὕτω δὲ
Μαυρουσίοις ἐχούσης τῆς φάλαγγος οἱ Βανδίλοι
ἐν ἀπόρῳ εἶχον θέσθαι τὸ παρόν' οὔτε γὰρ ἀκον-

τισταὶ οὔτε τοξόται ἀγαθοὶ ἧσαν οὔτε πεζοὶ ἐς

1 πτωχοῖς VO Euagrius : πολλοῖς P,
? εἶναι MSS. : ἰέναι Dindoré,

Ste)

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. viii. 20-27

tne most dishonoured»of. their domestics. And as
soon as they had departed. from there, the spies of
Cabaon. did. as they had been directed to, do; for
they straightway cleansed the. sanctuaries and ‘took
away with great care the filth and whatever other
unholy thing lay in them, and they lighted all the
lamps and bowed down before the priests with great
reverence and saluted them with all friendliness ;
and after giving pieces of silver to the poor who sat
about these sanctuaries, they then followed after the
army of the Vandals. And from then on along the
whole route the Vandals continued to commit the
same offences and the spies to render the same
service. And when they were coming near the
Moors, the spies anticipated them and reported to
Cabaon what had been done by the Vandals and by
themselves to the temples of the Christians, and
that the enemy were somewhere near by. And
Cabaon, upon learning this, arranged for the en-
counter as follows. He marked off a circle in the
plain where he was about to make his palisade, and
placed his camels turned sideways in a circle as a
protection for the camp, making his line fronting the
enemy about twelve camels deep. Then he placed the
children and the women and all those who were unfit
for fighting together with their possessions in the
middle, while he commanded the host. of fighting
men_to stand between the feet of those animals, ὁ
covering themselves with their shields.t And since
the phalanx of the Moors was of such a sort, the
Vandals were at a loss how to handle the situation ;
for they were neither good with the javelin nor with
the bow, nor did they know how to go into battle

1 Οἱ, Book IV. xi. 17 ff
81

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

μάχην ἰέναι ἠπίσταντο, ἀλλ᾽ ὑἑππεῖς τε ἦσαν
ἅπαντες, δόρασί τε ὡς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον καὶ ξίφεσιν
ἐχρῶντο, καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἄποθέν τε οὐδὲν ἐργά-
ἕεσθαι κακὸν τοὺς πολεμίους οἷοί τε ἦσαν, ἥ TE
ἵππος αὐτοῖς͵ ἀχθομένη τῇ τῶν καμήλων ὄψει,
ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἥκιστα ἤγετο. ἐπειδή τε
συχνὰ ἐς αὐτοὺς ἀκοντίζοντες ἐκ τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦ“
οἱ πολέμιοι τούς τε ἵππους καὶ αὐτούς, ἅτε
πλῆθος ὄντας, οὐ χαλεπῶς ἔκτεινον, ἔφευγόν τε
καὶ τῶν Μαυρουσίων ἐπεξιόντων οἱ μὲν πολλοὶ
διεφθάρησαν, εἰσὶ δὲ οἱ καὶ ὑπὸ τοῖς πολεμίοις
ἐγένοντο, ὀλίγοι τε κομιδῆ ἐκ τοῦ στρατοῦ τούτου
ἐπ᾽’ οἴκου ἀπεκομίσθησαν. ταῦτα μὲν Τρασα-
μούνδῳ παθεῖν πρὸς Μαυρουσίων ξυνέπεσεν.
ἐτελεύτα δὲ χρόνῳ ὕστερον ἑπτά τε καὶ εἴκοσιν
ἔτη Βανδίχλων ἄρξας.

ΙΧ

Ἰλδέριχος δὲ “Ονωρίχου τοῦ Γιζερίχου παῖς
τὴν βασιλείαν παρέλαβεν, ὃς τὰ μὲν ἐς τοὺς ὑπη-
κόους εὐπρόσοδός τε ἣν καὶ ὅλως 5. πρᾷος, καὶ
οὔτε Χριστιανοῖς οὔτε τῳ ἄλλῳ χαλεπὸς ἐγεγόνει,
τὰ δὲ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον μαλθακός τε λίαν καὶ οὐδὲ
ἄχρι ἐς τὰ ὦτα τὸ πρᾶγμά οἱ τοῦτο ἐθέλων ἰέναι.
ὋὉάμερ γοῦν ἀνεψιός τε ὧν αὐτῷ" καὶ ἀνὴρ
ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμια ἐστρατήγει ἐφ᾽ οὺς ἂν στρα-
τεύοιντο Βανδίλοι" ὃν δὴ καὶ ᾿Αχιλλέα Βανδίλων
ἐκάλουν. ἐπὶ τούτου ᾿Ιλδερίχου ἡσσήθησάν τε
μάχῃ οἱ Βανδίλοι πρὸς Μαυρουσίων τῶν ἐπ
1 πλῆθος ὄντας Haury: πλῆθος ὄντες V, πλήθους ὄντος PO
2 καὶ ὅλως Haury: καὶ ὅλος VP, ὅλος Ο.
3 αὐτῷ VP: αὐτοῦ QO,

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. viii. 27-ix. 2

on foot, but they were all horsemen, and used spears
and swords for the most. part, so that they were
unable to.do the enemy any harm at a distance;
and their horses, annoyed at the sight of the camels,
refused absolutely to be driven against the enemy.
And since the Moors, by hurling javelins in great
numbers among them from their safe position, kept
killing both their horses and men without difficulty,
because they were a vast throng, they began to flee,
and, when the Moors came out against them, the
most of them were destroyed, while some fell into
the hands of the enemy; and an exceedingly small
number from this army returned home. Such was
the fortune which Trasamundus suffered at the
hands of the Moors. And he died at a later time,
having ruled over the Moors twenty-seven years.

Anp Ilderic, the son of Honoric, the son of 523 2»
Gizeric, next received the kingdom, a ruler who was
easily approached by his subjects and altogether
gentle, and he shewed himself harsh neither to the
Christians nor to anyone else, but in regard to affairs
of war he was-a weakling and did not wish this
thing even to come to his ears. Hoamer, accord-
ingly, his nephew and an able warrior, led the
armies against any with whom the Vandals were at
war; he it was whom they called the Achilles of the
Vandals. During the reign of this Ilderic the
Vandals were defeated in Byzacium by the Moors,

:- ΡΕΘΟΟΡΙΠ 5 OF. CAESAREA ὁ

Βυζακίῳ, ὧν 7p) Kev ‘Aytanas,: καὶ σφίσι Eve
ἠνέχθη Θευδερίχῳ τε καὶ Τότθοις ἐν ᾿Ιταλίᾳ᾽ ἔκ
Te συμμάχων. καὶ φίλων πολεμίοις γενέσθαι. τήν
πε γὰρ ᾿Αμαλαφρίδαν ἐν “φυλακῇ ἔσχον καὶ τοὺς
Γότθους διέφθειραν ἅ ἅπαντας, ἐπενεγκόντες αὐτοῖς
νεωτερίζειν ἔς τε Βανδίλους καὶ Ἰλδέρι ov. τίσις
μέντοι οὐδεμία πρὸς Θευδερίχου ἐγένετο, ἐπεὶ
ἀδύνατος ἐ ἐνόμισεν εἶναι στόλῳ μεγάλῳ, ἐς Λιβύην
στρατεῦσαι, ἸΙλδέριχος δὲ φίλος. ἐς τὰ “μάλιστα
᾿Ιουστινιανῷ Kav ξένος ἐγένετο, οὔπω μὲν ἥκοντι
ἐς βασιλείαν, διοικουμένῳ δὲ αὐτὴν κατ᾽ , ἐξουσίαν,
ἐπεί. οἱ ὁ θεῖος Ἰουστῖνος ὑπέργηρώς τε ὧν
ἐβασίλευε καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν πολιτείαν πραγ-
μάτων οὐ παϊτελῶς ἔμπειρος. κων TE μισὰ
λους ἀλλήλους ἐδωροῦντο.

Ἦν δέ τις ἐν τῷ Γιξερίχου γένει, Γελίμερ᾽ ὁ
Γειλάριδος τοῦ Γένξωνος τοῦ Pileptxov πόρρω
που ἡλικίας ἥκων μετά γε ᾿Ιλδέριχον, καὶ διὰ
τοῦτο ἐπίδοξος ὦ ὧν αὐτίκα μάλα ἐς τὴν βασιλείαν
: ἀφίξεσθαι: ὃς τὰ μὲν πολέμια ἐδόκει τῶν καθ᾽
αὑτὸν ἄριστος εἶναι, ἄχλως δὲ δεινός τε ἣν Kal
κακοήθης καὶ πράγμασί τε νεωτέροις » καὶ χρή-
μασιν ἐπιτίθεσθαι ἀλλοτρίοις ἐξεπιστάμενος.
οὗτος ὁ Γελίμερ ἐπεί οἱ μέχλουσαν ἑώρα τὴν
ἀρχήν, οὐκ ἐδύνατο ἐν τῷ καθεστῶτι τρόπῳ βιο-
τεύειν, GANA τὰ βασιλέως ἔ εργα προσποιησάμενος
ἐπεβάτευε τῆς τιμῆς, ἀώρου γε αὐτῷ οὔσης" καὶ
᾿Ιλδερίχου δι ἐπιείκειαν ἐνδιδόντος κατέχειν
οὐκέτι, οἷός τε ἣν τὴν διάνοιαν, arra Βανδίλων
ἑταιρισάμενος εἴ τι ἄριστον ἦν, ἀναπείθει ἀφελέ-
σθαι μὲν ᾿Ιχδέρυχον τὴν βασιλείαν, ὡς ἀπόλεμόν

1 νεωτέροις PO: κωινοτέροις Υ.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ix. 3-8

who. were ruled by Antalas, and it so fell out that
they: became enemies instead of allies and friends to
Theoderic and the Goths in Italy. For they put.
Amalafrida in prison and destroyed all the Goths,
charging them with revolutionary designs against
the Vandals and Ilderic. However, no revenge
came from Theoderic, for he considered himself
unable to gather a great fleet and make an expedition
into Libya, and Ilderic was a very particular friend
and guest-friend of Justinian, who had not yet come
to the throne, but was administering the government
aceording to his pleasure; for his uncle Justinus,
who was emperor, was very old and not altogether
experienced in matters of state. And Ilderic and
Justinian made large presents of money to each
other.

Now there was a certain man in the family of
Gizeric, Gelimer, the son of Geilaris, the son of
Genzon, the son of Gizeric, who was of such age as
to be second only to Ilderic, and for this reason he
was expected to come into the kingdom very soon.
This man was thought to be the best warrior of his
time, but for the rest he was a cunning fellow and
base at heart and well versed in undertaking revo-
lutionary enterprises and in laying hold upon the
money of others. Now this Gelimer, when he saw
the * power coming to him, was not able to live
in his accustomed way, but assumed to himself the
tasks of a king and usurped the rule, though it was
not. yet due him; and since Ilderic in a spirit of
friendliness gave in to him, he was no longer able
to restrain his thoughts, but allying with himself all
the noblest of the Vandals, he persuaded them to
wrest the kingdom from Ilderic, as being an un-

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

τε Kal ἡσσημένον πρὸς Μαυρουσίων, καὶ Ἴου-
στίνῳ βασιλεῖ καταπροδιδόντα τὸ τῶν Βανδίλων
κράτος, ὡς μὴ ἐς αὐτὸν ἐκ ,τῆς ἄλλης οἰκίας ὄντα
ἡ βασιλεία ἥκοι" τοῦτο γάρ οἱ βούλεσθαι τὴν ἐς
Βυξάντιον πρεσβείαν διέβαλλεν, αὐτῷ δὲ παραδι-
δόναι τὸ Βανδίλων κράτος. οἱ δὲ ἀναπεισθέντες
κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίουν. οὕτω δὴ Γελίμερ τῆς ἡγε-
μονίας ἐπιλαβόμενος ᾿λδέριχόν τε, ἕβδομον ἔ ἔτος
Βανδίλων “ἄρξαντα, καὶ ‘Odpepa καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν
Evaryeny ἐ ἐν φυλακῇ ἐ ἔσχεν.

᾿Επεὶ δὲ ταῦτα ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς ἤκουσεν, ἤδη τὴν
βασιλείαν παραλαβών, πρέσβεις ἐς Λιβύην ὡς *
Dedipepa πέμψας ἔγραψε τάδε" “ Οὐχ ὅ ὅσια ποιεῖς
οὐδὲ τῶν Ειξερίχου διαθηκῶν ἄξια, γέροντά τε
καὶ ξυγγενῆ καὶ βασιλέα Βανδίλων, εἴ τι τῶν
Γιξερίχῳ βεβουλευμένων ὄφελός ἐστιν, ἐν φυ-
λακῇ ἔχων, καὶ βίᾳ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀφαιρούμενος,
ἐξὸν αὐτὴν ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον χρόνῳ κατὰ νόμον
aa μήτε" οὖν ἐργάσῃ περαιτέρω κακὸν
μήτε“ τοῦ βασιλέως ὁ ὀνόματος ἀνταλλάξη τὴν τὸν
τυράννου προσηγορίαν, βραχεῖ προτερεύουσαν *
χρόνῳ. Gra TOUTOV μέν, ἄνδρα ὅ ὅσον οὔπω τεθνη-
ξόμενον, ἔ ξα φέρεσθαι τῷ “λόγῳ τὴν τῆς βασιλείας
εἰκόνα, σὺ δὲ ἅπαντα πρᾶττε ὅσα βασιλέα πράτ-
τειν εἰκός" προσδέχου τε ἀπὸ τοῦ χρόνου καὶ τοῦ
Ριζξερίχου νόμου μόνον λαβεῖν. τὸ τοῦ πράγματος
ὄνομα. ταῦτα γάρ σοι ποιοῦντι τά τε ἀπὸ τοῦ
κρείττονος εὐμενῆ ἔσται καὶ τὰ παρ᾽ ἡμῶν φίλια."

ὧς VO: πρὸς P.
μήτε οὖν Haury: μὴ δὲ οὖν VP, μηδὲν οὖν O
μήτε Haury: μὴ δὲ MSS.

4 προτερεύουσαν VP: προτερεύσας Ὁ.

1
2
8

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ix. 8-13

warlike king who had been defeated by the Moors,
and as betraying the power of the Vandals into the
hand of the Emperor Justinus, in order that the
kingdom might not come to him, because he was of
the other branch of the family; for he asserted
slanderously that this was the meaning of IIderic’s
embassy to Byzantium, and that he was giving over
the empire of the Vandals to Justinus. And they,
being persuaded, carried out this plan. Thus Geli-
mer seized the supreme power, and imprisoned
Ilderic, after he had ruled over the Vandals seven
years, and also Hoamer and his brother Euagees.

But when Justinian heard these things, having
already received the imperial power, he sent envoys
to Gelimer in Libya with the following letter: “You
are not acting in a holy manner nor worthily of the
will of Gizeric, keeping in prison an old man and
a kinsman and the king of the Vandals (if the
counsels of Gizeric are to be of effect), and robbing
him of his office by violence, though it would be
possible for you to receive it after a short time in a
lawful manner. Do you therefore do no further
wrong and do not exchange the name of king for the
title of tyrant, which comes but a short time earlier,
But as for this man, whose death may be expected at
any moment, allow him to bear in appearance the
form of royal power, while you do all the things
which it is proper that a king should do; and wait
until you can receive from time and the law of Gizeric,
and from them alone, the name which belongs to
the position. For if you do this, the attitude of the
Almighty will be favourable and at the same time
our relations with you will be friendly.”

530 a.D.

527 A.D.

PROCOPIUS. OF ‘CAESAREA: |

Τοσαῦτα μὲν; ἡ γραφὴ ἐδήλου. Dedipep δὲ Tavs
πρέσβεις a ἀπράκτους ἀπέπεμψε, καὶ τόν τε Ὁά-
βερα ἐξετύφλωσε τόν τε ἸΙλδέριχον καὶ Ἐὐαγέην͵
ἐν μείζονι φυλακῇ ἐποιήσατο, ἐπικαλέσας φυγὴν
ἐς Βυζάντιον μελετᾶν. ὡς δὲ καὶ ταῦτα βασιλεὺς
᾿Ιουστινιανὸς ἤκουσε, πρέσβεις ἑτέρους πέμψας
ἔγραψε τάδε “Ἡμεῖς μὲν. οἰόμενοί σε οὔποτε τῆς
ἡμετέρας συμβουλῆς a ἀπ᾽ ἐναντίας ἥξειν ἐγράψα-
μέν σοι τὴν ἐπιστολὴν τὴν προτέραν. ἐπεὶ δὲ͵
ἀρέσκει σοι τὴν βασιλείαν οὕτω κεκτῆσθαι. ὡς.
νῦν ἔχεις λαβών, ἀπόλαβε!ϊ ὅ τι ἂν ἐξ αὐτῆς ὁ
δαίμων διδῷ. σὺ δὲ ᾿Ιλδέριχόν Te καὶ. ᾿Οάμερα᾽

; τὸν πηρὸν καὶ τούτου τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὡς ἡμῶς.

πέμπε, παραψυχὴν ἕξοντας ἣ ἣν ἔχειν εἰσὶ δυνατοὶ.
ὅσοι τὴν βασιλείαν ἢ ἢ τὴν ὄψιν ἀφήρηνται». ὡς οὐκ.
ἐπιτρέψομέν γε; ἢν μὴ ταῦτα ποιῇς. ἐνάγει γὰρ

ἡμᾶς ἡ ἐλπὶς ἣ ἣν εἰς τὴν ἡμετέραν φιλίαν ἔσχον.
αἵ τε σπονδαὶ ἡμῖν. αἱ πρὸς Pugépexov ἐκποδὼν
στήσονται. τῷ γὰρ ἐκδεξαμένῳ τὴν ἐκείνου
βασιλείαν ἐρχόμεθα οὐ πολεμήσοντες, ἀλλὰ τὰ
δυνατὰ τιμωρήσοντες.᾽"

Ταῦτα Γελίμερ ἀναλεξάμενος ἡμείβετο τοῖσδε
μὴ Βασιλεὺς Tedipep ᾿Ιουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ. οὔτε
βίᾳ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔλαβον οὔτε τί μοι ἀνόσιον ἐς
ξυγγενεῖς τοὺς ἐμοὺς εἴργασται. ᾿Ιλδέριχον γὰρ
νεώτερα πράσσοντα és” οἶκον τὸν ν᾿ ἐξερίχου
καθεῖλε τὸ τῶν Βανδίλων ἔθνος" ἐμὲ δὲ ὁ χρόνος
ἐς τὴν βασιλείαν ἐκάλεσε, κατά γε τὸν νόμον τὰ
πρεσβεῖα διδούς. τὴν δὲ ὑ ὑπάρχουσαν ἡγεμονίαν
αὐτόν τινα διοικεῖσθωι καλὸν καὶ μὴ ἀλλοτρίας
οἰκειοῦσθαι φροντίδας. ὥστε καὶ σοὶ βασιλείαν

1 ἀπόλαβε VP: ἀπόλανε Ο. 2 ἐς οἶκον PO: ἐπ᾽ οἴκον V.
88

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ix. 14-23

Such was his message. But Gelimer sent the
envoys away with nothing accomplished, and he
blinded Hoamer and also kept Ilderic and Euagees
in closer confinement, charging them with planning
flight to Byzantium. And when this too was heard
by the Emperor Justinian, he sent envoys a second
time and wrote as follows: “ We, indeed, supposed
that you would never go contrary to our advice when
we wrote you the former letter. But since it
pleases you to have secured possession of the royal
power in the manner in which you have taken
and now hold it, get from it whatever Heaven
grants. But do you send to us Ilderic, and Hoamer
whom you have blinded, and his brother, to receive
what comfort they can who have been robbed of a
kingdom or of sight ; for we shall not let the matter
rest if you do not do this. And I speak thus
because we are led by the hope which I had based on
our friendship. And the treaty with Gizeric will
not stand as an obstacle for us. For it is not to
make war upon him who has succeeded to the
kingdom of Gizeric that we come, but to avenge
Gizeric with all our power.”

When Gelimer had read this, he replied as follows:
“ King Gelimer to the Emperor Justinian. Neither
have I taken the office by violence nor has anything
unholy been done by me to my kinsmen. For
Ilderic, while planning a revolution against the
house of Gizeric, was dethroned by the nation of the
Vandals ; and I was called to the kingdom by my
years, which gave me the preference, according to
the law at least. Now it is well for one to ad-
minister the kingly office which belongs to him and
not to make the concerns of others his own. Hence

VOL, 11. pd 89

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἔχοντι τὸ περιέργῳ εἶναι οὐ δίκαιον" λύοντι δέ σοι
τὰς σπονδὰς καὶ ἐφ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἰόντι ἀπαντήσομεν ὅση
δύναμις, μαρτυρόμενοι τοὺς ὅρκους τοὺς Ζήνωνι
ὀμωμοσμένους, οὗ τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβὼν
ἔχεις. ταῦτα λαβὼν ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς
τὰ γράμματα, ἔχων. καὶ πρότερον δι᾽ ὀργῆς Γελί-
μερα, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐς τὴν τιμωρίαν ἐπῆρτο. καί
οἱ ἔδοξε καταλύσαντι ὡς τάχιστα τὸν Μηδικὸν
πόλεμον ἐς Λιβύην στρατεῦσαι, καί (ἣν γὰρ
ἐπινοῆσαί τε ὀξὺς καὶ ἄοκνος τὰ βεβουλευμένα
ἐπιτελέσαι) παρῆν μὲν αὐτῷ μετάπεμπτος ὁ τῆς
ἑῴας στρατηγὺς Βελισάριος, οὐχ ὅτι ἐς Διβύην
στρατηγήσειν μέλλοι τιρδειρημέναι αὐτῷ ἢ ἄλλῳ
ὁτῳοῦν, ἀλλὰ τῷ ᾿ λόγῳ παραλέλυτο ἧ ἧς εἶχεν ἀρχῆς.
γεγόνασι δὲ αὐτίκα αἱ πρὸς Πέρσας σπονδαί, ὡς
ἐν τοῖς ἔμπρροσθεν λόγοις ἐρρήθη.

\ » Wee 3 ’ 3) 4 e Va ”
Βασιλεὺς δὲ ᾿Ιουστινιανός, ἐπεί. of τά τε οἴκοι
καὶ τὰ ἐς τοὺς Πέρσας ὡς ἄριστα εἶχε, τὰ ἐν

2 Λιβύῃ πράγματα ἐν βουχῇ ἐποιεῖτο. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐ ἐς

τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐξήνεγκεν ὡς στρατιὰν ἀγείροι ἐπὶ
Βανδίλους τε καὶ Τελίμερα, οἱ πλεῖστοι ἤδη ἐδυ-
σχέραινόν τε καὶ ἐν ξυμφορᾷ ἢ ἦσαν, τόν te Aéov-
τος τοῦ βασιλέως στόλον καὶ τὸ τοῦ Βασιλίσκου
πάθος ἀνανεούμενοί τε καὶ ἀποστοματίζοντες

| ἐποιεῖτο VP in marg. O: εἶχεν P in context,

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. ix. 23-X. 2

for you also, who have a kingdom, meddling in
other’s affairs is not just ; and if you break the treaty
and come against us, we shall oppose you with all
our power, calling to witness the oaths which were
sworn by Zeno, from whom you have received the
kingdom which you hold.” The Emperor Justinian,
upon receiving this letter, having been angry with
Gelimer even before then, was still more eager to
punish him. And it seemed to him best to put an
end to the Persian war as soon as possible and then
to make an expedition to Libya; and since he was
quick at forming a plan and prompt in carrying out
his decisions, Belisarius, the General of the East, was
summoned and came to him immediately, no an-
nouncement having been made to him nor to anyone
else that he was about to lead an army against
Libya, but it was given out that he had been removed
from the office which he held. And straightway the
treaty with Persia was made, as has been told in the
preceding narrative.

Awnp when the Emperor Justinian considered that
the situation was.as favourable as possible, both as-to
domestic affairs and as to his relations with Persia,
he took under consideration the situation in Libya.
But when he disclosed to the magistrates that he was
gathering an army against the Vandals and Gelimer,
the most of them began immediately to show hostility
to the plan, and they lamented it as a misfortune,
recalling the expedition of the Emperor Leon and the
disaster of Basiliscus, and reciting how many soldiers

1 Book I. xxii. 16.
QI

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

στρατιώτας μὲν ὅσοι ἀπέθανον, χρήματα δὲ ὅ ὅσα
τὸ δημόσιον ὦφλε. μάλιστα δὲ ᾿ ἤχγουν τε καὶ
περιώδυνοι τῇ μερίμνῃ ἐγίνοντο ὅ τε τῆς αὐλῆς
ἔταρχος,. ὃν δὴ πραίτωρα ® καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι,
καὶ ὁ τοῦ ταμιείου ἡγούμενος καὶ ὅτῳ ἄλλῳ
φόρου Ξξυλλογὴ δημοσίου ἢ βασιλικοῦ ἐπετέ-
τακτο, λογιζόμενοι ὅτι αὐτοῖς εἰς 8 τὴν τοῦ
πολέμου χρείαν δεήσει ἄμετρα φέρουσιν οὔτε
ξυγγνώμης τινὸς οὔτε ἀναβολῆς ἀξίοις εἶναι
τῶν δὲ στρατηγῶν αὐτὸς ἕκαστος στρατηγήσειν
οἰόμενος κατωρρώδει τε καὶ ἀπώκνει τοῦ κινδύνου
τὸ μέγεθος, εἴ οἱ ἀναγκαῖον εἴη διασωθέντι ἐκ τῶν
ἐν θαλάσσῃ κακῶν στρατοπεδεύεσθαι μὲν ἐν τῇ
πολεμίᾳ, ἐκ δὲ τῶν νεῶν ὁρμωμένῳ διαμάχεσθαι
πρὸς βασιλείαν μεγάλην τε καὶ λόγου ἀξίαν. οἱ
δὲ στρατιῶται ἄρτι ἐκ πολέμου μακροῦ τε καὶ
χαλεποῦ ἐπανήκοντες οὔπω τε ὅλῃ γλώσσῃ ἀγα-
θῶν τῶν κατὰ τὴν οἰκίαν γευσάμενοι ἐ ἐν ἀμηχανίᾳ
ἐγίνοντο ἔς τε ναυμαχίαν ἀγόμενοι, ἣν οὐδὲ ἀκοῇ
πρότερον παραλαβόντες ἐ ἐτύγχανον, καὶ ἀπὸ TOD
ἑῴων ὁρίων στελλόμενοι ἐς τὰς τοῦ ἡλίου δυσμάς,
ἐφ᾽ ᾧ διακενδυγεύφαυσι πρός τε “Βανδίλους καὶ
Μαυρουσίους. i δὲ δὴ ἄλλοι, ἅπερ ἐν ὁμίλῳ
φιλεῖ γίγνεσθαι, vewrdpory πραγμάτων ἤθελον διὰ
κινδύνων ἀλλοτρίων θεαταὶ γενέσθαι.

Βασιλεῖ μέντοι εἰπεῖν τι ἐπὶ κωλύμῃ τῆς
στρατιᾶς οὐδείς, ὅ ὅτι μὴ ὁ Καππαδόκης ᾿Ιωάννης,
ἐτόλμησεν, ὁ τῆς αὐλῆς ἔπαρχος, θρασύτατός τε

1 ἔπαρχος VO: ὕπαρχος P.
2 mpalrwpa VP: πραιτωρίων O; Haury would prefer τῶν
πραιτορίων.

8 εἰς added by Maltretus.
92

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. x. 2-7

had perished and how much money the state had
lost. But the men who were the most sorrowful of
all, and who, by reason of their anxiety, felt the
keenest regret, were the pretorian prefect, whom the
Romans call “ praetor,” and the administrator of the
treasury, and all to whom had been assigned the
collection of either public or imperial! taxes, for
they reasoned that while it would be necessary for
them to produce countless sums for the needs of
the war, they would be granted neither pardon in
case of failure nor extension of time in which to
raise these sums. And every one of the generals,
supposing that he himself would command the
army, was in terror and dread at the greatness of
the danger, if it should be necessary for him, if he
were preserved from the perils of the sea, to encamp
‘in the enemy’s land, and, using his ships as a base,
to engage in a struggle against a kingdom both large
and formidable. The soldiers, also, having recently
returned from a long, hard war, and having not yet
tasted to the full the blessings of home, were in
despair, both because they were being led into sea-
fighting,—a thing which they had not learned even
from tradition before then,—and because they were
sent from the eastern frontier to the West, in order
to risk their lives against. Vandals and Moors. But
all the rest, as usually happens in a great throng,
wished to be spectators of new adventures while
others faced the dangers.

But as for saying anything to the emperor to
prevent the expedition, no one dared to do this
except John the Cappadocian, the pretorian prefect,

1 The ‘‘imperial” taxes were for the emperor’s privy
purse, the fiscus.

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ὧν καὶ δεινότατος τῶν κατ᾿ αὐτὸν ἁπάντων.
οὗτος γὰρ ᾿Ιωάννης, τῶν ἄλλων σιωπῇ τὰς
παρούσας ὀδυρομένων τύχας, παρελθὼν ἐς βασι-
λέα ἔλεξε τοιάδε' aS To πιστόν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τῆς
ἐς τοὺς ὑπηκόους τοὺς σοὺς ὁμιλίας τὴν παρ-
pyotav ἡμῖν ἀναπετάννυσιν * ὅ τι ἂν μέλλοι τῇ
πολιτείᾳ τῇ σῇ ξυνοίσειν, ἢ ἢν καὶ μὴ πρὸς ἡδονήν
σοι τὰ λεγόμενά. τε καὶ πρασσόμενα ἧ. οὕτω γάρ
σοι κεράννυσι, τῷ δικαίῳ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἡ σύνεσις,
ὥστε οὐ τὸν ὑπηρετήσαντα πάντως εὔνουν εἶναι
ἡγῇ τοῖς σαυτοῦ πράγμασιν, οὐδὲ τῷ ἀντειπόντι
χαλεπῶς ἔχεις, ἀλλὰ μόνῳ τῷ τῆς διανοίας
ἀκραιφνεῖ πάντα σταθμώμενος. ἀκίνδυνον ἡμῖν
ἀπέδειξας πολλάκις τὸ τοῖς σοῖς ἀντιστῆναι βου-
λεύμασι. τούτοις ἠγμένος, ὦ βασιλεῦ, κατέστην. εἰς
ξυμβουλὴν τήνδε, προσκρούσων μὲν τὸ παραυτίκα
ἴσως, ἂν οὕτω τύχῃ, ἐς δὲ τὸ μέλλον τὴν εὔνοιαν
τὴν ἐμὴν καταφανῆ δείξων, ταύτης τέσε μάρτυρα
παρεξόμενος. ἢν γὰρ ἀπειθῶν τοῖς λεγομένοις
ἐξοίσεις ἐς Βανδίλους τὸν πόλεμον, μηκυνομένης
σοι τῆς ἀγωνίας τὴν ἐμὴν παραίνεσιν εὐδοκιμῆσαι
ξυμβήσεται. εἰ μὲν γὰρ ὡς κρατήσεις τῶν πολε-
μίων τὸ θαρρεῖν ἔχεις, οὐδὲν ἀπεικός σε τά τε σώ-
ματα προΐεσθαι καὶ χρημάτων δαπανᾶν πλῆθος,
καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀγώνων ὑφίστασθαι πόνους:
νίκη γὰρ ἐπιγενομένη πάντα “καλύπτει τὰ τοῦ
πολέμου πάθη. εἰ δὲ ταῦτα μὲν ἐν τοῖς τοῦ θεοῦ
γούνασι κεῖται, παραδείγμασι δὲ τῶν προγεγε-
νημένων χρωμένους ἡμᾶς ἀνάγκη δεδιέναι τὸ τοῦ

14 απετάννυσιν VO: ἀναπετάννυσι ποιεῖν τε καὶ λέγειν Ῥ,
2

xn V: τύχοι PO,

V
,
τυ

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. x. 7-13

a man of the greatest daring and the cleverest of all
men of his time. For this John, while all the others
were bewailing in silence the fcrtune which was
upon them, came before the emperor and spoke as
follows: “O Emperor, the good faith which thou
dost shew in dealing with thy subjects enables us to
speak frankly regarding anything which will be of
advantage to thy government, even though what is
said and done may not be agreeable to thee. For
thus does thy wisdom temper thy authority with
justice, in that thou dost not consider that man only
as loyal to thy cause who serves thee under any and
all conditions, nor art thou angry with the man who
speaks against thee, but by weighing all things by pure
reason alone, thou hast often shewn that it involves
us in no danger to oppose thy purposes. Led by
these considerations, O Emperor, I have come
to offer this advice, knowing that, though J shall
give perhaps offence at the moment, if it so chance,
yet in the future the loyalty which I bear you
will be made clear, and that for this I shall be
able to shew thee as a witness. For if, through
not hearkening to my words, thou shalt carry out
the war against the Vandals, it will come about, if
the struggle is prolonged for thee, that my advice
will win renown. For if thou hast confidence that
thou wilt conquer the enemy, it is not at all unreason-
able that thou shouldst sacrifice the lives of men and
expend a vast amount of treasure, and undergo the
difficulties of the struggle ; for victory, coming at the
end, covers up all the calamities of war. But if
in reality these things lie on the knees of God, and
if it behoves us, taking example from what has hap-
pened in the past, to fear the outcome of war, on

1ὅ

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

fol fal a > n
πολέμου πέρας, πῶς οὐχὶ τῶν ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι κιν-
δύνων τὸ τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἀγαπᾶν ἄμεινον; ἐπὶ Kap-

a ᾿ a ἊΝ Ν \
χηδόνα διανοῇ στρατεύειν, εἰς ἣν κατὰ μὲν τὴν
X\
ἤπειρον ἰόντι ὁδὸς τεσσαράκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν
ἡμερῶν ἐστι, πλέοντι δὲ ἀνάγκη τὸ πέλαγος ὅλον
Ν fol
ἀμειψαμένῳ πρὸς τὰς ἐσχατιὰς τῆς θαλάσσης
a a a ΄
ἐλθεῖν. ὥστε τῶν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ξυμβησο-
μένων ἐνιαύσιόν σοὶ δεήσει τὸν ἄγγελον ἥκειν.
προσθείη δὲ ἄν τις ὡς, ἢν μὲν κρατήσῃς τῶν πολε-
a τς a
piov, Λιβύης μεταποιεῖσθαι οὐκ ἂν δύναιο, τῆς τε
/ Sd la ie bot ἘΓΥ ἐν x je
Σικελίας καὶ ᾿Ιταλίας ὑφ᾽ ἑτέροις κειμένης" ἢν δέ
\ Vd be a he AD)
TL καὶ πταίσῃς, ὦ βασιλεῦ, λελυμένων ἤδη σοι
n n i
TOV σπονδῶν, εἰς τὴν ἡμετέραν τὸν κίνδυνον
ἄξεις: ξυνελόντι τε εἰπεῖν οὔτε ἀπόνασθαι παρ-
έσται σοι τῆς νίκης καὶ τὸ τῆς τύχης ἐναντίωμα
λυμανεῖται τοῖς εὖ καθεστῶσι. πρὸ τῶν πραγ-
a la °
μάτων τὸ THs εὐβουλίας ὄφελός ἐστι. τοῖς μὲν
γὰρ ἐπταικόσι τὸ μεταμελεῖσθαι ἀνόνητον, πρὸ
a n XN
δὲ τῶν δεινῶν TO μεταμανθάνειν ἀκίνδυνον. οὐκ-
fo) \ a a
οὖν ξυνοίσει πάντων μάλιστα TO τοῖς καιροῖς ἐν
δέοντι χρῆσθαι."
3 ΄ \ a 3 2 ΄ Ν
Ἰωάννης μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπεν. ἀποδεξάμενος δὲ
βασιλεὺς τὴν ἐς τὸν πόλεμον προθυμίαν κατέ-
lal A ἃ
παυσε. τῶν δέ τις ἱερέων ods δὴ ἐπισκόπους
καλοῦσιν, ἐκ τῆς ἑῴας ἥκων ἔφη ἐς λόγους τῷ
an 2 al ’ὔ’ Χ > a 3 lol
βασιλεῖ ἐλθεῖν βούλεσθαι. καὶ ἐπειδὴ αὐτῷ
’ 5 / e \ \ > 2 »
ξυνέμιξεν, ἔλεγέν οἱ τὸν θεὸν ἐπισκῆψαι ὄναρ
γενέσθαι τε ὡς βασιλέα καὶ αὐτὸν αἰτιάσασθαι
Ψ \ A \ > 4 Re >
ὅτι δὴ Χριστιανοὺς τοὺς ἐν Λιβύῃ ῥύεσθαι ἐκ
τυράννων ὑποδεξάμενος εἶτα λόγῳ οὐδενὶ κατωρ-
γὃ “«Κ δ, > [oe bee ςς € an
ρώδησε" αἴτοι αὐτός," ἔφη, “οἱ πολεμοῦντι
1 ἀνόνητον PO: ἀνόητον V.
96

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. x. 13-20

what grounds is it not better to love a state of quiet
rather than the dangers of mortal strife? Thou art
purposing to make an expedition against Carthage,
to which, if one goes by land, the journey is one of a
hundred and forty days, and if one goes by water, he
is forced to cross the whole open sea and go to its
very end. So that he who brings thee news of what
will happen in the camp must needs reach thee a
year after the event. And one might add that if thou
art victorious over thy enemy, thou couldst not take
possession of Libya while Sicily and Italy lie in the
hands of others; and at the same time, if any reverse
befall thee, O Emperor, the treaty having already been
broken by thee, thou wilt bring the danger upon our
own land. In fact, putting all in a word, it will not
be possible for thee to reap the fruits of victory, and
at the same time any reversal of fortune will bring
harm to what is well established. It is before an
enterprise that wise planning is useful. For when
men have failed, repentance is of no avail, but before
disaster comes there is no danger in altering plans.
Therefore it will be of advantage above all else to
make fitting use of the decisive moment.”

Thus spoke John; and the Emperor Justinian,
hearkening to his words, checked his eager desire
for the war. But one of the priests whom they
call bishops, who had come from the East, said that
he wished to have a word with the emperor. And
when he met Justinian, he said that God had
visited him in a dream, and bidden him go to the
emperor and rebuke him, because, after under-
taking the task of protecting the Christians in
Libya from tyrants, he had for no good reason
become afraid. “And yet,’ He had said, “I will

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ξυλλήψομαι Λιβύης τε κύριον θήσομαι." ταῦτα
βασιλεὺς ἐπεὶ ἤκουσε, κατέχειν τὴν διάνοιαν
οὐκέτι ἐδύνατο, ἀλλὰ τήν τε στρατιὰν Kal τὰς
ναῦς ἤγειρεν, ὅπλα τε καὶ σιτία ἡτοίμαζε καὶ
Βελισαρίῳ ἐν παρασκευῇ ἐπήγγελχλεν εἶναι ὡς ἐν
Λιβύῃ στρατηγήσοντι αὐτίκα μάλα. Τρίπολιν
δὲ τὴν ἐν Λιβύῃ τῶν τις ἐπιχωρίων ἸΠουδέντιος
ἀπὸ Βανδίλων ἀπέστησε, πέμψας τε ὡς βασιλέα
ἐδεῖτό οἱ στρατιὰν στεῖλαι: πόνῳ γὰρ αὐτῷ τὴν
χώραν οὐδενὶ προσποιήσειν. ὁ δέ οἱ ἄρχοντά τε
Ταττιμοὺθ καὶ στράτευμα οὐ πολὺ ἔστειλεν. ὃ
δὴ ἑταιρισάμενος ἸΤουδέντιος Βανδίλων οὐ παρόν-
των τήν τε χώραν ἔσχε καὶ βασιλεῖ προσεποίησε:.
τῷ δὲ Γελίμερι τιμωρεῖν βουλομένῳ ἸΠουδέντιον
ἐναντίωμα ξυνέπεσε τόδε.

Γώδας τις ἣν ἐν τοῖς Γελίμερος δούλοις, ΤΠότθος
τὸ γένος, θυμοειδὴς μὲν καὶ δραστήριος καὶ πρὸς
ἰσχὺν ἱκανῶς πεφυκώς, εὐνοϊκῶς δὲ δοκῶν és? τὰ
τοῦ δεσπότου πράγματα ἔχειν. τούτῳ τῷ Τώδᾳ
ὁ Τελίμερ Σαρδὼ τὴν νῆσον ἐπέτρεψε, φυλακῆς
τε ἕνεκα καὶ φόρον τὸν ἐπέτειον ἀποφέρειν. ὁ δὲ
τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς τύχης εὐημερίαν οὔτε καταπέψαι
οὔτε τῇ ψυχῇ φέρειν οἷός τε ὧν τυραννίδι ἐπε-
χείρησε, καὶ οὐδὲ τὴν τοῦ φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν ἀπο-
φέρειν ἔτι ἠξίου, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν νῆσον. αὐτὸς
Βανδίλων ἀποστήσας εἶχε. καὶ ἐπεὶ ἤσθετο
βασιλέα ᾿Ιουστινιανὸν πολεμησείοντα ἐπί τε
Λιβύην καὶ Teripepa, ἔγραψε πρὸς αὐτὸν τάδε"

1 ἐν λιβύη Vi: ἐς λιβύην PO. 2 ἐς VP: πρὸς Ο.
98

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. x. 20-28

Myself join with him in waging war and make
him lord of Libya.” When the emperor heard
this, he was no longer able to restrain his purpose,
and he began to collect the army and the ships,
and to make ready supplies of weapons and of
food, and he announced to Belisarius that he should
be in readiness, because he was very soon to act
as general in Libya. Meanwhile Pudentius, one of
the natives of Tripolis in Libya, caused this district
to revolt from the Vandals, and sending to the
emperor he begged that he should despatch an
army to him; for, he said, he would with no trouble
win the land for the emperor. And Justinian sent
him Tattimuth and an army of no very great size.
This force Pudentius joined with his own troops
and, the Vandals being absent, he gained possession
of the land and made it subject to the emperor. And
Gelimer, though wishing to inflict punishment upon
Pudentius, found the following obstacle in his way.

There was a certain Godas among the slaves of
Gelimer, a Goth by birth, a passionate and energetic
fellow possessed of great bodily strength, but ap-
pearing to be well-disposed to the cause of his
master. To this Godas Gelimer entrusted the
island of Sardinia, in order both to guard the island
and to pay over the annual tribute. But he neither
could digest the prosperity brought by fortune
τ nor had he the spirit to endure it, and so he under-
took to establish a tyranny, and he refused to
continue the payment of the tribute, and actually
detached the island from the Vandals and held it
himself. And when he perceived that the Emperor
Justinian was eager to make war against Libya and
Gelimer, he wrote to him as follows:

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ΝΜ X
“Οὔτε ἀγνωμοσύνῃ εἴκων οὔτε TL ἄχαρι πρὸς
na na bo
δεσπότου παθὼν τοῦ ἐμοῦ εἰς ἀπόστασιν εἶδον,
Ἂς “
ἀλλὰ τἀνδρὸς ἰδὼν τὴν ὠμότητα ἰσχυρὰν οἵαν εἴς
oe a >
τε τὸ ξυγγενὲς καὶ ὑπήκοον μετέχειν τῆς ἀπᾶν-
v
θρωπίας οὐκ ἂν δόξαιμι ἑκών ye εἶναι. ἄμεινον
a a N
yap βασιλεῖ δικαίῳ ὑπηρετεῖν ἢ τυράννῳ τὰ οὐκ
Ψ 3 I 5 Phe. Ν ΄
ἐννομα ἐπαγγέλλοντι. ἀλλ ὅπως μὲν συλλήηψη
μοι ταῦτα σπουδάζοντι, ὅπως δὲ στρατιώτας
πέμποις ὥστε με ἀμύνεσθαι τοὺς ἐπιόντας ἱκανῶς
ἔχειν."

Ταύτην βασιλεὺς ἄσμενος λαβὼν τὴν ἐπιστο-
Ἂν, > , \ mo” \ ’
λὴν Evroyov πρεσβευτὴν ἔπεμψε καὶ γράμ-
ματα ἔγραψεν, ἐπαινῶν τὸν Τώδαν τῆς τε
υνέσεως καὶ τῆς ἐς τὴν δικαιοσύνην προθυμίας,
ξυμμαχίαν τε ἐπαγγελλόμενος καὶ στρατιώτας
καὶ στρατηγόν, ὃς αὐτῷ ξυμφυλάξαι τε τὴν νῆσον
οἷός τε εἴη καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ξυλλήψεσθαι, ὥστε
αὐτῷ δύσκολον μηδὲν πρὸς Βανδίλων ξυμβῆναι.

E ὖλ, f δὲ δὰ f 3 Σ ὃ Ν Ὁ Τ' ὁδὃ
ὕλογιος δὲ ἀφικόμενος εἰς Σαρδὼ εὕρισκε Γώδαν
ὄνομά τε καὶ σχῆμα βασιλέως περιβαλλόμενον
καὶ δορυφόρους προσποιησάμενον. ὃς ἐπειδὴ τὴν
αἀσιίλέως ἐπιστολὴν ἀνελέξατο, στρατιώτας μὲν
” ? , 2 a) ἐς 3 Ν
ἔφη ἐς ξυμμαχίαν ἐλθεῖν βουλομένῳ εἶναι, ἄρ-
χοντος δὲ οὐ πάνυ χρήζειν. κατὰ ταῦτά τε πρὸς
le
βασιλέα γράψας τὸν EiAoytov ἀπεπέμψατο.

Ταῦτα βασιλεὺς οὔπω πεπυσμένος τετρακο-
σίους τε στρατιώτας καὶ ἄρχοντα Κύριλλον ὡς
\ a 4 » € BA
τὴν νῆσον ξυμφυλάξοντας Tada ἡτοίμαζεν. ἤδη

too

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. x. 29--χὶ. 2

“It was neither because I yielded to folly nor
because I had suffered anything unpleasant. at my
master’s hands that I turned my thoughts towards
rebellion, but seeing the extreme cruelty of the
man both toward his kinsmen and toward his
subjects, I could not, willingly at least, be re-
puted to have a share in his inhumanity. For it
is better to serve a just king than a tyrant whose
commands are unlawful. But do thou join with me
to assist in this my effort aud send soldiers so that I
may be able to ward off my assailants.”

And the emperor, on receiving this letter, was
pleased, and he sent Eulogius as envoy and wrote
a letter praising Godas for his wisdom and his zeal
for justice, and he promised an alliance and_ soldiers
and a_ general, who would be able to guard the
island with him and to assist him in every other
way, so that no trouble should come to him from
the Vandals. But Eulogius, upon coming to Sar-
dinia, found that Godas was assuming the name
and wearing the dress of a king and that he had
attached a body-guard to his person. And when
_Godas read the emperor's letter, he said that it
was his wish to have soldiers, indeed, come to fight
along with him, but as for a commander, he had
absolutely no desire for one. And having written to
the emperor in this sense, he dismissed Eulogius.

Tur emperor, meanwhile, not having yet as-
certained these things, was preparing four hundred
soldiers with Cyril as commander, who were to
assist Godas in guarding the island. And with

IOI

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

\ ge 2 a \ 5) 60 iA 3
δὲ ξὺν αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν ἐς Καρχηδόνα στρατείαν ἐν
A \ \ ’ Ξ
παρασκευῇ εἶχε, πεζοὺς μὲν στρατιώτας μυρίους,
Ἃ a
ἱππέας δὲ πεντακισχιλίους, ἔκ τε στρατιωτῶν
\ A
καὶ φοιδεράτων συνειλεγμένους. ἐν δὲ δὴ φοιδε-
ράτοις πρότερον μὲν μόνοι βάρβαροι κατελέ-
γοντο, ὅσοι οὐκ ἐπὶ τῷ δοῦλοι εἶναι, ἅτε μὴ
Ν ¢€ , ς Ἑ Id > coe ine Beet a ἢ \
πρὸς Ρωμαίων ἡσσημένοι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τῇ ἴσῃ καὶ
€ , 3 \ ἢ la 2. igh 0 ὁ" (ὃ A:
ὁμοίᾳ ἐς τὴν πολιτείαν adix oT φοί Epa γὰρ
τᾶς πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους σπονδὰς καλοῦσι Ῥω-
° \ A a
Hato: τὸ δὲ νῦν ἅπασι τοῦ ὀνόματος τούτου
ἐπιβατεύειν οὐκ ἐν κωλύμῃ ἐστί, τοῦ χρόνου
3 fo)
Tas προσηγορίας ἐφ᾽ ὧν τέθεινται ἥκιστα ἀξιοῦν-
nm Xe nr
τὸς τηρεῖν, ἀλλὰ TOV πραγμάτων ἀεὶ περιφερο-
a , a
μένων, ἣ ταῦτα ἄγειν ἐθέλουσιν ἄνθρωποι, τῶν
πρόσθεν αὐτοῖς ὠνομασμένων 1 ὀλιγωροῦντες.
BA \ = is A μῷ
ἄρχοντες δὲ ἦσαν φοιδεράτων μὲν Δωρόθεός τε,
fal 3 ΄
ὁ τῶν ἐν ᾿Αρμενίοις καταλόγων στρατηγός, καὶ
Σολόμων, ὃς τὴν Βελισαρίου ἐπετρόπευε στρατη-
γίαν" (δομέστικον τοῦτον καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι. ὁ
δὲ 4 Rr > A \ = > 3
€ Σολόμων οὗτος εὐνοῦχος μὲν ἦν, οὐκ ἐξ
3, a \ by , X\ 2 a Sr δ᾽
ἐπιβουλῆς δὲ ἀνθρώπου τὰ αἰδοῖα ἐτύγχανεν
i n ΄
ἀποτμηθείς, ἀλλά τις αὐτῷ τύχη ἐν σπαργάνοις
ὄντι τοῦτο ἐβράβευσε:) καὶ Κυπριανὸς καὶ Βαλε-
SN a ΄
ριανὸς καὶ Μαρτῖνος καὶ ᾿Αλθίας καὶ ᾿Ιωάννης
καὶ Μάρκελλος καὶ Κύριλλος, οὗ πρόσθεν ἐμνή-
σθην: στρατιωτῶν δὲ ἱππέων μὲν Ῥουφῖνός τε
\ 9 “ ΄ ᾽ lol , Ἂν ” N
καὶ “Aiyav, ἐκ τῆς Βελισαρίου οἰκίας ὄντες, καὶ
lal \ lal
Βαρβᾶτος καὶ ἸΠάππος, πεζῶν δὲ Θεόδωρος,

1 ὠνομασμένων QO: ὀμωμοσμένων V, ὀνομασμένων Ῥ,

102

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xi. 2-7

them he also had in readiness the expedition against
Carthage, ten thousand foot-soldiers, and five thousand
horsemen, gathered from the regular troops and
from the “ foederati.’”” Now at an earlier time only
barbarians were enlisted among the foederati, those,
namely, who had come into the Roman _ political
system, not in the condition of slaves, since they had
not been conquered by the Romans, but on the
basis of complete equality.1 For the Romans call
treaties with their enemies “ foedera.”’ But at the
present time there is nothing to prevent anyone
from assuming this name, since time will by no
means consent to keep names attached to the things
to which they were formerly applied, but condi-
tions are ever changing about according to the
desire of men who contro] them, and men pay little
heed to the meaning which they originally attached
to a name. And the commanders of the foederati
were Dorotheus, the general of the troops in Ar-
menia, and Solomon, who was acting as manager for
the general Belisarius ; (such a person the Romans
call “domesticus.’”’ Now this Solomon was a eunuch,
but it was not by the devising of man that he had
suffered mutilation, but some accident which befell
him while in swaddling clothes had imposed this
lot upon him); and there were also Cyprian,
Valerian, Martinus, Althias, John, Marcellus, and
the Cyril whom I have mentioned above; and the
commanders of the regular cavalry were Rufinus
and Aigan, who were of the house of Belisarius,
and Barbatus and Pappus, while the regular infantry

1 These foederati were private bands of troops under the

leadership of condottiere; these had the title of ‘‘count” and
received from the state an allowance for the support of their

bands.
103

10
11

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ὅνπερ Κτεάνον ἐπίκλησιν ἐκάλουν, καὶ Tepév-
τιός τε καὶ Ζάϊδος καὶ Μαρκιανὸς καὶ Σάρατπις.
᾽ ΄, L 2 ? ΄ ς t ἃ
Ἰωάννης δέ τις ἐξ ᾿Επιδάμνου ὁρμώμενος, ἣ
νῦν Δυρράχιον καλεῖται, τοῖς τῶν πεζῶν ἡγεμό-
σιν ἅπασιν ἐφειστήκει. τούτων ἁπάντων Σολό-
μων μὲν ἑῷος ἐτύγχανεν ὧν ἐκ τῆς “Ῥωμαίων
ἐσχατιᾶς αὐτῆς, οὗ νῦν πόλις οἰκεῖται Δάρας,
᾿Αἰγὰν δὲ ἦν Μασσαγέτης γένος, ods νῦν Οὔν-
νους καλοῦσιν" οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ σχεδόν τι ἅπαντες
τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς Θράκης χωρία ὥκουν. εἵποντο δὲ
αὐτοῖς "Βρουλοι τετρακόσιοι, ὧν Papas ἦρχε, καὶ
ξύμμαχοι βάρβαροι ἑξακόσιοι μάλιστα ἐκ τοῦ
Μασσαγετῶν ἔθνους, ἱπποτοξόται πάντες: ὧν
δὴ ἡγοῦντο Σιννίων τε καὶ Βάλας, ἀνδρίας τε
καὶ καρτερίας ἐς ἄκρον ἥκοντε. ναῦς δὲ οὐ
σύμπασα στρατιὰ πεντακοσίας ἦγε, καὶ αὐτῶν
οὐδεμία πλέον ἢ κατὰ μυριάδας πέντε μεδίμνων
φέρειν οἵα τε ἣν, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ἔλασσον ἢ κατὰ
τρισχιλίους. ναῦται δὲϊ τρισμύριοι" ἐπέπλεον
ἁπάσαις, Αἰγύπτιοί τε καὶ Ἴωνες οἱ πλεῖστοι
καὶ Κίλικες, ἀρχηγός τε εἷς ἐπὶ ταῖς ναυσὶν
ἁπάσαις Καλώνυμος ᾿Αλεξανδρεὺς ἀπεδέδεικτο.
ἦσαν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ πλοῖα μακρά, ὡς ἐς ναυ-
μαχίαν παρεσκευασμένα, ἐνενήκοντα δύο, μονήρη
μέντοι καὶ ὀροφὰς ὕπερθεν ἔχοντα, ὅπως οἱ
ταῦτα ἐρέσσοντες πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἥκιστα
βάλλοιντο. δρόμωνας καλοῦσι τὰ πλοῖα ταῦτα
οἱ νῦν ἄνθρωποι πλεῖν γὰρ κατὰ τάχος δύνανται
μάλιστα. ἐν τούτοις δὴ Βυζάντιοι δισχίλιοι

1 δὲ ΡΟ: γὰρ V.
5 τρισμύριοι VO. Theophanes : δυσμύριοι P.

104

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xi. 7-16

was commanded by Theodorus, who was surnamed
Cteanus, and Terentius, Zaidus, Marcian, and Sarapis.
And a certain John, a native of Epidamnus, which
is now called Dyrrachium, held supreme command
over all the leaders of infantry. Among all these
commanders Solomon was from a place in the
East, at the very extremity of the Roman domain,
where the city called Daras now stands, and Aigan
was by birth of the Massagetae whom they now
call Huns; and the rest were almost all inhabitants
of the land of Thrace. And there followed with
them also four hundred Eruli, whom Pharas led,
and about six hundred barbarian allies from the
nation of the Massagetae, all mounted bowmen;
these were led by Sinnion and Balas, men endowed
with bravery and endurance in the highest degree.
And for the whole force five hundred ships were
required, no one of which was able to carry more
than fifty thousand medimni,! nor any one less than
three thousand. And in all the vessels together
there were thirty thousand sailors, Egyptians and
Ionians for the most part, and Cilicians, and. one
commander was appointed over all the ships,
Calonymus of Alexandria. And they had also ships
of war prepared as for sea-fighting, to the number
of ninety-two, and they were single-banked ships
covered by decks, in order that the men rowing
them might if possible not be exposed to the bolts
of the enemy. Such boats are called “ dromones”’ ?
by those of the present time; for they are able to
attain a great speed. In these sailed two thousand
men of Byzantium, who were all rowers as well as

1 The medimnus equalled about one and a half bushels,
24.¢e. ““younners,
105

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἔπλεον, αὐτερέται πάντες" περίνεως yap ἣν ἐν
τούτοις οὐδείς. ἐστέλλετο δὲ καὶ ᾿Αρχέλαος,
ἀνὴρ ἐς πατρικίους τελῶν, ἤδη μὲν τῆς αὐλῆς
ἔπαρχος ' ἔν τε Βυζαντίῳ καὶ ᾿Ιλλυριοῖς γεγονώς,
τότε δὲ τοῦ στρατοπέδου καταστὰς ἔπαρχος"
οὕτω γὰρ ὁ τῆς δαπάνης χορηγὸς ὀνομάζεται.
στρατηγὸν δὲ αὐτοκράτορα ἐφ᾽ ἅπασι Βελισάριον
βασιλεὺς ἔστελλεν, ὃς τῶν éEdwv αὖθις κατα-
λόγων ἦρχε. καὶ αὐτῷ πολλοὶ μὲν δορυφόροι,
πολλοὶ δὲ ὑπασπισταὶ εἵποντο, ἄνδρες τε ἀγαθοὶ
τὰ πολέμια καὶ τῶν περὶ ταῦτα κινδύνων ἀτεχ-
vos? ἔμπειροι. ypaupatd τε αὐτῷ βασιλεὺς
ἔγραφε, δρᾶν ἕκαστα ὅπη ἂν αὐτῷ δοκῇ ἄριστα
ἔχειν, ταῦτά τε κύρια εἶναι ἅτε αὐτοῦ βασιλέως
αὐτὰ διαπεπραγμένου. βασιλέως γὰρ αὐτῷ
ῥοπὴν τὰ γράμματα ἐποίει. ὥρμητο δὲ ὁ Βελι-
σάριος ἐκ Γερμανίας, ἣ Θρᾳκῶν τε καὶ Ἰλλυ-
ριῶν μεταξὺ κεῖται. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐγίνετο
τῇδε.

Γελίμερ δὲ Τριπόλεώς τε πρὸς Πουδεντίου καὶ

αρδοῦς πρὸς Τώδα ἐστερημένος, Τρίπολιν μὲν
ἀνασώσασθαι μόλις ἤλπισεν, ἀπωτέρω τε wKN-
μένην ὅ καὶ Ρωμαίων ἤδη τοῖς ἀποστᾶσι ξυλλαμ-
βανόντων, ἐφ᾽ ods δὴ μὴ αὐτίκα στρατεύειν
ἔδοξέν οἱ ἄριστα ἔχειν: ἐς δὲ τὴν νῆσον προ-
τερῆσαι ἠπείγετο, πρὶν ἢ καὶ ἐς ταύτην Evp-
μαχίαν ἐκ βασιλέως ἥκειν. ἀπολέξας οὖν Βανδί-
λων χιλιάδας πέντε καὶ ναῦς εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν
τὰς ἄριστα πλεούσας στρατηγόν τε ἀποδείξας

1 ἔπαρχος V: ὕπαρχος PO.
2 ἀτεχνῶς VP: παντελῶς Ο.
5 ὠκημένην VO: ὡς κειμένην P.

106

HISTORY OF THE: WARS, III. xi. 16-23

fighting men; for there was not a single superfluous
man among them. And Archelaus was also sent, a
man of patrician standing who had already been
pretorian prefect both in Byzantium and in Ilyri-
cum, but he then held the position of prefect of the
army ; for thus the officer charged with the main-
tenance of the army is designated. But as general
with supreme authority over all the emperor sent
Belisarius, who was in command of the troops of the
East for the second time. And he was followed
by many spearmen and many guards as well, men
who were capable warriors and thoroughly ex-
perienced in the dangers of fighting. And the
emperor gave him written instructions, bidding him
do everything as seemed best to him, and stating
that his acts would be final, as if the emperor
himself had done them. The writing, in fact, gave
him the power of a king. Now Belisarius was a
native of Germania, which lies between Thrace and
Nlyricum. These things, then, took place in this way.

Gelimer, however, being deprived of Tripolis by
Pudentius and of Sardinia by Godas, scarcely hoped to
regain Tripolis, since it was situated at a great distance
and the rebels were already being assisted by the
Romans, against whom just at that moment it seemed
to him best not to take the field ; but he was eager
to get to the island before any army sent by the em-
peror to fight for his enemies should arrive there.
He accordingly selected five thousand of the Vandals
and one hundred and twenty ships of the fastest kind,
and appointing as general his brother Tzazon, he

107

24”

-PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Τζάξωνα τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἔστελλε. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ
Γώδαν τε καὶ Σαρδὼ θυμῷ τε πολλῷ καὶ σπουδῇ
χρώμενοι ἔπλεον, βασιλεὺς δὲ Ἰουστινιανὸς Βα-
λεριανόν τε καὶ Μαρτῖνον προτέρους ἔστελλεν,
ἐφ᾽ ᾧ προσδέξονται τὴν ἄχλην στῥατιᾶν. ἐς τὰ
ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ χωρία. καὶ ἐπειδὴ 1 ἐν ταῖς
ναυσὶν ἄμφω ἐγενέσθην, ἐνθύμιον βασιλεῖ ἐγένετο
ἐντέχλεσθαί τι αὐτοῖν" ὃ καὶ πρότερον ἐθέλοντα
λέγειν ἀσχολία τις λόγων ἑτέρων τὴν διάνοιαν
περιλαβοῦσα ἐξέκρουσε. μεταπεμψάμενος οὖν
αὐτὼ λέγειν ἔμελλεν ἃ ἐβούλετο, ὀλλά, ξυμ-
βαλὼν εὕρισκεν ὡς οὐκ ἂν αὐτοῖν αἴσιον ? εἴη τὴν
πορείαν ἐκκόψαι. ἔπεμπεν οὖν τινας ἀπεροῦντας
αὐτοῖν μήτε ἀναστρέφειν. ἐς αὐτὸν αὖθις “μήτε ἐκ
τῶν νεῶν ἀποβαίνειν. οἱ δέ, ἐ ἐπεὶ τῶν νεῶν ἀγχοῦ
ἐγένοντο, ἐκέλευον ξὺν βοῇ τε καὶ θορύβῳ πολλῷ
μηδαμῶς ἀναστρέφειν, ἔδοξέ τε τοῖς. παροῦσιν
οἰωνός τε εἶναι οὐκ ἀγαθὸς τὸ γινόμενον. καὶ
οὔποτε τῶν ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐκείναις τινὰ ἐκ
Λιβύης ἐς Βυζάντιον ἐπανήξειν. πρὸς γὰρ δὴ
τῷ οἰωνῷ καὶ ἀρὰν ἐς αὐτοὺς ἥκειν ἐκ βασιλέως
οὔτι ἑκόντος, ὥστε μὴ ἀναστρέφειν ὑπώπτευον.
καὶ εἰ μέν τίς αὐτὰ ἐς τὼ ἄρχοντε τούτω, Βαλε-
ριανόν τε καὶ Μαρτῖνον, ξυμβάλλοιτο, οὐκ ἀληθῆ
εὑρήσει τὰ ἐξ ἀρχῆς δόξαντα. ἣν δέ τις ἐν τοῖς
Μαρτίνου δορυφόροις Στότξας, ὃ ὃς δὴ καὶ βασιλεῖ
πολέμιος ἔμελλεν ἔσεσθαι καὶ τυραννίδι ἐπιθέ-
σθαι καὶ ἐς Βυξάντιον ἥκιστα, ἀναστρέφειν, ἐφ᾽
ὃν δὴ τὴν ἀρὰν ἐκείνην ὑποπτεύσειεν ἄν τις ξυν-

1 ἐπειδὴ VP: ἐπεὶ Ο.
2 αἴσιον VP: ὅσιον Ο.

108

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xi. 23-30

sent them off. And so they were sailing with great
enthusiasm and eagerness against Godas and Sardinia.
In the meantime the Emperor Justinian was sending
off Valerian and Martinus in advance of the others
in order to await the rest of the army in the
Peloponnesus. And when these two had embarked
upon their ships, it came to the emperor’s mind that
there was something which he wished to enjoin upon
them,—a thing which he had wished to say previously,
but he had been so busied with the other matters of
which he had to speak that his mind had been occu-
pied with them and this subject had been driven out.
He summoned them, accordingly, intending to say
what he wished, but upon considering the matter, he
saw that it would not be propitious for them to
interrupt their journey. He therefore sent men to
forbid them either to return to him or to disembark
from their ships. And these men, upon coming near
the ships, commanded them with much shouting and
loud cries by no means to turn back, and it seemed
to those present that the thing which had happened
was no good omen and that never would one of the
men in those ships return from Libya to Byzantium.
For besides the omen they suspected that a curse
also had come to the men from the emperor, not at
all by his own will, so that they would not return.
Now if anyone should so interpret the incident
with regard to these two commanders, Valerian and
Martinus, he will find the original opinion untrue.
But there was a certain man among the body-guards
of Martinus, Stotzas by name, who was destined to be
an enemy of the emperor, to make an attempt to set
up a tyranny, and by no means to return to Byzan-
tium, and one might suppose that curse to have been

109

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

eveyxely τὸ δαιμόνιον. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν εἴτε ταύτῃ
εἴτε πη ἄλλῃ ἔχει, ἀφίημι ἑκάστῳ ὅπη ἄν τις
βούληται ἐκλογίζεσθαι. ὅπως δὲ 6 τε στρατη-
γὸς Βελισάριος καὶ τὸ στράτευμα ἐστάλη, ἐρῶν
ἔρχομαι.

ΧΙ

Ἕβδομον ἤδη ἔτος τὴν αὐτοκράτορα ἀρχὴν
ἔχων ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς ἀμφὶ θερινὰς τροπὰς
τὴν στρατηγίδα ἐκέλευσε ναῦν ὁρμίσασθαι ἐς τὴν
ἀκτὴν ἣ πρὸ τῆς βασιλέως αὐλῆς τυγχάνει οὖσα.
ἐνταῦθα ᾿Επιφάνιος ἀφικόμενος, ὁ τῆς πόλεως
ἀρχιερεύς, εὐξάμενός τε ὅσα εἰκὸς ἣν τῶν τινα
στρατιωτῶν ἄρτι βεβαπτισμένον τε καὶ τοῦ
Χριστιανῶν ὀνόματος μεταλαχόντα εἰς τὴν ναῦν
εἰσεβίβασεν. οὕτω τοίνυν ὅ τε στρατηγὸς Βελι-
σάριος καὶ ᾿Αντωνίνα ἡ γυνὴ ἔπλεον. ξυνὴν δὲ
αὐτοῖς καὶ ἸΤροκόπιος, ὃς τάδε ξυνέγραψε, πρότε-
ρον μὲν καὶ μάλα κατορρωδήσας τὸν κίνδυνον,
ὄψιν δὲ ὀνείρου ἰδὼν ὕστερον ἣ αὐτὸν θαρσῆσαί
τε ἐποίησε καὶ ἐς τὸ στρατεύεσθαι ὥρμησεν.
ἐδόκει γὰρ ἐν τῷ ὀνείρῳ εἶναι μὲν ἐν τῇ Βελι-
σαρίου οἰκίᾳ, εἰσελθόντα δὲ ἀγγεῖλαι. τῶν οἰκετῶν
ἕνα ὡς ἥκοιέν τινες δῶρα φέροντες: καὶ Bers-
σάριον διασκοπεῖσθαι κελεύειν αὐτὸν! ὁποῖά
ποτε εἴη τὰ δῶρα, καὶ αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ μεταύλῳ γενό-
μενον ἄνδρας ἰδεῖν ob ἔφερον ἐπὶ τῶν ὦμων γῆν
αὐτοῖς ἄνθεσι. τούτους δὲ εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν εἰσαγ-
αγόντα κελεῦσαι καταθεῖναι ἐν τῷ προστώῳ ἣν
ἔφερον γῆν: οὗ δὴ Βελισάριον ἅμα τοῖς δορυφό-

1 αὐτὸν PO: om. V.

IIo

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xi. 30-xii. 5

turned upon him by Heaven. But whether this matter
stands thus or otherwise, I leave to each one to reason
out as he wishes. But I shall proceed to tell how the
general Belisarius and the army departed.

XII

In the seventh year of Justinian’s reign, at about
the spring equinox, the emperor commanded the
general’s ship to anchor off the point which is before
the royal palace. Thither came also Epiphanius, the
chief priest of the city, and after uttering an appro-
priate prayer, he put on the ships one of the soldiers
who had lately been baptized and had taken the
Christianname. And after this the general Belisarius
and Antonina, his wife, set sail. And there was
with them also Procopius, who wrote this history ;
now previously he had been exceedingly terrified at
the danger, but later he had seen a vision in his
sleep which caused him to take courage and made
him eager to go on the expedition. For it seemed
in the dream that he was in the house of Belisarius,
and one of the servants entering announced that
some men had come bearing gifts; and Belisarius
bade him investigate what sort of gifts they were,
and he went out into the court and saw men who
carried on their shoulders earth with the flowers and
all. And he bade him bring these men into the
house and deposit the earth they were carrying in
the portico; and Belisarius together with his guards-

1τὶ

533 A.D.

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

pos ἥκοντα, αὐτόν τε κατακλίνεσθαι ἐν τῇ γῇ
ἐκείνῃ καὶ τὰ ἄνθη ἐσθίειν, τοῖς τε ἄλλοις αὐτὸϊ
δὴ τοῦτο ποιεῖν ἐγκελεύεσθαι, κατακλινομένοις τε
σφίσι καὶ ἐσθίουσιν ὥσπερ ἐπὶ στιβάδος ἡδεῖαν
κομιδῆ τὴν βρῶσιν φανῆναι. τὰ μὲν δὴ τῆς
ὄψεως τοῦ ὀνείρου ταύτῃ πὴ ἔσχεν.

‘O δὲ ξύμπας στόλος τῇ στρατηγίδι νηὶ εἵπετο,
καὶ προσέσχον Ἰ]ερίνθῳ, ἣ νῦν Ἡράκλεια ἐπι-
καλεῖται, ἔνθα δὴ πέντε ἡμερῶν χρόνος τῇ στρα-
τιᾷ ἐτρίβη, ἐπεὶ βασιλεὺς ἵπποις ὅτε μάλιστα
πλείστοις τὸν στρατηγὸν ἐνταῦθα ἐδωρεῖτο ἐκ
τῶν βασιλικῶν ἱπποφορβίων, & οἱ νέμονται ἐς τὰ
ἐπὶ Θράκης χωρία. ὅθεν δὴ ἀπάραντες ᾿Αβύδῳ
προσωρμίσαντο, καὶ σφίσι ξυνέπεσε τῇδε διὰ τὴν
νηνεμίαν ἡμέρας διατρίβουσι τέσσαρας πρᾶγμα
τοιόνδε ξυνενεχθῆναι. Μασσαγέται δύο τῶν τινα
ς 2 n > fa) cal
ἑταίρων ἐν τῇ ἀκρατοποσίᾳ ἐρεσχελοῦντα σφᾶς,
ἅτε οἰνωμένω, ἀνειλέτην. πάντων γὰρ ἀνθρώ.
TOV μάλιστά εἰσιν ἀκρατοπόται οἱ Μασσαγέται.
Βελισάριος οὖν αὐτίκα τὼ ἄνδρε τούτω ἐν τῷ

fal ἃ », 2 > ΤᾺ 9. Ἂν > ’
κολωνῷ ὃς ἄγχει" ᾿Αβύδου ἐστὶν ἀνεσκολόπισε.
καὶ ἐπειδὴ οἵ τε ἄλλοι καὶ οἱ τοῖν ἀνδροῖν Eury-
γενεῖς ἐδυσχέραινόν τε καὶ ἔφασκον οὐκ ἐπὶ τιμω-
ρίᾳ οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ ὑπεύθυνοι. εἶναι Ῥωμαίων νόμοις
ἐς ξυμμαχίαν ἥκειν (τὰ γὰρ δὴ σφῶν νόμιμα οὐ
τοιάσδε τῶν φόνων ποιεῖσθαι τὰς τίσεις), ξυνε-
θρύλλουν δὲ αὐτοῖς τὴν ἐς τὸν στρατηγὸν αἰτίαν
καὶ στρατιῶται Ῥωμαῖοι οἷς δὴ ἐπιμελὲς ἐγεγόνει
τῶν ἁμαρτανομένων μὴ εἶναι δίκας, τούς τε Μασ-
σαγέτας καὶ τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα ξυγκαλέσας

1 αὐτὸ MSS. : ταὐτὸ Herwerden, approved by Christ.
2 ἄγχι VP: ἄγχιστα Ο.

TI2

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xii. 5-10

men came there, and he himself reclined on that
earth and ate of the flowers, and urged the others to
do likewise ; and as they reclined and ate, as if upon
a couch, the food seemed to them exceedingly sweet.
Such, then, was the vision of the dream.

And the whole fleet followed the general’s ship,
and they put in at Perinthus, which is now called
Heracleia,! where five days’ time was spent by the
army, since at that place the general received as a
present from the emperor an exceedingly great
number of horses from the royal pastures, which are
kept for him in the territory of Thrace. And setting
sail from there, they anchored off Abydus, and it
came about as they were delaying there four days on
account of the lack of wind that the following event
took place. Two Massagetae killed one of their
comrades who was ridiculing them, in the midst of
their intemperate drinking; for they were intoxicated.
For of all men the Massagetae are the most intem-
perate drinkers. Belisarius, accordingly, straightway
impaled these two men on the hill which is near
Abydus. And since all, and especially the relatives
of these two men, were angry and declared that it
was not in order to be punished nor to be subject to
the laws of the Romans that they had entered into
an alliance (for their own laws did not make the
punishment for murder such as this, they said) ; and
since they were joined in voicing the accusation
against the general even by Roman soldiers, who
were anxious that there should be no punishment for
their offences, Belisarius called together both the
Massagetae and the rest of the army and spoke as

1 Eregli, on the Sea of Marmora.

113

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Βελισάριος ἔλεξε τοιάδε: “ΕΠ μὲν πρὸς ἄνδρας
νῦν πρῶτον εἰς πόλεμον καθισταμένους οἱ λόγοι
ἐγίνοντο, μακροῦ ἄν μοι ἐδέησε χρόνου! λέξαντα
πεῖσαι ὑμᾶς" ἡλίκον ἐστὶν ἐφόδιον εἰς τροπαίου
κτῆσιν τὸ δίκαιον. οἱ γὰρ οὐκ ἐξεπιστάμενοι τὰς
τῶν τοιούτων ἀγώνων τύχας ἐν ταῖς χερσὶ μόναις
οἴονται εἶναι τὸ τοῦ πολέμου πέρας. ὑμεῖς δέ, οἱ
πολλάκις μὲν νενικήκατε πολεμίους οὔτεβ τοῖς
σώμασιν ἐλασσουμένους καὶ πρὸς ἀνδρίαν ἱκανῶς
πεφυκότας, πολλάκις δὲ τῶν ἐναντίων ἐν πείρᾳ
γεγένησθε, οὐκ ἀγνοεῖτε, οἶμαι, ὡς μάχονται μὲν
ἐξ ἑκατέρας ἀεὶ στρατιᾶς ἄνθρωποι, βραβεύει δὲ
ὁ θεὸς ὅπως ποτὲ αὐτῷ δοκεῖ καὶ τὸ τοῦ πολέμου
δίδωσι κράτος. ὅτε τοίνυν ταῦτα οὕτως ἔχει, τήν
τε τοῦ σώματος εὐεξίαν καὶ τὴν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις
ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην τοῦ πολέμου παρα-
σκευὴν περὶ ἐλάσσονος προσήκει τοῦ τε δικαίου
καὶ τῶν εἰς θεὸν ἡκόντων ποιεῖσθαι. τὸ γὰρ
μάλιστα ξυνενεγκεῖν τοῖς δεομένοις δυνάμενον
μᾶλλον ἂν εἰκότως πρὸς ἐκείνων τιμῷτο. πρῶτον
δ᾽ ἂν τοῦ δικαίου γένοιτο γνώρισμα ἡ τῶν ἀδίκως
ἀνῃρηκότων ποινή. εἰ γὰρ τό τε δίκαιον καὶ τὸ
ἄδικον κρίνειν τε καὶ ὀνομάζειν ἐκ τῶν εἰς τοὺς
πέλας ἀεὶ πρασσομένων ἐπάναγκες, οὐδὲν ἂν
γένοιτο μᾶλλον ἀνθρώπῳ τῆς ψυχῆς ἔντιμον. εἰ
δέ τις βάρβαρος, ὅτι τὸν ξυγγενῆ μεθύων ἀνεῖλεν,
ἀξιοῖ συγγνώμονα ἔχειν τὴν δίκην, δι ὧν ἀπο-
λύεσθαι τὰς αἰτίας φησὶ χείρω εἰκότως εἶναι
ποιεῖ τὰ ἐγκλήματα. οὔτε γὰρ οὕτω μεθύειν
1 χρόνου MSS.: λόγου Haury.

2 χέξαντα πεῖσαι ὑμᾶς P: om. VO,
3 οὔτε Dindorf : οὐδὲ MSS.

114

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xii. 10-18

follows: “If my words were addressed to men now
for the first time entering into war, it would require
a long time for me to convince you by speech how
great a help justice is for gaining the victory. For
those who do not understand the fortunes of such
struggles think that the outcome of war lies in
strength of arm alone. But you, who have often
conquered an enemy not inferior to you in strength
of body and well endowed with valour, you who
have often tried your strength against your oppo-
nents, you, I think, are not ignorant that, while it
is men who always do the fighting in either army,
it is God who judges the contest as seems best to
Him and bestows the victory in battle. Now since
this is so, it is fitting to consider good bodily condi-
tion and practice in arms and all the other provision
for war of less account than justice and those things
which pertain to God. For that which may possibly
be of greatest advantage to men in need would
naturally be honoured by them above all other things.
Now the first proof of justice would be the punish-
ment of those who have committed unjust murder.
For if it is incumbent upon us to sit in judgment
upon the actions which from time to time are com-
mitted by men. toward their neighbours, and -to
adjudge and to name the just and the unjust action,
we should find that nothing is more precious to a
man than his life. And if any barbarian who has
slain his kinsman expects to find indulgence in his
trial on the ground that he was drunk, in all fairness
he makes the charge so much the worse by reason of
the very circumstance by which, as he alleges, his
guilt is removed. For it is not right for a man under

115

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Ἑ ,
ἄξιον ἄλλως τε Kal τὸν ἐν στρατοπέδῳ βαδίζοντα,
ee > A \ I ς , > 3 3 la
MOTE ἀναιρεῖν τοὺς φιλτάτους ἑτοίμως, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτή

) «- 4 a
γε ἡ μέθη, κἂν ὁ φόνος ἥκιστα ἐπιγένηται, ποινῆς
>? fe ΑΝ 2 is Ν ie
ἀξία, τό τε ξυγγενὲς ἀδικούμενον περὶ πλείονος

aA / a A
ἂν τῶν οὐ προσηκόντων ἐς τιμωρίαν τοῖς γε νοῦν
Ν
ἔχουσι φαίνοιτο. τὸ μὲν οὖν παράδειγμα καὶ ἡ
an , ,

TOV πραττομένων ἀπόβασις ὁποία ποτέ ἐστιν
a a / n

ὁρᾶν πάρεστιν. ὑμᾶς δὲ προσήκει μήτε χειρῶν
BA DCF / , a 3 ,
ἄρχειν ἀδίκων μήτε τι φέρεσθαι τῶν ἀλλοτρίων"
ὡς οὐ περιόψομαί γε οὐδὲ ὑμῶν τινα συστρατιώ-
τὴν ἐμὸν ἡγήσομαι εἶναι, κἂν πάνυ φοβερὸς τοῖς

, a a a
πολεμίοις εἶναι δοκῇ ὃς ἂν μὴ καθαραῖς ταῖς
χερσὶν ἐς τοὺς ἀντιπάλους δύνηται χρῆσθαι. τὸ
γὰρ ἀνδρεῖον οὐκ ἂν νικῴη μὴ μετὰ τοῦ δικαίου
ταττόμενον. 1 Βελισάριος μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπεν. ἡ

Ν \ Z;
δὲ στρατιὰ ξύμπασα, ἐπειδὴ τά τε λεγόμενα
” \ 3 ἈΝ b) [4 3 τὰ 2
ἤκουσαν καὶ ἐς TW ἀνεσκολοπιίσμένω ἀνέβλεψαν,
i)
ἐς δέος Te ἀμήχανον ἦλθον καὶ σωφρόνως βιο-
ΤΑ γ᾽ a 3) (3 3 yw vA té
τεύειν ἐν νῷ ἔλαβον, ὡς οὐκ ἔξω κινδύνου μεγάλου
a Ὁ
ἐσόμενοι, ἤν τι οὐκ ἔννομον ποιοῦντες ἁλοῖεν.

XIII

\ \ a
Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐφρόντιζε Βελισάριος ὅπως τε
δ 4 id ’ EN ἈΝ > Ἂς 8 , Ν 3
ὁ ξύμπας στόλος ἀεὶ κατὰ ταὐτὰϑ πλέοι καὶ ἐς
χωρίον ταὐτὸ προσορμίζοιτο. ἤδει" yap ὡς ἐν

ῇ vf “
μεγάλῳ στόλῳ, ἄλλως τε καὶ ἢν τραχεῖς σφίσιν
1 ταττόμενον PO: πραττόμενον.
2 ἀνέβλεψαν O: ἀπέβλεψαν VP
116

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xii. 18—xiii. 2

any circumstances, and especially when serving in an
army, to be so drunk as readily to kill his dearest
friends ; nay, the drunkenness itself, even if the
murder is not added at all, is worthy of punishment ;
and when a kinsman is wronged, the crime would
clearly be of greater moment as regards punishment
than when committed against those who are not
kinsmen, at least in the eyes of men of sense. Now
the example is before you and you may see what sort
of an outcome such actions have. But as for you, it
is your duty to avoid laying violent hands upon
anyone without provocation, or carrying off the
possessions of others; for I shall not overlook it, be
assured, and I shall not consider anyone of you a
fellow-soldier of mine, no matter how terrible he is
reputed to be to the foe, who is not able to use clean
hands against the enemy. For bravery cannot be
victorious unless it be arraved along with justice.”
So spoke Belisarius. And the whole army, hearing
what was said and looking up at the two men
impaled, felt an overwhelming fear come over them
and took thought to conduct their lives with moder-
ation, for they saw that they would not be free from
great danger if they should be caught doing anything
unlawful. Σ

ΧΙΠ

Arter this Belisarius bethought him how his whole
fleet should always keep together as it sailed and
should anchor in the same place. For he knew that
in a large fleet, and especially if rough winds should

3 ταὐτὰ PO: ταῦτα V. 4 fda VO: ἤδη P.
117

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἄνεμοι ἐπιπέσοιεν, ἐπάναγκες ἀπολείπεσθαί τε
τῶν νεῶν πολλὰς καὶ σκεδάννυσθαι ἐς τὸ πέλα-
γος, οὐκ εἰδέναι τε αὐτῶν τοὺς κυβερνήτας
ὁποίαις ποτὲ τῶν ἔμπροσθεν ἀναγομένων! ἕπε-
σθαι ἄμεινον. λογισάμενος οὖν ἐποίει τάδε. τριῶν
νεῶν, ἐν αἷς αὐτός τε καὶ ἡ θεραπεία ἔπλει, τὰ
ἱστία ἐκ γωνίας τῆς ἄνω καὶ ἐς τριτημόριον
μάλιστα ἔχρισε μίλτῳ, κοντούς τε ὀρθοὺς ava-
στήσας ἐν πρύμνῃ ἑκάστῃ ἀπεκρέμασεν aT αὐτῶν
λύχνα, ὅπως ἔν τε ἡμέρᾳ καὶ νυκτὶ αἱ τοῦ στρα-
Τηγοῦ νῆες ἔκδηλοι εἶεν: αἷς δὴ ἕπεσθαι τοὺς
κυβερνήτας ἐκέλευε πάντας.. οὕτω τε τῶν νεῶν
τῶν τριῶν ἡγουμένων παντὶ τῷ στόλῳ τετύχηκεν
αὐτῶν οὐδεμίαν ἀπολελεῖφθαι. ὅτε μέντοι ἐκ
λιμένος ἀπαίρειν μέλλοιεν, ἐσήμαινον αὐτοῖς αἱ
σάλπιγγες τοῦτο.

Ἔκ δὲ ᾿Αβύδου ἀναχθεῖσιν αὐτοῖς ἄνεμοι
σκληροὶ ἐπιπεσόντες ἤγαγον εἰς τὸ Σίγειον.
αὖθίς τε νηνεμίᾳ χρησάμενοι σχολαίτεροι ἐς
Μαλέαν ἦλθον, ἔνθα δὴ αὐτοῖς ἡ νηνεμία ξυνήνεγ-
κεν ἐς τὰ μάλιστα. ἅτε γὰρ ἐν στόλῳ μεγάλῳ
καὶ ναυσὶν ὑπερμεγέθεσι, νυκτὸς ἐπιγενομένης, ἡ
στενοχωρία ξυνετάραξέ τε ἅπαντα καὶ ἐς ἔσχατον
κινδύνου 2 ἤνεγκεν. ἐνταῦθα οἵ τε κυβερνῆται
καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι ναῦται ἀρετὴν ἐπεδείξαντο, βοῇ τε
καὶ πατάγῳ πολλῷ χρώμενοι καὶ τοῖς κοντοῖς
διωθούμενοι, ἐμπτείρως τε ἀπ᾿ ἀλλήλων τὰς δια-
στάσεις ποιούμενοι, ὥστε εἰ καὶ πνεῦμα ἐπί-
φορον ἢ καὶ ἀπ᾽ ἐναντίας αὐτοῖς ἐπεγένετο, μόλις
ἂν οἱ ναῦταί μοι δοκεῖ σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ τὰς
ναῦς διεσώσαντο. νῦν δὲ οὕτως ὥσπερ εἴρηται

1 ἀναγομένων PO: ἀνομενων V. 23 κινδύνου PO: κίνδυνον V.

118

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xiii. 2-8

assail them, it was inevitable that many of the ships
should be left behind and scattered on the open sea,
and that their pilots should not know which of the
ships that put to sea ahead of them it was better to
follow. So after considering the matter, he did as fol-
lows. The sails of the three ships in which he and his
following were carried he painted red from the upper
corner for about one third of their length, and he
erected upright poles on the prow of each, and hung
lights from them, so that both by day and by night
the general’s ships might be distinguishable; then
he commanded all the pilots to follow these ships.
Thus with the three ships leading the whole fleet
not a single ship was left behind. And whenever
they were about to put out from a harbour, the
trumpets announced this to them.

And upon setting out from Abydus they met with
strong winds which carried them to Sigeum. And
again in calm weather they proceeded more leisurely
to Malea, where the calm proved of the greatest ad-
vantage to them. For since they had a great fleet and
exceedingly large ships, as night came on everything
was thrown into confusion by reason of their being
crowded into small space, and they were brought
into extreme peril. At that time both the pilots and
the rest of the sailors shewed themselves skilful and
efficient, for while shouting at the top of their voices
and making a great noise they kept pushing the
ships apart with their poles, and cleverly kept the
distances between their different vessels; but if a
wind had arisen, whether a following or a head
wind, it seems to me that the sailors would hardly
have preserved themselves and their ships. But as

119

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

διαφυγόντες Ταινάρῳ προσέμιξαν, ἣ ἣ νῦν Καινου-
mons ἐπικαλεῖται. εἶτα ἐνθένδε ὁρμηθέντες
Μεθώνῃ προσέσχον, εὗὑρόν τε ὀλίγῳ πρότερον
τοὺς ἀμφὶ Βαλεριανον : τε καὶ Μαρτῖνον αὐτόσε
ἀφικομένους. καὶ ἐπεὶ ἄνεμοι οὐκ ἐπέπνεον '
σφίσι, τὰς μὲν ναῦς Βελισάριος ἐνταῦθα ὥρμισε,
τὸ δὲ στράτευμα. ἀπεβίβασεν ἅπαν, καὶ ἀπο-
Bayras τούς τε ἄρχοντας διεκόσμησε καὶ τοὺς
στρατιώτας διέτασσε. ταῦτά τε αὐτοῦ διέποντος
καὶ ἀνέμων ἥκιστα ἐπιγινομένων, ἐπῆλθε πολλοῖς
τῶν στρατιωτῶν νόσῳ διαφθαρῆναι ἐξ αἰτίας
τοιᾶσδε.

Ὁ τῆς αὐλῆς ἔπαρχος ὅ ᾿Ιωάννης φλαῦρός τε
ἣν τὸν τρόπον καὶ οὕτω δυνατὸς εἰς τὸ προσαγ-
αγεῖν ὃ εἰς τὸ δημόσιον ἐπινοῆσαι χρήματα ἐπὶ
λύμῃ ἀνθρώπων, ὡς οὐκ ἄν ποτε ἔγωγε φράσαι
ἱκανῶς ἔχοιμι. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν καὶ ὧν τοῖς
ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ὃ “ἐρρήθη, ἡνίκα πρὸς © τῆς
ἱστορίας. ἐς τόδε ἠγόμην τοῦ λόγου. τὰ δὲ νῦν
ὅτῳ ποτὲ τρόπῳ τούτους δὴ τοὺς στρατιώτας διε
χρήσατο ἐρῶν ἔρχομαι. τὸν ἄρτον ¢ ᾧ δὴ μέλλουσιν
ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ οἱ στρατιῶται σιτίξεσθαι, dis!
μὲν ἐπάναγκες ἐς τὸν πνυγέα εἰσάγεσθαι, ἐπι-
μελῶς δὲ οὕτως ὀπτᾶσθαι ὥστε ἐξικνεῖσθαί τε
ἐπὶ πλεῖστον καὶ μὴ χρόνῳ βραχεῖ διαφθείρεσθαι,
τόν τε. οὕτως ὀπτώμενον ἄρτον ἀνάγκη ἐλάσσω
τὸν σταθμὸν ἕλκειν:δ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐν ταῖς
τοιαῖσδε ἀρτοδαισίαις εἰώθασιν οἱ στρατιῶται

1 ἐπέπνεον V: ἔπνεον PO. 2 ἔπαρχος V: ὕπαρχος PO.
3 cis τὸ προσαγαγεῖν P: om. VO.

4 καὶ ἐν Haury: καὶ MSS., κὰν Dindorf.

5 λόγοις VP: χρόνοις O. 8 πρὸς V: mpd PO.

Ἵ δὶς VP: διὸ Ο. ® ἕλκειν VOP corr. : ἔχειν P pr. τὴ,

120

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xiii. 8-15

it was, they escaped, as I have said, and put in at
Taenarum, which is now called Caenopolis.1 Then,
pressing on from there, they touched at Methone,
and found Valerian and Martinus with their men,
who had reached the same place a short time before,
And since there were no winds blowing, Belisarius
anchored the ships there, and disembarked the whole
army ; and after they were on shore he assigned the
commanders their positions and drew up the soldiers.
And while he was thus engaged and no wind at
all arose, it came about that many of the soldiers
were destroyed by disease caused in the following
manner.

The pretorian prefect, John, was a man of worth-
less character, and so skilful at devising ways of
bringing money into the public treasury to the
detriment of men that I, for my part, should never
be competent to describe this trait of his. But
this has been said in the preceding pages, when. I
was brought to this point by my narrative.? But
I shall tell in the present case in what manner he
destroyed the soldiers. The bread which soldiers
are destined to eat in camp must of necessity be put
twice into the oven, and be cooked so carefully as to
last for a very long period and not spoil in a short
time, and loaves cooked in this way necessarily weigh
less; and for this reason, when such bread is dis-
tributed, the soldiers generally received as their

¥ Cape Matapan.
_ 3. Book 1. xxiv. 12-15; xxv. 8-10.

121
VOL. 11. Ἐ

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

[ον an Ν ,
τοῦ συνειθισμένου σταθμοῦ τὸ τεταρτημορίον
14 »
ἀποτέμνεσθαι. ᾿Ιωάννης οὖν λογισάμενος ὅπως
tf \ / \ \ \ - 2
ἐλάσσω τε τὰ ξύλα καὶ τὸν μισθὸν τοῖς ἀρτο-
a , ic > Ἁ e
ποιοῖς ἥσσονα Soin, καὶ ὅπως οἱ οὐκ ἐνδεὴς ὁ
\ vf Ν U
σταθμὸς εἴη, ὠμὸν ἔτι τὸν ἄρτον és τὸ δημόσιον
a , \ 7
βαλανεῖον ἐσκομίσας τὸν ᾿Αχιλλέα, οὗ δὴ ἔνερθεν
a \
τὸ πῦρ καίεται, καταθέσθαι ἐκέλευσε. Kal ἐπειδὴ
ΕΣ ? - Ὁ 2 \ θ I
ἀμωσηγέπως ὀπτᾶσθαι ἐδόκει, ἐμβαλὼν θυλακίοις
ἐνθέμενός τε ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν ἔστελλε. καὶ ἐπεὶ ὁ
lé 3 , 3 , τ 4 ”
στόλος ἐς Μεθώνην ἀφίκετο, διαρρυέντες οἱ ἄρτοι
a 3 a ,
ἐπανῆκον αὖθις ἐς ἄλευρα, οὐχ ὑγιᾶ pévToL,
σεσηπότα δὲ καὶ εὐρωτιῶντα καί τινα ὀσμὴν ἤδη
βαρεῖαν φέροντα. ἐχορήγουν τε αὐτὰ τοῖς στρα-
τιώταις πρὸς μέτρον οἷς προσέκειτο ἡ τιμὴ αὕτη,
χοίνιξί τε ἤδη καὶ μεδίμνοις τὴν ἀρτοδαισίαὰν
ποιούμενοι. τούτοις δὲ οἱ στρατιῶται ὥρᾳ θέρους
ἢ)
ἐν χωρίῳ αὐχμοὺς ἔχοντι 5 σιτιζόμενοι ἐνόσησάν
τε καὶ αὐτῶν ἀπέθανον οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ πεντα-
, 3 4 ὃ} \ ta] , -Ὦ ΓΚ
κόσιοι"ὃ ὃ. δὴ καὶ τοῖς πλείοσι ξυμπεσεῖν ἔμελλεν,
ἀλλὰ Βελισάριος διεκώχυσεν, ἄρτους αὐτοῖς
:) ’, a ΄ a \
ἐπιχωρίους χορηγεῖσθαι κελεύσας. βασιλεῖ δὲ
τὸ πρᾶγμα δηλώσας αὐτὸς μὲν ηὐδοκίμησεν, οὐ
,
μήν τινα τότε ᾿Ιωάννῃ ζημίαν ἤνεγκε.
a x
Ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτως ἐγένετο. ἐκ δὲ Μεθώνης
e ΄ " 7 2 Ἃ 7 »
ὁρμηθέντες ἀφίκοντο ἐς τὸν Ζακυνθίων λιμένα,

1 The comparative idea is required to govern σταθμοῦ.
ἐπαποτέμνεσθαι ?
2 αὐχμοὺς ἔχοντι VP: αὐχμηρῶ O.
3 ἀπέθανον οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ πεντακόσιοι VP in marg. O: ἐν ὀλίγω
τῷ χρόνω ἀπέθανον πεντακόσιοι P in context.
4 ἀλλὰ VP pr. m.: εἰ μὴ P corr. Ο.
122

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xiii. 15-21

portion one-fourth more than the usual weight.!
John, therefore, calculating how he might reduce
the amount of firewood used and have less to pay to
the bakers in wages, and also how he might not lose
in the weight of the bread, brought the still un-
cooked dough to the public baths of Achilles, in the
basement of which the fire is kept burning, and
bade his men set it down there. And when it
seemed to be cooked in some fashion or other, he
threw it into bags, put it on the ships, and sent it
off. And when the fleet arrived at Methone, the
loaves disintegrated and returned again to flour, not
wholesome flour, however, but rotten and becoming
mouldy and already giving out a sort of oppressive
odour. And the loaves were dispensed by measure 3
to the soldiers by those to whom this office was
assigned, and they were already making the dis-
tribution of the bread by quarts and bushels. And
the soldiers, feeding upon this in the summer time
in a place where the climate is very hot, became sick,
and not less than five hundred of them died; and
the same thing was about to happen to more, but
Belisarius prevented it by ordering the bread of the
country to be furnished them. And reporting the
matter to the emperor, he himself gained in favour,
but he did not at that time bring any punishment
upon John.

These events, then, took place in the manner de-
scribed. And setting out from Methone they reached

1 The ration of this twice-baked bread represented for the
same weight one-fourth more wheat than when issued in the
once-baked bread. He was evidently paid on the basis of so
much per ration, in weight, of the once-baked bread, but
on account of the length of the voyage the other kind was
requisitioned. 2 Instead of by weight.

123

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

r “ ,
ἔνθα δὴ ὕδωρ τὲ ἐμβεβλημένοι ὅσον σφίσιν
3 a + Ν ᾽ MN I
ἐξικνεῖσθαι ἔμελλε τὸ ᾿Αδριατικὸν πέλαγος
διωπλέουσι καὶ τὰ ἄλλα παρασκευασάμενοι
Bg » f \ id an X les
ἔπλεον. ἀνέμου δὲ σφίσι μαλακοῦ Te καὶ νωθροῦ
κομιδῇ ἐπιπνεύσαντος ἑκκαιδεκαταῖοι κατέ-

a vA an \
πλευσαν τῆς Σικελίας ἐς χῶρον ἔρημον, οὗ τὸ
ΝΜ 3 \ e Al’ » , 3 ὃ nm ὃ »
ὄρος ἐγγὺς ἡ Αἴτνη ἀνέχει. ἐν δὲ τῷ διάπλῳ

, an
τούτῳ διατρίψασιν αὐτοῖς ὥσπερ εἴρηται, ξυνέ-
a \
πεσὲν ἅπασι διαφθαρῆναι τὰ ὕδατα, πλήν γε δὴ
,
ov Βελισάριός τε αὐτὸς καὶ οἱ ξυμπόται ἔπινον.

24 τοῦτο γὰρ διεσώσατο μόνον ἡ Βελισαρίου γυνὴ

Uy a > Ve 3 δ fe
τρόπῳ τοιῷδε. ἀμφορέας ἐξ ὑάλου πεποιημένους
ὕδατος ἐμπλησαμένη οἰκίσκον τε ἐκ σανίδων

/ 3 , τ. \ a (oN A ? ,
ποιήσασα ἐν κοίλῃ νηὶ ἔνθα δὴ τῷ ἡλίῳ ἐσιέναι
ἀδύνατα ἣν, ἐνταῦθα ἐς ψάμμον τοὺς ἀμφορέας
κατέχωσε, ταύτῃ τε ἀπαθὲς τὸ ὕδωρ διέμεινε.
τοῦτο μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἔσχε.

XIV

Βελισάριος δέ, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα ἐς τὴν νῆσον
ἀπέβη, ἀπορούμενός τε ἤσχαλλε καὶ ἔστρεφεν
αὐτοῦ τὴν διάνοιαν τὸ μὴ εἰδέναι ἐπὶ τίνας ποτὲ
ἀνθρώπων τοὺς Βανδίλους ἴοι, ἢ ὁποίους ποτὲ τὰ
πολέμια, μηδὲ ὅτῳ τρόπῳ ἢ ὁπόθεν ποτὲ σφίσιν
ὁρμωμένοις ποχεμητέα εἴη. μάλιστα δὲ αὐτὸν οἱ
στρατιῶται ξυνετάρασσον, κατωρρωδηκότες τε
τὴν ναυμαχίαν καὶ προλέγειν ἥκιστα αἰσχυνό-
μενοι ὡς, ἢν μέν τις σφᾶς εἰς τὴν γῆν ἀποβήσειε,
πειράσονται ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ ἐν τῇ μάχῃ γίγνεσθαι,
ἢν δὲ πολέμια πλοῖα ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἴοι, ἐς φυγὴν

124

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xiii. 21-xiv. 2

the harbour of Zacynthus, where they took in enough
water to last them in crossing the Adriatic Sea, and
after making all their other preparations, sailed on.
But since the wind they had was very gentle and
languid, it was only on the sixteenth day that they
came to land at a deserted place in Sicily near
which Mount Aetna rises. And while they were
being delayed in this passage, as has been said, it so
happened that the water of the whole fleet was
spoiled, except that which Belisarius himself and his
table-companions were drinking. For this alone was
preserved by the wife of Belisarius in the following
manner. She filled with water jars made of glass
and constructed a small room with planks in the
hold of the ship where it was impossible for the sun to
penetrate, and there she sank the jars in sand, and
by this means the water remained unaffected. So
much, then, for this.

XIV

Anp as soon as Belisarius had disembarked upon
the island, he began to feel restless, knowing not
how to proceed, and his mind was tormented by the
thought that he did not know what sort of men the
Vandals were against whom he was going, and how
strong they were in war, or in what manner the
Romans would have to wage the war, or what place
would be their base of operations. But most of all he
was disturbed bythe soldiers, who were in mortal dread
of sea-fighting and had no shame in saying before-
hand that, if they should be disembarked on the land,
they would try to show themselves brave men in the
battle, but if hostile ships assailed them, they would

125

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

τραπήσονται" οὐ γὰρ οἷοί τέ εἰσι πολεμίοις τε
ἀνδράσι καὶ ὕδασι διαμάχεσθαι. τούτοις οὖν
ἅπασιν ἀπορούμενος ΠΙροκόπιον τὸν αὑτοῦ πάρ-
εδρον ἔστελλεν ἐς Συρακούσας, πευσόμενόν τε Hp
τίνες τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐνέδραι εἰσὶ προλοχίζουσαι
τὸν διάπλουν ἢ ἐν νήσῳ ἢ ἐν ἠπείρῳ, καὶ ὅπη μὲν
τῆς Λιβύης προσορμίσασθαι σφίσιν ἄμεινον ἂν
εἴη, ὁπόθεν δὲ ὁ ὁρμωμένοις τὸν πόλεμον πρὸς Βαν-
δίλους διενεγκεῖν ξυνοίσει. ἐπὰν δὲ τὰ ἐντεταλ-
μένα ποιοίη, ἐπανήκοντά οἱ ἐκέλευεν ἐς Καύκανα
τὸ χωρίον ξυμμῖξαι, διακοσίοις μάλιστα. σταδίοις

υρακουσῶν διέχον, οὗ δὴ αὐτός τε καὶ ὁ ξύμπας
στόλος ὁρμίσασθαι ἔμελλε. τῷ δὲ λόγῳ τροφὰς
αὐτὸν ἔπεμπεν ὠνησόμενον, ἅτε τῶν Τότθων
ἀγορὰν σφίσιν ἐθελόντων διδόναι, δόξαν τοῦτο
βασιλεῖ τε ᾿Ιουστινιανῷ καὶ ᾿Αμαλασούνθῃ τῇ
᾿Αταλαρίχου μητρί, ὃς τότε παῖς τε ὧν καὶ ὑπὸ
τῇ μητρὶ ᾿Αμαλασούνθῃ τρεφόμενος εἶχε τὸ Γότ-
ων τε καὶ ᾿Ιταλιωτῶν κράτος. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ Θευ-
δέριχος τετελευτήκει ' καὶ ἐς τὸν θυγατριδοῦν
᾿Αταλάριχον, ὀρφανὸν τοῦ πατρὸς ἤδη πρότερον
γεγονότα, ἡ βασιλεία. ἧκε, δειμαίνουσα ἡ ᾽Αμα-
λασοῦνθα ΩΝ τε τῷ παιδὶ καὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ
φίλον ᾿Ιουστινιανὸν ἐς τὰ “μάλιστα ἑταιρισαμένη
τά τε ἄλλα ἐπήκουεν αὐτῷ ἐπιτάττοντι καὶ τότε
ἀγορὰν διδόναι τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἐπηγγέλικετο καὶ
ἐποίει ταῦτα.

Ρενόμενος δὲ ἐν ταῖς “Συρακούσαις Ἰροκόπιος
καὶ ἀνδρὸς παρὰ δόξαν ἐπιτυχὼν πολίτου μέν οἱ
καὶ φίλου ὑπάρχοντος ἐκ παιδός, ἐ ἐπ᾽ ἐργασίᾳ δὲ
τῇ κατὰ θάλασσαν ἀπὸ παλαιοῦ ἐν Συρακούσαις

1 τετελευτήκει VO: ἐτεθνήκει Ῥ,
126

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III xiv. 2-7

turn to flight; for, they said, they were not able to
contend against two enemies at once, both men and
water. Being at a loss, therefore, because of all these
things, he sent Procopius, his adviser, to Syracuse,
to find out whether the enemy had any ships in
ambush keeping watch over the passage across the
sea, either on the island or on the continent, and
where it would be best for them to anchor in Libya,
and from what point as base it would be advantageous
for them to start in carrying on the war against the
Vandals. And he bade him, when he should have
accomplished his commands, return and meet him
at the place called Caucana,! about two hundred
stades distant from Syracuse, where both he and the
whole fleet were to anchor. But he let it be under-
stood that he was sending him to buy provisions,
since the Goths were willing to give them a market,
this having been decided upon by the Emperor
Justinian and Amalasountha, the mother of Antalaric,?
who was at that time a boy being reared under the
care of his mother, Amalasountha, and held sway
over both the Goths and the Italians. For when
Theoderic had died and the kingdom came to his
nephew, Antalaric, who had already before this lost
his father, Amalasountha was fearful both for her
child and for the kingdom and cultivated the friend-
ship of Justinian very carefully, and she gave heed
to his commands in all matters and at that time pro-
mised to provide a market for his army and did so.
Now when Procopius reached Syracuse, he un-
expectedly met a man who had been a fellow-citizen
and friend of his from childhood, who had been
living in Syracuse for a long time engaged in the
1 Now Porto Lombardo, 2 Or Athalaric.
127

8 φκημένου, ἐπύθετο ὅσων 1 ἔχρῃξεν" οὗτος γὰρ 0

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

€

ἀνὴρ οἰκέτην αὐτῷ ἐπέδειξε, τριταῖόν οἱ ἐκείνῃ τῇ
ἡμέρᾳ ἐκ Καρχηδόνος ἥκοντα, ὃς δὴ ἔφασκεν. ὡς
οὐδέ τινα πρὸς Βανδίχων ἐνέδραν τῷ στόλῳ

9 ἔσεσθαι ἄξιον εἶναι ὑφορᾶσθαι. πρὸς οὐδενὸς

γὰρ ἐκείνους ἀνθρώπων πεπύσθαι στράτευμα ἐπ᾿
αὐτοὺς ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ ἰέναι, ἀλλὰ καὶ
στρατεύσασθαι ὀλίγῳ 2 ἔμπροσθεν ἐπὶ Γώδαν εἴ
τι ἐν Βανδίλοις δραστήριον ἦν. καὶ διὰ ταῦτα
Γελίμερα πολέμιον. οὐδὲν ἐννοοῦντα, Καρχηδόνος
τε καὶ τῶν ἄχλων ἁπάντων ὠλιγορηκότα τῶν ἐπὶ
θαλάσσῃ χωρίων, ἐν ἱἙρμιόνῃ διατριβὴν ἔχειν,
ἥ ἐστιν ἐν Βυξακίῳ ἡμερῶν τεττάρων ὁδῷ τῆς
ἠιόνος διέχουσα" ὥστε πάρεστιν αὐτοῖς πλεῖν τε
οὐδὲν Setpatvoves δύσκολον Kal mpoooppiterOas
ἔνθα & av αὐτοὺς τὸ πνεῦμα καλοίη. ταῦτα Προ-
κόπιος ἀκούσας τῆς τε χειρὸς τοῦ οἰκέτου λαβό-
μενος ἐπὶ τὸν λιμένα ἐβάδιζε τὴν ᾿Αρέθουσαν,
ἔνθα δή οἱ τὸ πλοῖον ὡρμίξετο, πυνθανόμενός TE
TOU ἀνθρώπου συχνὰ καὶ διερευνώμενος ἕκαστα.
ἐσβὰς δὲ ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐς τὴν ναῦν αἴρεσθαί τε τὰ
ἱστία ἐκέλευσε καὶ πλεῖν κατὰ τάχος ἐς Καύ-
κανα. καὶ ἐπεὶ ὁ τοῦ οἰκέτου δεσπότης ἐπὶ τῆς
ἠιόνος θαυμάζων εἱστήκει ὅτι οἱ οὐκ ἀπεδίδου τὸν
ἄνθρωπον, ἀναβοήσας “Ἡροκόπιος, πλεούσης ἤδη
τῆς νεώς, παρῃτεῖτο μή οἱ χαλεπῶς ἔχειν" χρῆναι
γὰρ τὸν οἰκέτην τῷ τε στρατηγῷ συμμῖξαι καὶ ἐς
τὴν Λιβύην τῷ στρατῷ καθηγησάμενον οὐκ ἐς
μακρὰν εἰς τὰς Συρακούσας ἐπανήκειν, χρήματα
μεγάλα περιβαλλόμενον.
1 ἐπύθετο ὅσων VO: ἐπεύθετο ὅσον P.
2 ὀλίγω PO: ὀλίγον V.
128

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xiv. 7-13

shipping business, and he learned from him what he
wanted ; for this man showed him a domestic who
had three days before that very day come from
Carthage, and he said that they need not suspect
that there would be any ambush set for the fleet by
the Vandals. For from no one in the world had
they learned that an army was coming against them
at that time, but all the active men among the
Vandals had actually a little before gone on an ex- Ὁ
pedition against Godas. And for this reason Gelimer,
with no thought of an enemy in his mind and re-
gardless of Carthage and all the other places on the
sea, was. staying in Hermione, which is in Byzacium,
four days’ journey distant from the coast; so that
it was possible for them to sail without fearing any
difficulty and to anchor wherever the wind should
call them. When Procopius heard this, he took the
hand of the domestic and walked to the harbour of
Arethousa where his boat lay at anchor, making
many enquiries of the man and searching out every
detail. And going on board the ship with him, he
gave orders to raise the sails and to make all speed
for Caucana. And since the master of the domestic
stood on the shore wondering that he did not give
him back the man, Procopius shouted out, when the
ship was already under way, begging him not to be
angry with him; for it was necessary that the
domestic should meet the general, and, after leading
‘the army to Libya, would return after no long time
to Syracuse with much money in his pocket.

129

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

-
᾿Αφικόμενοι δὲ ἐς τὰ Καύκανα εὑρίσκουσιν
: ; ‘
ἅπαντας ἐν πένθει μεγάλῳ. Δωρόθεος yap ὁ τῶν
Ἂς a
ἐν ᾿Αρμενίοις καταλόγων στρατηγὸς ἐνταῦθα
ἐτετελευτήκει, πολὺν αὑτοῦ πόθον τῷ παντὶ
VA 2 7 Ue v4 3 pe Ὄ
στρατοπέδῳ ἀπολιπών. Βελισάριος δέ, ἐπεί. οἱ
Ψ ΝΣ ἐς 2 5, x Ἂς \ t ’
ὃ τε οἰκέτης ἐς ὄψιν ἦλθε καὶ τὸν πάντα Oyo
ἔφρασε, περιχαρὴς γενόμενος καὶ ἸΠροκόπιον πολ-
λὰ ἐπαινέσας, ἐκέλευσε σημῆναι τὸν ἀπόπλουν
ταῖς σάλπιγξιν. ἀράμενοί τε κατὰ τάχος τὰ
, a
ἱστία, Dadr@ τε καὶ Μελίτῃ ταῖς νήσοις mpocka-
χον, ab τό τε ᾿Αδριατικὸν καὶ Τυρρηνικὸν πέλαγος
διορίζουσιν. ἔνθα δὴ αὐτοῖς Ἰῦὔρου πολύ τι
πνεῦμα ἐπιπεσὸν τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ τὰς ναῦς ἐς τὴν
7 Sn σα τ᾿ 2 , A ον \
Λιβύης ἀκτὴν ἤνεγκεν és χωρίον, ὃ δὴ Κεφαλὴν.
ψι a t » a a
Bpaxous Τῇ σφετέρᾳ γλώσσῃ καλοῦσι “Ῥωμαῖοι.
Καπούτβαδα γὰρ ὁ τόπος προσαγορεύεται, πέντε
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Ἐπεὶ δὲ τῆς ἠιόνος ἀγχοῦ ἐγένοντο, τά τε ἱστία
3

κατατίθεσθαι ὁ στρατηγὸς ἐκέλευε καὶ ἀγκύρας
ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν ἀπορριψαμένους ἀνακωχεύειν, τούς
τε ἄρχοντας συγκαλέσας ἐς τὴν αὑτοῦ ναῦν ξύμ-
mavtas βουλὴν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀποβάσεως προὔθηκεν.
ἔνθα δὴ ἄλλοι τε λόγοι πολλοὶ ἐλέχθησαν ἐφ᾽
ἑκάτερα φέροντες καὶ παρελθὼν ᾿Αρχέλαος ἔλεξε
τοιάδε"

“Tod μὲν στρατηγοῦ τὴν ἀρετὴν ἄγαμαι,
ὃς καὶ γνώμῃ παρὰ πολὺ νικῶν ξύμπαντας Kal:
τῆς ἐμπειρίας, ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἥκων, ἔχων τε τὸ

1 ὁδόν V: ὁδῷ O.
130

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xiv. 14 -χν. 2

But upon coming to Caucana they found all in deep
grief. For Dorotheus, the general of the troops of
Armenia, had died there, leaving to the whole army
a great sense of loss. But Belisarius, when the
domestic had come before him and related his whole
story, became exceedingly glad, and after bestowing
many praises upon Procopius, he issued orders to
give the signal for departure with the trumpets.
And setting sail quickly they touched at the islands
of Gaulus and Melita,! which mark the boundary
between the Adriatic and Tuscan Seas. There a
strong east wind arose for them, and on the follow-
ing day it carried the ships to the point of Libya, at
the place which the Romans call in their own tongue
“Shoal’s Head.” For its name is “ Caputvada,” and
it is five days’ journey from Carthage for an un-
encumbered traveller.

Anp when they came near the shore, the general
bade them furl the sails, throw out anchors from
the ships, and make a halt; and calling together
all the commanders to his own ship, he opened a
discussion with regard to the disembarkation. There-
upon many speeches were made inclining to either
side, and Archelaus came forward and spoke as follows:

“1 admire, indeed, the virtue of our general,
who, while surpassing all by far in judgment and
possessing the greatest wealth of experience, and at

1 Now Gozzo and Malta.
131

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

κράτος αὐτός, ἐς μέσον μὲν τὴν βουλὴν προὔθηκε,
κελεύει δὲ λέγειν ἡμῶν ἕκαστον, ὥστε ὅπη ἂν
ἄριστα ἔχειν δοκῇ ἑλέσθαι ἡμῖν δυνατοῖς εἶναι,
παρὸν αὐτῷ γνῶναί τε μόνῳ τὰ δέοντα καὶ κατ᾽
ἐξουσίαν ἐξηγεῖσθαι ἣ βούλοιτο. ὑμῶν δέ, ὦ
ἄνδρες ἄρχοντες (οὐκ οἶδα Oras! ἂν εἴποιμι
εὐπετῶς 3), θαυμάσειεν ἄν τις ὅτι μὴ πρῶτος
αὐτὸς ἕκαστος πρὸς τὴν ἀπόβασιν ἀπειπεῖν
ἐσπευσε. καίτοι ἐπίσταμαι ὡς τὸ εἰσηγεῖσθαί
τι τοῖς ἐς κίνδυνον καθισταμένοις ὄνησιν μὲν τῷ
παραινέσαντι οὐδεμίαν ἰδίᾳ φέρει, ἐς αἰτίαν δὲ ὡς
τὰ πολλὰ περιίσταται. οἱ γὰρ ἄνθρωποι Karas
μὲν φερόμενοι εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν γνώμην ἢ τύχην
ἀναφέρουσι τὰ πρασσόμενα, σφαλέντες δὲ τὸν
παραινέσαντα αἰτιῶνται μόνον. εἰρήσεται δὲ
ὅμως. αἰτίαν γὰρ ὑποστείλασθαι τοὺς περὶ ὃ
σωτηρίας βουλευομένους οὐχ ὅσιον. βουλεύεσθε
ἐς τὴν πολεμίαν ἀποβαίνειν, ἄνδρες ἄρχοντες"
τίνι λιμένι παρακαταθέσθαι τὰς ναῦς ἐννοοῦντες;
ἢ τίνος πόλεως τείχει τὸ ἐχυρὸν ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν
αὐτῶν ἕξοντες; ἢ οὐκ ἀκηκόατε ὡς ταύτην μὲν
τὴν ἀκτὴν ἐννέα ἡμερῶν ὁδόν, λέγω δὲ εἰς ᾿Ιούκην
ἐκ Καρχηδόνος, κατατείνειν φασίν, ἀλίμενόν τε
παντελῶς οὖσαν καὶ τοῖς ἀνέμοις ὅθεν ἂν ἐπι-
πνεύσαιεν * ἐκκειμένην; τεῖχος δὲ οὐδὲν ἐς πᾶσαν
Διβύην ὅτι μὴ τὸ Καρχηδόνος ἀπολέλειπται,
τοῦτο Tuleptyou βουλεύσαντος.5 προσθείη δὲ ἂν
τίς ὡς καὶ τούτῳ τῷ χωρίῳ ὕδωρ τὸ παράπαν
ἐνδεῖν λέγουσι. φέρε γάρ, εἰ δοκεῖ, καί τι τῶν

1 ὅπως VP: πῶς O. ? εὐπετῶς V: εὐπρεπῶς Ο.

3 περὶ : ὑπὲρ Ο. :

4 ἐπιπνεύσαιεν Haury: ἐπιπνεύσοιεν V, ἐπιπνεύσειεν Ο.

ὅ βουλεύσαντος Ο : βασιλεύσαντος Υ.

132

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III xv 2-10

the same time holding the power alone, has proposed
an open discussion and bids each one of us speak,
so that we shall be able to choose whichever course
seems best, though it is possible for him to decide
alone on what is needful and at his leisure to put it
into execution as he wishes. But as for you, my
fellow officers—I do not know how I am to say it
easily—one might wonder that each one did not
hasten to be the first to oppose the disembarkation.
And yet I understand that the making of suggestions
to those who are entering upon a perilous course
brings no personal advantage to him who offers the
advice, but as a general thing results in bringing
blame upon him. For when things go well for men,
they attribute their success to their own judgment or
to fortune, but when they fail,they blame only the one
who has advised them. Nevertheless I shall speak
out. For it is not right for those who deliberate about
safety to shrink from blame. You are purposing to
disembark on the enemy’s land, fellow-officers ; but
in what harbour are you planning to place the ships
in safety? Or in what city’s wall will you find
security for yourselves? Have you not then heard
that this promontory—I mean from Carthage to
Iouce—extends, they say, for a journey of nine days,
altogether without harbours and lying open to the
wind from whatever quarter it may blow? And not
a single walled town is left in all Libya except
Carthage, thanks to the decision of Gizeric.! And
one might add that in this place, they say, water is
entirely lacking. Come now, if you wish, let us

1 Of. III. v. 8 ff. 133

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἐναντίων ὑποθέμενοι τὴν διάγνωσιν ποιησώμεθα.
τοὺς γὰρ ἐς ἀγῶνας καθισταμένους μηδὲν προσ-
δοκᾶν δύσκολον οὔτε ἀνθρώπινον οὔτε τῆς τῶν
΄ὔ UA BA A s > ΤᾺ
πραγμάτων “Φύσεως ἄξιον. ἢν οὖν πον eg
TOV ἡμῶν εἰς τὴν ἤπειρον χειμὼν ἐπιπέσοι,; οὐκ
ἀνάγκη δυοῖν θάτερον ταῖς ναυσὶ ξυμβῆναι, ἢ
ὡς ἀπωτάτω διαφυγεῖν, ἢ ἐπὶ τῆς ἀκτῆς ἀπο-
λωλέναι ταύτης; εἶτα τίς ἡμῖν τῶν ἀναγκαίων
γενήσεται πόρος; μηδεὶς. ἐς ἐμὲ βλεπέτω τὸν τῆς
δαπάνης χορηγὸν ἔπαρχον. ἀρχὴν γὰρ πᾶσαν
τῆς ὑπουργίας ἐστερημένην ἐπάναγκες ἐς ὄνομά
τε καὶ πρόσωπον ἰδιώτου ἀποκεκρίσθαι. ποῦ δὲ
ἡμῖν τῶν ὅπλων τὰ περιττὰ καταθεμένοις ἢ ἄλλο
τι τῶν ἀναγκαίων δέχεσθαι δεήσει προσιόντα τὸν
βάρβαρον; ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν οὐδὲ λέγειν καλὸν
ὅπη ἐκβήσεται. ἐγὼ δὲ ἡγοῦμαι χρῆναι ἡμᾶς
εὐθὺ Καρχηδόνος ἰέναι. λιμένα γὰρ οὐ πλεῖον ἢ
τεσσαράκοντα σταδίους αὐτῆς διέχοντα εἶναί
φασιν, ὃν δὴ Στάγνον καλοῦσιν, ἀφύλακτόν τε
παντάπασιν ὄντα καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἅπαντα στόλον
ἱκανῶς πεφυκότα. ὅθεν δὴ ὁρμωμένοις ἡμῖν τὸν
πόλεμον διενεγκεῖν οὐ χαλεπὸν ἔσται. οἶμαι δὲ
ἔγωγε ὡς Καρχηδόνος τε ἡμᾶς ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς
κρατήσειν εἰκός, ἄλλως τε καὶ μακρὰν αὐτῆς
ἀπολελειμμένων τῶν πολεμίων, καὶ κρατήσασιν
οὐδὲν τοῦ λοιποῦ μοχθηρὸν ἔσεσθαι. τὰ γὰρ
ἀνθρώπεια πάντα κατειλημμένων τῶν κεφα-
λαίων καταρρεῖν οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν εἴωθεν. ὧν
δὴ πάντων ἡμᾶς ἐνθυμουμένους τὰ βέλτιστα
αἱρεῖσθαι προσήκει." ᾿Αρχέλαος μὲν τοσαῦτα
>
εἶπε.
1 ἐπιπέσοι V: ἐπιπέση Ο. ® ἔπαρχον Υ͂ : ὕπαρχον Ο,

134

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III, xv. 10-17

suppose that some adversity befall us, and with this
in view make the decision. For that those who
enter into contests of arms should expect no diffi-
culty is not in keeping with human experience nor
with the nature of things. If, then, after we have
disembarked upon the mainland, a storm should fall
upon us, will it not be necessary that one of two things
befall the ships, either that they flee away as far as
possible, or perish upon this promontory? Secondly,
what means will there be of supplying us with
necessities? Let no one look to me as the officer
charged with the maintenance of the army. For
every official, when deprived of the means of ad-
ministering his office, is of necessity reduced to the
name and character ot a private person. And
where shall we deposit our superfluous arms or any
other part of our necessaries when we are compelled
to receive the attack of the barbarians? Nay, as for
this, it is not well even to say how it will turn out.
But I think that we ought to make straight for Car-
thage. For they say that there is a harbour called
Stagnum not more than forty stades distant from that
city, which is entirely unguarded and large enough
for the whole fleet. And if we make this the base of
our operations, we shall carry on the war without
difficulty. And I, for my part, think it likely that
we shall win Carthage by a sudden attack, especially
since the enemy are far away from it, and that after
we have won it we shall have no further trouble.
For it is a way with all men’s undertakings that when
the chief point has been captured, they collapse after
no long time. It behoves us, therefore, to bear in
mind all these things and to choose the best course.”
So spoke Archelaus.

135

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Βελιεσάριος δὲ ἔλεξεν ὧδε" “Μηδεὶς ὑμῶν, ὦ
ξυνάρχοντες, ἐπιυγνώμονος εἶναι τοὺς λόγους οἰέσ-
θω, μηδὲ διὰ τοῦτο ἐν ὑστάτῳ εἰρῆσθαι, ὥστε
αὐτοῖς ἕπεσθαι, ὁποῖοί ποτ᾽ ἂν ὦσιν, ἀναγκαῖον
ἅπασι γίγνεσθαι. ὅσα μὲν γὰρ ὑμῶν ἑκάστῳ
οκεῖ ἄριστα εἶναι ἀκήκοα: προσήκει δὲ καὶ ἐμὲ
ὅσα γινώσκω ἐς μέσον ἐξενεγκόντα οὕτω σὺν ὑμῖν
ἑλέσθαι τὰ κρείσσω. ἐκεῖνο δὲ ὑπομνῆσαι ὑμᾶς
ἄξιον, ὡς ὀλίγῳ πρότερον οἱ μὲν στρατιῶται
δεδιέναι τε τοὺς ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ κινδύνους ἄντι.
Kpus ἔλεγον καὶ ὡς ἐς φυγὴν τρέψονται, ἣν ναῦς
πολεμία ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἴοι, ἡμεῖς δὲ τὸν θεὸν ἠτοῦμεν
γῆν τὴν Λιβύης καὶ τὴν ἐς ταύτην ἀπόβασιν
εἰρηναίαν ἡμῖν ἐπιδεῖξαι. τούτων δὲ τοιούτων
ὄντων, ἀξυνέτων ἀνδρῶν ἡγοῦμαι εἶναι εὔχεσθαι
μὲν παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ λαβεῖν τὰ βελτίονα, δεδομένων
δὲ αὐτῶν 1 ἀποσείεσθαί τε καὶ ἀπ᾽ ἐναντίας ζέναι.
ἢν δὲ καὶ πλέουσιν ἡμῖν εὐθὺ Καρχηδόνος στόλος
ἀπαντήσῃ πολέμιος, τοῖς μὲν στρατιώταις κατὰ
κράτος φεύγουσι τὸ μὴ μεμπτοῖς εἶναι λελείψε-
Tat’ ἁμάρτημα yap προρρηθὲν τὴν ἀπολογίαν
ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ φέρει: ἡμῖν δὲ καὶ διασωθεῖσιν οὐ-
δεμία συγγνώμη. πολλῶν δὲ ὄντων, ἣν ἐν ταῖς
ναυσὶ μένωμεν, δυσχερῶν, ἐκεῖνο μόνον ἱκανῶς,
οἶμαι, λελέξεται, ᾧ μάλιστα δεδίττεσθαι ἡμᾶς
ἀξιοῦσι, τὸν χειμῶνα ἐπανασείοντες. ἢν γάρ
τίς ἐπιπέσοι χειμών, ἀνάγκη ταῖς ναυσίν, ὥσπερ
φασί, δυοῖν ξυμβῆναι τὸ ἕτερον, ἢ πόρρω που
τῆς Λιβύης διαφυγεῖν, ἢ ἐπὶ τῆς ἀκτῆς διαφθαρῆ-
ναι ταύτης. τί τοίνυν ὡς ἐκ τῶν παρόντων édo-
μένοις ἡμῖν μᾶλλον ξυνοίσει; μόνας διεφθάρθαι

1 δὲ αὐτῶν Dindorf: τε αὐτῶν MSS,

136

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xv. 18-25

And. Belisarius spoke as follows: “ Let no one of
you, fellow-officers, think that my words are those of
censure, nor that they are spoken in the last place to
the end that it may become necessary for all to follow
them, of whatever sort they may be. For I have
heard what seems best to each one of you, and it
is becoming that I too should lay before you what 1
think, and then with you should choose the better
course. But it is right to remind you of this fact,
that the soldiers said openly a little earlier that they
feared the dangers by sea and would turn to flight
if a hostile ship should attack them, and we prayed
God to shew us the land of Libya and allow us a
peaceful disembarkation upon it. And since this is
so, I think it. the part of foolish men first to pray to
receive from God the more favourable fortune, then
when this is given them, to reject it and go in the
contrary direction. And if we do sail straight for
Carthage and a hostile fleet encounters us, the
soldiers will remain without blame, if they flee
with all their might—for a delinquency announced
beforehand carries with it its own defence—but
for us, even if we come through safely, there will
be no forgiveness. Now while there are many
difficulties if we remain in the ships, it will be
sufficient, I think, to mention only one thing,—that
by which especially they wish to frighten us when
they hold over our heads the danger of astorm. For
if any storm should fall upor us, one of two things,
they say, must necessarily befall the ships, either that
they flee far from Libya or be destroyed upon. this
headland. What then under the present circum-
stances will be more to our advantage to choose?

137

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

τὰς ναῦς, ἢ αὐτοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἅπαντα ἀπολωλέναι
τὰ πράγματα; χωρὶς δὲ τούτων νῦν μὲν ἀπαρα-
σκεύοις ἐπιπεσόντες τοῖς πολεμίοις κατὰ νοῦν,
ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἀπαλλάξομεν' τὰ γὰρ πολέμια τῷ
ἀπροσδοκήτῳ δουλοῦσθαι πέφυκε: μικρὸν δὲ
ὕστερον ἤδη ἰ τῶν πολεμίων ἐν παρασκευῇ γεγονό-
tov ἐξ ἀντιπάλου ἡμῖν τῆς δυνάμεως ὁ ἀγὼν
ἔσται. προσθείη δὲ ἄν τις ὡς καὶ ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς
ἴσως ἀγωνιεῖσθαι δεήσει τῆς ἀποβάσεως, ἐκεῖνά
τε ζητεῖν ἃ νῦν παρόντα ἡμῖν ὡς οὐκ ἀναγκαῖα
ἐς βουλὴν ἔρχεται. ἣν δὲ καὶ χειμὼν τηνικαῦτα
ἀγωνιζομένοις 5 ἡμῖν ἐπιγένηται, ὡς τὰ πολλὰ
ἐν θαλάσσῃ φιλεῖ γίνεσθαι, πρός τε τὰ κύματα
καὶ τοὺς Βανδίλους διαμαχόμενοι μεταμαθεῖν τὴν
εὐβουλίαν εἰσόμεθα. φημὶ δὴ " ἔγωγε χρῆναι
ἀποβῆναι μὲν ἡμᾶς ἐς τὴν ἤπειρον αὐτίκα δὴ
μάλα, ἵππους τε ἀποβιβάξοντας καὶ ὅπλα καὶ
εἴ Te ἄλλο ἐς τὴν χρείαν ἡμῖν ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι
οἰόμεθα, τάφρον δὲ κατὰ τάχος ὀρύξαι καὶ χαρά-
κωμα περιβαλεῖν οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ὅτου τις ἂν 3
εἴποι τείχους εἰς ἀσφάλειαν ἡμῖν συντελέσαι
δυνάμενον, ἐκεῖθεν δὲ ὁρμωμένους τὸν πόλεμον,
ἤν τις ἐπίοι, διενεγκεῖν. ἐπιλείψει δὲ ἡμᾶς
ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς γινομένους τῶν ἐπιτηδείων οὐδέν.
τοῖς γὰρ κρατοῦσι τῶν πολεμίων τὸ κυρίοις εἶναι,
τῶν ἐκείνοις προσηκόντων ξυμβαίνει, καὶ ἡ νίκη
πάντα περιβαλομένη τὰ χρήματα, ἔνθα ἂν κλίνῃ,
κατατίθεσθαι πέφυκεν. ὥστε ὑμῖν ἥ τε σωτὴρία
καὶ ἡ τῶν ἀγαθῶν περιουσία ἐν ταῖς χερσὶ κεῖται."

Ταῦτα Βελισαρίου εἰπόντος ξυνέφασάν τε καὶ

1 ἤδη O: om. Υ͂. 3 ἀγωνιζομένοις: O: ἀγομένοις V,
5 δὴ V Christ: 380. 4 ὅτου τις ἂν Ο: ἢ ὡς ἄν ris V.

138

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xv. 25-31

to have the ships alone destroyed, or to have lost
everything, men and all? But apart from this, at the
present time we shall fall upon the enemy unpre-
pared, and in. all probability shall fare as we desire ;
for in warfare it is the unexpected which is accustomed
to govern the course of events. But a little later,
when the enemy have already made their preparation,
the struggle we shall have will be one of strength
evenly matched. And one might add that it will
be necessary perhaps to fight even for the disem-
barkation, and to seek for that which now we have
within our grasp but over which we are deliberating as
a thing not necessary. And if at the very time, when
we are engaged in conflict, a storm also comes upon
us, as often happens on the sea, then while struggling
both against the waves and against the Vandals, we
shall come to regret our prudence. As for me, then,
I say that we must disembark upon the land with
all possible speed, landing horses and arms and what-
ever else we consider necessary for our use, and that
we must dig a trench quickly and throw a stockade
around us of a kind which can contribute to our
safety no less than any walled town one might
mention, and with that as our base must carry on the
war from there if anyone should attack us. And if
we shew ourselves brave men, we shall lack nothing
in the way of provisions. For those who hold the
mastery over their enemy are lords also of the enemy’s
possessions ; and it is the way of victory, first to invest
herself with all the wealth, and then to set it down
again on that side to which she inclines. Therefore,
for you both the chance of safety and of having an
abundance of good things lies in your own hands.”’
When Belisarius had said this, the whole assembly

139

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἀπεδέξαντο ἅπας ὃ ξύλλογος, καὶ διαλυθέντες
ὡς τάχιστα τὴν ἀπόβασιν ἐποιήσαντο τρισὶ
μάλιστα μησὶν ὕστερον ἢ ἀὐτοῖς ἐκ Βυζαντίου
ὁ ἀπόπλους ἐγένετο. καὶ δείξας τι χωρίον ἐπὶ!
τῆς ἠιόνος ὁ στρατηγὸς τοῖς τε στρατιώταις καὶ
ναύταις ἐκέλευε τήν τὲ τάφρον ὀρὕσσειν καὶ τὸ
χαράκωμα. περιβάλλεσθαι. οἱ δὲ κατὰ ταῦτα
ἐποίουν. ἅτε δὲ ὄχλου πολλοῦ ἐργαζομένου καὶ
τοῦ φόβου τὴν προθυμίαν ἐγείροντος καὶ τοῦ
στρατηγοῦ ἐγκελευομένου, αὐτῇ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἥ τε
τάφρος ὀρώρυκτο καὶ τὸ χαράκωμα ξυντετέλεστο
καὶ οἱ σκόλοπες κύκλῳ πανταχόθεν ξυνεπεπή-
χατο. ἔνθα δὴ καί τι τοῖς τὴν τάφρον ὀρύσσουσι
τετύχηκε θαυμάσιον ἡλίκον. ὕδατος πολύ τι,

᾿ ΣΥΞΣ ΕΣ FP
χρῆμα ἡ γῆ ἀνῆκεν, οὐ γεγονὸς τοῦτο ἐν Βυξακίῳ
πρότερον, ἄλλως τε καὶ τοῦ χωρίου ἀνύδρου
ὄντος. τοῦτο δὴ τὸ ὕδωρ ἐς πᾶσαν χρείαν τοῖς
ἀνθρώποις καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ζῴοις ἐπήρκεσε. καὶ
συνηδόμενος τῷ στρατηγῷ Προκόπιος ἔλεγεν ὡς
οὐ διὰ τὴν χρείαν τῇ τοῦ ὕδατος περιουσίᾳ
χαίροι," ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι οἱ ξύμβολον εἶναι δοκεῖ νίκης
amovov καὶ τοῦτο σφίσι “προλέγειν τὸ θεῖον.
ὅπερ οὖν καὶ ἐγένετο. τὴν μὲν οὖν νύκτα ἐκείνην
οἱ στρατιῶται ξύμπαντες ἐν τῷ στρατοτπτἔδῳ
ηὐλίσαντο, φύλακάς τε καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἧπερ εἰώθει
ποιούμενοι, πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι τοξότας πέντε ἐν
νηὶ ἑκάστῃ Βελισάριος ἐκέλευσε μεῖναι φυλακῆς
ἕνεκα, καὶ τοὺς δρόμωνας ἐν κύκχῳ αὐτῶν ὁρμίξζε-
σθαι, φυλασσομένους μή τις ἐπ᾽ αὐτὰς 4 κακουρ-
γήσων ἴοι.

1 ἐπὶ V: ὑπὲρ Ο. 2 χαιροι Ῥ: χαίρει V, χαίρειν Ο.

5 imep VP: ἅπερο. “ αὐτὰς VP: αὐτοὺς Ο.
140

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xv. 31-36

agreed and adopted his proposal, and separating from
one another, they made the disembarkation as quickly
as possible, about three months later than their
departure from Byzantium. And indicating a certain
spot on the shore the general bade both soldiers and
sailors dig the trench and place the stockade about it.
And they did as directed. And since a great throng
was working and fear was stimulating their enthusiasm
and the general was urging them on, not only was
the trench dug on the same day, but the stockade
was also completed and the pointed stakes were
fixed in place all around. Then, indeed, while they
were digging the trench, something happened which
was altogether amazing. A great abundance of water
sprang forth from the earth, a thing which had not
happened before in Byzacium, and besides this the
place where they were was altogether waterless.
Now this water sufficed for all uses of both men
and animals. And in congratulating the general,
Procopius said that he rejoiced at the abundance of
water, not so much because of its usefulness, as because
it seemed to him a symbol of an easy victory, and that
Heaven was foretelling a victory tothem. This, at any
rate, actually came to pass. So for that night all the
soldiers bivouacked in the camp, setting guards and
doing everything else as was customary, except,
indeed,. that. Belisarius commanded five bowmen to
remain in each ship for the purpose of a guard, and
that the ships-of-war should anchor in a circle about
them, taking care that no one should come against
them to do them harm.

141

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

XVI

Τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ, ἐπειδὴ τῶν στρατιωτῶν τινες
ἐς τοὺς ἀγροὺς ἀναβαίνοντες τῶν ὡραίων ἥπτοντο,
αὐτῶν τε τὰ σώματα ὁ στρατηγὸς οὐ παρέργως
ἠκίσατο καὶ ξυγκαλέσας ἅπαντας ἔλεξε τοιάδε"
“Τὸ μὲν βιάζεσθαι καὶ τοῖς ἀλλοτρίοις σιτίζε-
σθαι ταύτῃ μόνον ἔν γε τοῖς ἄλλοις καιροῖς
μοχθηρὸν πεφυκέναι δοκεῖ, ὅτε τὸ ἄδικον ἐν αὑτῷ]
φέρεται" νῦν δὲ τοσοῦτον αὐτῷ τῆς δυσκολίας

: Ἵ 3
περίεστιν WOTE, εἰ μὴ πικρὸν εἰπεῖν, τὸν τοῦ
δικαίου λόγον περὶ ἐλάσσονος ποιησαμένους τὸν
ἐντεῦθεν κίνδυνον ἡμᾶς ἡλίκος ποτέ ἐστιν ἐκλογί-
ἕεσθαι χρή. ἐγὼ yap ἐκείνῳ μόνῳ τὸ θαρρεῖν
ἔχων εἰς τὴν γῆν ὑμᾶς ἀπεβίβασα ταύτην, ὅτι
τοῖς Βανδίλοις οἱ Λίβυες, Ῥωμαῖοι τὸ ἀνέκαθεν
ὄντες, ἄπιστοί τέ εἶσι καὶ χαλεπῶς ἔχουσι, καὶ
διὰ τοῦτο ὥμην ὡς οὔτ᾽ 5 ἄν τι τῶν ἀναγκαίων
ἡμᾶς ἐπιλείποι οὔτε" τι ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς κακὸν
ἐργάσονται ἡμᾶς οἱ πολέμιοι. ἀχλὰ νῦν αὕτη
ὑμῶν ἢ ἀκράτεια ταῦτα εἰς τοὐναντίον ἡμῖν
μεταβέβληκε. τοὺς γὰρ Λίβυας δήπου κατηλ-
λάξατε τοῖς Βανδίλοις, εἰς ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς ἤδη τὴν
τούτων περιαγαγόντες ὃ δυσμένειαν. φύσει γὰρ
πρόσεστι τοῖς ἀδικουμένοις ἡ πρὸς τοὺς βιαζο-
μένους ἔχθρα, καὶ περιέστηκεν ὑμῖν τῆς τε ὑμῶν
αὐτῶν ἀσφαλείας καὶ τῆς τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀφθονίας

1 αὑτῷ Wahler: aitw MSS,
ἢ οὔτ᾽- οὔτε Haury: οὐδ᾽. οὐδὲ MSS.
8 περιαγαγόντες VO: περιάγοντες P,

142

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xvi. 1-5

XVI

But on the following day, when some of the
soldiers went out into the fields and laid hands on
the fruit, the general inflicted corporal punishment
of no casual sort upon them, and he called all the
army together and spoke as follows: “ This using of
violence and the eating of that which belongs to
others seems at other times a wicked thing only on
this account, that injustice is in the deed itself, as
the saying is; but in the present instance so great
an element of detriment is added to the wrongdoing
that—if it is not too harsh to say so—we must
consider the question of justice of less account and
calculate the magnitude of the danger that may arise
from your act. For I have disembarked you upon
this land basing my confidence on this alone, that
the Libyans, being Romans from of old, are unfaith-
ful and hostile to the Vandals, and for this reason I
thought that no necessaries would fail us and, besides,
that the enemy would not do us any injury by a sudden
attack. But now this your lack of self-control has
changed it all and made the opposite true. For you
have doubtless reconciled the Libyans to the Vandals,
bringing their hostility round upon your own selves.
For by nature those who are wronged feel enmity
toward those who have done them violence, and it
has come round to this that you have exchanged
your own safety and a bountiful supply of good

143

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ὀλίγα ἄττα ἀργύρια ἀνταλλάξασθαι, παρὸν ὑμῖν
Tap ἑκόντων ὠνουμένοις τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τῶν κυρίων
μήτε ἀδίκοις εἶναι δοκεῖν καὶ φίλοις ἐκείνοις ἐς τὰ
μάλιστα χρῆσθαι. νῦν οὖν πρός τε Βανδίλους
ὑμῖν καὶ Λίβυας ὁ πόλεμος ἔσται, éyw δὲ ἔγωγε
καὶ τὸν θεὸν αὐτόν, ὃν οὐδεὶς ἀδικῶν ἐς ἐπι-
κουρίαν παρακαλεῖ. ἀλλὰ παύσασθε μὲν τοῖς
ἀλλοτρίοις ἐπιπηδῶντες, κέρδος δὲ ἀποσείσασθε
κινδύνων μεστόν. οὗτος γὰρ ἐκεῖνος ὁ καιρός
ἐστιν ἐν ᾧ μάλιστα σωφροσύνη μὲν οἵα τε σώζειν,
ἀκοσμία δὲ ἐς θάνατον φέρει. τούτων γὰρ ἐπι-
μελομένοις ὑμῖν ἵλεως μὲν ὁ θεός, εὔνους δὲ ὁ τῶν
Λιβύων λεώς, καὶ τὸ τῶν Βανδίλων γένος εὐέφοδον
ἔσται."

Τοσαῦτα εἰπὼν Βελισάριος καὶ τὸν ξύλλογον
διαλύσας, ἐπεὶ ἤκουσε Σύλλεκτον πόλιν ἡμέρας
ὁδὸν τοῦ στρατοπέδου διέχουσαν ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ
εἶναι ἐν τῇ ἐπὶ Καρχηδόνα φερούσῃ, ἧς τὸ μὲν
τεῖχος ἐκ παλαιοῦ «καθηρημένον ἐτύγχανεν, οἱ δὲ
ταύτῃ φκημένοι τοὺς τῶν οἰκιῶν τοίχους παντα-
χόθεν ἀποφράξαντες διὰ τὰς τῶν Μαυρουσίων
ἐπιδρομὰς περιβόλου ἐφύλασσον σχῆμα, τῶν
δορυφόρων ἕνα Βοριάδην ἅμα τῶν ὑπασπιστῶν
τίσιν ἔστελλεν, ἐπαγγείλας αὐτοῖς τῆς τε πόλεως
ἀποπειρᾶσθαι καί, ἢν ἕλωσι, κακὸν μὲν μηδὲν ἐν
αὐτῇ δρᾶσαι, ἐπαγγείλασθαι δὲ ἀγαθὰ μυρία, καὶ
ὡς ἐπὶ τῇ αὐτῶν ἐλευθερίᾳ ἥκοιεν, ὥστε εἰσιτητὰ
τῷ στρατῷ ἐς αὐτὴν γενέσθαι. οἱ δὲ περὶ λύχνων
ἁφὰς ἀγχοῦ τῆς πόλεως γενόμενοι, ἐν φάραγγί τε
λαθόντες διενυκτέρευσαν. ἕωθεν δὲ ἀγροίκων σὺν
ἁμάξαις ἐς αὐτὴν εἰσιόντων ἐπιτυχόντες συν-

1 ἐπιπηδῶντες V and Theophanes : ἐπεισπηδῶντες PO,

144

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xvi. 5-10

things for some few pieces of silver, when it was
possible for you, by purchasing provisions from willing
owners, not to appear unjust and at the same time to
enjoy their friendship to the utmost. Now, there-
fore, the war will be between you and both Vandals
and Libyans, and I, at least, say further that it will
be against God himself, whose aid no one who does
wrong can invoke. But do you cease trespassing
wantonly upon the possessions of others, and reject a
gain which is full of dangers. For this is that time
in which above all others moderation is able to save,
but lawlessness leads to death. For if you give heed
to these things, you will find God propitious, the
Libyan people well-disposed, and the race of the
Vandals open to your attack.”

With these words Belisarius dismissed the assembly.
And at that time he heard that the city of Syllectus
was distant one day’s journey from the camp, lying
close to the sea on the road leading to Carthage, and
that the wall of this city had been torn down for a
long time, but the inhabitants of the place had made
a barrier on all sides by means of the walls of their
houses, on account of the attacks of the Moors, and
guarded a kind of fortified enclosure ; he, accordingly,
sent one of his spearmen, Boriades, together with some
of the guards, commanding them to make an attempt
on the city, and, if they captured it, to do no harm in
it, but to promise a thousand good things and to say
that they had come for the sake of the people’s
freedom, that so the army might be able to enter
into it. And they came near the city about dusk
and passed the night hidden in a ravine. But at
early dawn, meeting country folk going into the city

145

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

εισῆλθόν τεὶ σιωπῇ καὶ οὐδενὶ" πόνῳ τὴν πόλιν
ἔσχον. καὶ ἐπεὶ ἡμέρα ἐγένετο, οὐδενὸς θορύβου
ἡγησαμένου, τόν τε ἱερέα καὶ εἴ τι δόκιμον Hy
ξυγκαλέσαντες τάς τε τοῦ στρατηγοῦ ἐντολὰς

\ a n
. ἀπήγγελλον, καὶ τὰς κλεῖς τῶν εἰσόδων Tap

ἑκόντων λαβόντες TH στρατηγῷ ἔπεμψαν.
Ὁ 3 A ς , XN n ,

Τῇ δὲ αὐτῇ ἡμέρᾳ καὶ ὁ τοῦ δημοσίου δρόμου
ἐπιμελούμενος ηὐτομόλησε παραδοὺς τοὺς δημο-
σίους ξύμπαντας ἵππους. ξυλληφθέντα δὲ καί
τινα τῶν ἐς τὰς βασιλικὰς ἀποκρίσεις ἀεὶ στεχλο-
μένων, ods δὴ βεριδαρίους καλοῦσι, κακὸν μὲν
οὐδὲν ὁ στρατηγὸς ἔδρασε, χρυσῷ δὲ πολλῷ
δωρησάμενος καὶ πιστὰ λαβὼν τὰς ἐπιστολὰς
ἐνεχείρισεν ἅσπερ ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς πρὸς
Βανδίλους ἔγραψεν, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τοῖς Βανδίλων ἄρχουσι
δοῦναι. ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ rade “Οὔτε Βανδί-
λοις πολεμεῖν ἔγνωμεν οὔτε τὰς 8 Γιζερίχου σπον-
δὰς λύομεν, ἀλλὰ τὸν ὑμέτερον τύραννον καθελεῖν
ἐγχειροῦμεν, ὃς τῶν Dilepryou διαθηκῶν oduyo-
pnoas tov μὲν βασιλέα ὑμῶν καθείρξας τηρεῖ,
τῶν δὲ αὐτοῦ συγγενῶν οὺς μὲν σφόδρα ἐμίσει,
κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἔκτεινε, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς τὰς ὄψεις
ἀφελόμενος ἐν φυλακῇ ἔχει," οὐκ ἐῶν θανάτῳ
καταλῦσαι τὰς συμφοράς. συλλάβεσθε τοίνυν
ἡμῖν καὶ συνελευθεροῦτε ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς οὕτω
μοχθηρᾶς τυραννίδος, ὅπως ἂν δύνησθε τῆς τε
εἰρήνης καὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἀπόνασθαι. ταῦτα
γὰρ ὑμῖν παρ᾽ ἡμῶν ἔσεσθαι πρὸς τοῦ θεοῦ τὰ
1 συνεισῆλθόν τε Haury: συνεισελθόντες VP, ξυνεισελθϑόντες O.

2 καὶ οὐδενὶ P: ἐν οὐδενὶ V, «atom. Ο.

ὃ οὔτε τὰς Haury: οὔτε δὲ τὰς V, οὐδὲ τὰς PO,
4 ἔχει VP: ἔσχεν Ο.

146

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xvi. 10-14

with waggons, they entered quietly with them and
with no trouble took possession of the city. Ana
when day came, no one having begun any disturbance,
they called together the priest and all the other
notables and announced the commands of the general,
_and receiving the keys of the entrances from willing
hands, they sent them to the general.

On the same day the overseer of the public post
deserted, handing over-all the government. horses.
And they captured also one of those who are occasion-
ally sent to bear the royal responses, whom they call
“ yeredarii”’!; and the general did him no harm but
presented him with much gold and, receiving pledges
from him, put into his hand the letter which the
Emperor Justinian had written to the Vandals, that
he might give it to the magistrates of the Vandals.
And the writing was as follows: “ Neither have we
decided to make war upon the Vandals, nor are we
breaking the treaty of Gizeric, but we are attempting
to dethrone your tyrant, who, making light of the
testament of Gizeric, has imprisoned your king and
is keeping him in custody, and those of his relatives
whom he hated exceedingly he put to death at the
first, and the rest, after robbing them of their sight,
he keeps under guard, not allowing them to terminate
their misfortunes by death. Do you, therefore, join
forces with us and help us in freeing yourselves from
so wicked a tyranny, in order that you may be able
to enjoy both peace and freedom. For we give you
pledges in the name of God that these things will

1 i.e. couriers, from veredus, ‘‘ post-horse.”

147

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

\ 7 325) aA \ \ Υ
πιστὰ δίδομεν." τοσαῦτα μὲν τὰ βασιλέως
΄ 20 Ζ ie sf a δ᾽ ’
γράμματα ἐδήλου. ὁ δὲ ταῦτα παρὰ Βελισαρίου
λαβὼν ἐξενεγκεῖν μὲν εἰς τὸ φανερὸν οὐκ ἐτόλ-

΄ \ a /- 3 , > \ «“
μησε, λάθρα δὲ τοῖς φίλοις ἐπιδείξας οὐδὲν ὅ τι
καὶ λόγου ἄξιον διεπράξατο.1

XVII

Βελισάριος δὲ ws ἐς παράταξιν ὧδε διακοσμή-
σᾶς τὸ στράτευμα τὴν ἐπὶ Καρχηδόνα ἐβάδιξε.
τῶν δ᾽ ὑπασπιστῶν τριακοσίους ἀπολέξας, ἄνδρας
ἀγαθοὺς τὰ πολέμια, Ἰωάννῃ παρέδωκεν, ὅς οἱ
ἐπεμελεῖτο τῆς περὶ τὴν οἰκίαν δαπάνης: ὀπτίωνα ;
τοῦτον καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι. ἀνὴρ δὲ ἣν ᾿Αρμένιος
μὲν γένος, ξυνέσεως δὲ καὶ ἀνδρίας ἐς τὸ ἀκρότατον
μάλα“ ἥκων. τοῦτον δὴ τὸν ᾿Ιωάννην ἐκέλευσε
τῇ στρατιᾷ ἡγεῖσθαι, οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ κατὰ εἴκοσι
σταδίους διέχοντα, καὶ ἤν τε πολέμιον ἴδοι, κατὰ
τάχος σημῆναι, ὅπως δὴ μὴ ἀπαράσκευοι ἐς μάχην
καθίστασθαι ἀναγκάξοιντο. τοὺς δὲ ξυμμάχους
Μασσαγέτας ἐκέλευε τοσούτοις ἢ καὶ πλείοσι
σταδίοις ἀπέχοντας ἀεὶ κατὰ τὸ ἀριστερὸν μέρος
τὴν πορείαν ποιεῖσθαι: αὐτὸς δὲ ὄπισθεν μετὰ
τῶν ἀρίστων ἐβάδιζεν. ὑπώπτευε γὰρ ἐκ τῆς
Ἑρμιόνης Τελίμερα σφίσιν ἑπόμενον οὐκ ἐς
μακρὰν ἐπιθήσεσθαι. κατὰ γὰρ τὸ δεξιὸν μέρος
οὐδὲν ἣν δέος οὐ πόρρω τῆς ἠιόνος πορευομένοις.
τοῖς δὲ ναύταις ἐπήγγελλε παρακολουθεῖν τε ἀεὶ
καὶ τοῦ στρατεύματος μὴ πολὺ διεστάναι, ἀλλ᾽

1 διεπράξατο VP: ἐπράξατο O.
3. δ᾽ VP: δὲ Ο, Christ would delete. 3 δὲ PO: μὲν Υ͂,

* ἀκρότατον μάλα Ῥ ; ἀκρότατον V, ἀκρότατον μάλιστα Ο.

148

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xvi. τ4--χνῖϊ. 5

come to you by our hand.” Such was the message
of the emperor's letter. But the man who received
this from Belisarius did not dare to publish it
openly, and, though he shewed it secretly to his
friends, he accomplished nothing whatever of con-
sequence.

XVII

Anp Belisarius, having arrayed his army as for
battle in the following manner, began the march to
Carthage. He chose out three hundred of his guards,
men who were able warriors, and handed them over
to John, who was in charge of the expenditures of the
general's household ; such, a person the Romans call
“ optio.”} And he was an Armenian by birth, a man
gifted with discretion and courage in the highest
degree. This John, then, he commanded to go
ahead of the army, at a distance of not less than
twenty stades, and if he should see anything of the
enemy, to report it with all speed, so that they
might not be compelled to enter into battle un-
prepared. And the allied Massagetae he commanded
to travel constantly on the left of the army, keep-
ing as many stades away or more; and he himself
marched in the rear with the best troops. For he
suspected that it would not be long before Geli-
mer, following them from Hermione, would make
an attack upon them. And these precautions were
sufficient, for on the right side there was no fear,
since they were travelling not far from the coast.
‘And he commanded the sailors to follow along with
them always and not to separate themselves far from

1 An adjutant, the general’s own * choice.”

149

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἐπιφόρου μὲν γινομένου τοῦ πνεύματος χαλά-
σαντας τὰ μεγάλα ἱστία τοῖς μικροῖς, ἃ δὴ δόλω-
vas καλοῦσιν, ἕπεσθαι, λωφήσαντος δὲ παντελῶς
τοῦ ἀνέμου βιάξεσθαι ὅσον οἷοί τε ὦσιν ἐρέσ-
σοντας.

Εἰς δὲ Σύλλεκτον ἀφικόμενος Βελισάριος σώ-
φρονάς τε τοὺς στρατιώτας παρείχετο καὶ οὔτε]
ἀδίκων χειρῶν ἄρχοντας οὔτε! τι ἀπὸ τρόπου
ἐργαζομένους, αὐτός τε πρᾳότητα καὶ φιλανθρω-
πίαν πολλὴν ἐνδεικνύμενος οὕτω τοὺς Λίβυας
προσεποιήσατο ὥστε τοῦ λοιποῦ καθάπερ ἐν
χώρᾳ οἰκείᾳ τὴν πορείαν ποιεῖσθαι, οὔτε ὕποχω-
βούντων τῶν ταύτῃ ὠκημένων οὔτε TL ἀποκρύπτε-
σθαι βουλομένων, ἀλχὰ καὶ ἀγορὰν παρεχομένων
καὶ τὰ ἄλλα τοῖς στρατιώταις ἣ βούλοιντο
ὑπηρετούντων. ὀγδοήκοντα δὲ σταδίους ἀνύοντες
εἰς ἡμέραν ἑκάστην ἄχρι ἐς Καρχηδόνα διετελέ-
σαμεν, ἢ κατὰ πόλιν, ἂν οὕτω τύχῃ, ἢ ἐν στρα-
τοπέδῳ ἐκ τῶν παρόντων ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα αὖλι.
ζόμενοι. οὕτω γοῦν διά τε Λέπτης πόλεως καὶ
᾿Αδραμητοῦ ἐς Τράσσην τὸ χωρίον ἀφικόμεθα,
πεντήκοντα καὶ τριακοσίους σταδίους Καρχηδόνος
διέχον. ἔνθα δὴ βασίλειά τε ἣν τοῦ Βανδίλων
ἡγουμένου καὶ παράδεισος κάλλιστος ἁπάντων ὧν
ἡμεῖς ἴσμεν. ταῖς τε γὰρ κρήναις κομιδῆ κατάρ-
ρυτός ἐστι καὶ ἄλσους ἔχει πάμπολυ χρῆμα.
ὀπώρας δὲ τὰ δένδρα μεστά ἐστι 8 ξύμπαντα"
ὥστε τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἕκαστος τὴν καλύβην ἐν
δένδροις ὀπώρας ἐπήξατο καὶ τῶν καρπῶν τηνι-
Kade ὡραίων ὄντων ἐς κόρον μὲν αὐτῶν ἀφίκοντο

1 οὔτε---ο΄ὔτε Haury: οὐδὲ---οὐδὲ MSS.
3 σχύχην : τύχοι PO. 43 dori V: εἰσ. ῬΟ:
150

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xvii. 5-10

the army, but when the wind was favouring to lower
the great sails, and follow with the small sails, which
they call “dolones,”! and when the wind dropped
altogether to keep the ships under way as well as
they could by rowing.

And when Belisarius reached Syllectus, the soldiers
behaved with moderation, and they neither began
any unjust brawls nor did anything out of the way,
and he himself, by displaying great gentleness and
kindness, won the Libyans to his side so completely
that thereafter he made the journey as if in his own
land; for neither did the inhabitants of the land
withdraw nor did they wish to conceal anything, but
they both furnished a market and served the soldiers
in whatever else they wished. And accomplishing
eighty stades each day, we completed the whole
journey to Carthage, passing the night either ina city,
should itso happen, or ina camp made as thoroughly
secure as the circumstances permitted. Thus we
passed through the city of Leptis and Hadrumetum
and reached the place called Grasse, three hundred
and fifty stades distant from Carthage. In that place
was a palace of the ruler of the Vandals and a park
the most beautiful of all we know. For it is ex-
cellently watered by springs and has a great wealth
of woods. And all the trees are full of fruit ; so
that each one of the soldiers pitched his tent among
fruit-trees, and though all of them ate their fill of

1 Topsails.

151

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

πάντες, αἴσθησις δὲ σχεδόν τὶ τῆς ὀπώρας édac-
σουμένης οὐ γέγονε.

Γελίμερ δέ, ἐπεὶ ἐν ᾿Ερμιόνῃ τὸ πρῶτον παρόν-
Tas ἤκουσε τοὺς πολεμίους, γράφει πρὸς τὸν
ἀδελφὸν ᾿Αμμάταν ἐς Καρχηδόνα, Ἰλδέριχον μὲν
καὶ ἄλλους, ὅσους εἴτε κατὰ γένος εἴτε ἄλλως
αὐτῷ προσήκοντας ἐν φυλακῇ ἔχει, ἀποκτιννύναι,
αὐτὸν δὲ τούς τε Βανδίλους καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο μάχι-
μον ἐν τῇ πόλει ἣν ἐν παρασκευῇ ποιήσασθαι,
ὅπως τῶν πολεμίων ἐν στενοῖς γενομένων ἀμφὶ
τὸ τῆς πόλεως προάστειον, ὃ Δέκιμον καλοῦσιν,
ἀμφοτέρωθεν ξυνιόντας κυκλώσασθαί τε αὐτοὺς
καὶ σαγηνεύσαντας διαφθεῖραι. ᾿Αμμάτας δὲ
κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίει, καὶ τόν τε Ἰλδέριχον, ξυγ-
γενῆ ὄντα, καὶ Edayénv ἀπέκτεινε καὶ τῶν
Λιβύων ὅσοι αὐτοῖς ἐπιτήδειοι ἧσαν. Ὁάμερ
γὰρ ἤδη ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἠφάνιστο. τούς τε
Βανδίλους ἐξοπλίσας, ὡς εἰς καιρὸν ἐπιθησό-
μενος, ἐν παρασκευῇ ἐποιήσατο. Γελίμερ δὲ
ὄπισθεν, οὐ παρέχων ἡμῖν αἴσθησιν, εἵπετο,
πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ ταύτῃ ἡ ἐν Γράσσῃ
ηὐλισάμεθα, κατάσκοποι ἑκατέρωθεν ἰόντες ξυνέ-
μιξαν, πλήξαντές τε ἀλλήλους ἐς τὸ σφέτερον
στρατόπεδον ἑκάτεροι ἀπεχώρησαν, καὶ ταύτῃ
γέγονεν ἡμῖν φανερὸν οὐ πόρρω εἶναι τοὺς
πολεμίους. ἐνθένδε ἡμῖν πορευομένοις τὰς ναῦς
ἐσορᾶν ἀδύνατα ἣν. πέτραι γὰρ ὑψηλαί, πόρρω
τῆς θαλάσσης διήκουσαι, περίοδον τοῖς πλέουσι
πολλῷ μέτρῳ ἐργάξονται, καὶ ἄκρα ἀνέχει, ἧς
ἐντὸς τοῦ ᾿Ερμοῦ πόλισμά ἐστι. Βελισάριος οὗν
᾿Αρχελάῳ τε τῷ ἐπάρχῳ καὶ Καλωνύμῳ τῷ

1 éxdpxw : ὑπάρχω PO,
152

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xvii. 10-16.

the fruit, which was then ripe, there was practically no
diminution to be-seen in the fruit.

‘But Gelimer, as soon as he heard in Hermione
that the enemy were at hand, wrote to his brother
Ammatas in Carthage to kill Ilderic and all the
others, connected with him either by birth or other-
wise, whom he was keeping under guard, and com-
manded him to make ready the Vandals and all
others in the city serviceable for war, in order that,
when the enemy got inside the narrow passage at the
suburb of the city which they call Decimum,} they
might come together from both sides and surround
them and, catching them as ina net, destroy them.
And Ammatas carried this out, and killed Ilderic,
who was a relative of his, and Euagees, and all the
Libyans who were intimate with them. For Hoamer
had already departed from the world.? And arming the
Vandals, he made them ready, intending to make his
attack at the opportune moment. But Gelimer was
following behind, without letting it be known to us,
except, indeed, that, on that night when we bivou-
acked in’ Grasse, scouts. coming from both armies met
each other, and after an exchange of blows they each
retired to their own camp, and in this way it became
evident to us that. the enemy were not far away.
As we proceeded from there it was impossible. to
discern the ships. For high rocks extending well
into the sea cause mariners to make a great circuit,
and there is a projecting headland,’ inside of which
lies the town of Hermes. Belisarius therefore com-
manded Archelaus, the prefect, and Calonymus, the

1 4.2, Decimum miliarium, tenth milestone from Carthage.

2 Before 533 A.D. :

8 Hermaeum, Lat. Mercurii promontorium (Cape Bon).
153

VOL. ITI. F

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ναυάρχῳ ἐπέστελλεν ἐς Καρχηδόνα μὲν μὴ
καταίρειν, σταδίους δὲ ἀμφὶ τοὺς διακοσίους
ἀπέχοντας ἄχρι" αὐτὸς καλέσῃ μένειν. ἐκ δὲ
Γράσσης ἐξαναστάντες τεταρταῖοι ἐς Δέκιμὸν
ἀφικόμεθα, σταδίοις ἑβδομήκοντα Καρχηδόνος
ἀπέχον.

XVIII

Ἔν δὲ δὴ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ταύτῃ Τελίμερ τὸν ἀνεψιὸν
Γιβαμοῦνδον ἐκέλευεν ἅμα Βανδίλων δισχιλίοις
φθάνοντα τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα κατὰ τὸ εὐώνυμον
μέρος ἰέναι, ὅπως ᾿Αμμάτας μὲν ἐκ ἹΚαρχηδόνος,
Γελίμερ δὲ αὐτὸς ὄπισθεν, Γιβαμοῦνδος δὲ ἐκ
τῶν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ χωρίων ἐς ταὐτὸ ξυνιόντες
ῥᾷον δὴ καὶ ἀπονώτερον τὴν κύκλωσιν τῶν
πολεμίων ποιήσονται. ἐμοὶ δὲ τά τε θεῖα καὶ
τὰ ἀνθρώπεια ἐν τῷ πόνῳ τούτῳ ἐπῆλθε θαυ-
μάσαι, ὅπως ὁ μὲν θεός, πόρρωθεν ὁρῶν τὰ
ἐσόμενα, ὑπογράφει ὅπη ποτὲ αὐτῷ τὰ πράγ-
ματα δοκεῖ ἀποβήσεσθαι, οἱ δὲ ἄνθρωποι ἢ
σφαλλόμενοι. ἢ Ta δέοντα βουλευόμενοι οὐκ
ἴσασιν ὅτι ἔπταισάν τι, ἂν οὕτω τύχοι, ἢ ὀρθῶς
ἔδρασαν, ἵνα γένηται τῇ τύχῃ τρίβος, φέρουσα
πάντως ἐπὶ τὰ πρότερον δεδογμένα. εἰ μὴ γὰρ
Βελισάριος οὕτω διῳκήσατο τὴν παράταξιν, τοὺς
μὲν ἀμφὶ τὸν ᾿Ιωάννην προτερῆσαι κελεύσᾶς,
τοὺς δὲ Μασσαγέτας ἐν ἀριστερᾷ τῆς στρατιᾶς
ἰέναι, οὐκ ἄν ποτε διαφυγεῖν τοὺς Βανδίλους
ἰσχύσαμεν. καὶ τούτων δὲ οὕτω Βελισαρίῳ
1 καὶ Καλωνύμῳ τῷ ναυάρχῳ supplied by Haury from Theo-

phanes. 2 ἄχρι VO: ἄχρις οὗ Py
3 ποιήσονται Υ : ποιήσωνται PO.

154

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xvii. 16-xviii. 4

admiral, not to put in at Carthage, but to remain
about two hundred stades away until he himself
should summon them. And departing from Grasse
we came on the fourth day to Decimum, seventy
stades distant from Carthage.

XVIII

Awnp on that day Gelimer commanded his nephew
Gibamundus with two thousand of the Vandals to go
ahead of the rest of the army on the left side, in
order that Ammatas coming from Carthage, Gelimer
himself from the rear, and Gibamundus from the
country to the left, might unite and accomplish the
task of encircling the enemy with less difficulty and
exertion. But as for me, during this struggle I was
moved to wonder at the ways of Heaven and of men,
noting how God, who sees from afar what will come
to pass, traces out the manner in which it seems best
to him that things should come to pass, while men,
whether they are deceived or counsel aright, know
not that they have failed, should that be the issue,
or that they have succeeded, God’s purpose being
that a path shall be made for Fortune, who presses
on inevitably toward that which has been fore-
ordained. For if Belisarius had not thus arranged his
forces, commanding the men under John to take the
lead, and the Massagetae to march on the left of the
army, we should never have been able to escape the
Vandals. And even with this planned so by Belisarius,

155

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

βεβουλευμένων, εἰ τὸν Kaspov ᾿Αμμάτας διεφύ-
λαξε καὶ μὴ τοῦτον τεταρτημορίῳ τῆς ἡμέρας
μάλιστα ἔφθασεν, οὐκ ἄν ποτε οὕτω Βανδίλοις
διεφθάρη τὰ πράγματα: νῦν δὲ ᾿Αμμάτας προ-
τερήσας ἀμφὶ μέσην ἡμέραν ἐς Δέκιμον ἧκε, μακ-
ρὰν ἀπολελειμμένων ἡμῶν τε καὶ τοῦ Βανδίλων
2 “Ὁ € ¢
στρατεύματος, οὐ τοῦτο μόνον ἁμαρτήσας, OTL οὐκ
ἐν δέοντι ἀφίκετο χρόνῳ, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ Βανδίλων
πλῆθος ἐν Καρχηδόνι ἀπολιπών, ἀπαγγείλας 1
τε ὡς τάχιστα ἐς τὸ Δέκιμον ἥκειν, αὐτὸς ξὺν
ὀλίγοις καὶ οὐδὲ ἀριστίνδην ξυνειλεγμένοις τοῖς
ἀμφὶ τὸν ᾿Ιωάννην ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθε. καὶ κτείνει
μὲν τῶν ἀρίστων δώδεκα ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις ἀγω-
γιζομένους, πίπτει δὲ καὶ αὐτός, ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς.
ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ τούτῳ γενόμενος. ᾿ καὶ ἡ μὲν τροπή,
ἐπεὶ ᾿Αμμάτας ἔπεσε, λαμπρὰ ἐγεγόνει, φεύγον-
τες δὲ κατὰ κράτος οἱ Βανδίλοι ἀνεσόβουν ἅπαν-
τας τοὺς ἐκ Καρχηδόνος 5 ἐς Δέκιμον ἰόντας. ἐπο-
pevovto γὰρ οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ οὐδὲ ὡς ἐς μάχην
υντεταγμένοι, AANA κατὰ συμμορίας, καὶ ταύτας
βραχείας: κατὰ τριάκοντα yap ἢ εἴκοσιν ἤεσαν.
ὁρῶντες δὲ Βανδίλους τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν ᾿Αμμάταν
φεύγοντας, καὶ οἰόμενοι τοὺς διώκοντας παμπλη-
θεὶς εἶναι, τρέψαντες τὰ νῶτα συνέφευγον. Ἰῳάν-
νης δὲ καὶ οἱ ξὺν αὐτῷ οἷς ἂν ἐντύχοιεν κτείνοντες
ἄχρι ἐς τὰς Καρχηδόνος πύλας ἀφίκοντο. καὶ
γέγονε φόνος Βανδίλων ἐν τοῖς ἑβδομήκοντα στα-
δίοις τοσοῦτος ὥστε εἰκάζειν τοὺς θεωμένους 3
δισμυρίων πολεμίων τὸ ἔργον εἶναι. ᾿
1 ἀπαγγειλας VP: ἐπαγγείλας Ο.

2 ἐξς καρχηδόνος PO: ἐν καρχηδόνι V.
5 θεωμένους PO: τεθεωμένους V.

156

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xviii. 4-11

if Ammatas had observed the opportune time, and
had not anticipated this by about the fourth part of
a day, never would the cause of the Vandals have
fallen as it did; but as it was, Ammatas came to
Decimum about midday, in advance of the time, while
both we and the Vandal army were far away, erring
not only in that he did not arrive at the fitting time,
but also in leaving at Carthage the host of the
Vandals, commanding them to come to Decimum as
quickly as possible, while he with a few men and not
even the pick of the army came into conflict with
John’s men. And he killed twelve of the best men
who were fighting in the front rank, and he himself
fell, having shewn himself a brave man in this
engagement. And the rout, after Ammatas fell,
became complete, and the Vandals, fleeing at top
speed, swept back all those who were coming from
Carthage to Decimum. For they were advancing in
no order and not drawn up as for battle, but in
companies, and small ones at that; for they were
coming in bands of twenty or thirty. And seeing
the Vandals under Ammatas fleeing, and thinking
their pursuers were a great multitude, they turned
and joined in the flight. And John and his men,
killing all whom they came upon, advanced as far as
the gates of Carthage. And there was so great a
slaughter of Vandals in the course of the seventy
stades that those who beheld it would have supposed
that it was the work of an enemy twenty thousand

strong.

157

1ὅ

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον: Γιβαμοῦνδός τε
καὶ οἱ δισχίλιοι ἧκον ἐς ἸΠεδίον ᾿Αλῶν, ὅπερ
τεσσαράκοντα μὲν σταδίοις τοῦ Δεκίμου ἀπέχει
ἐν ἀριστερᾷ εἰς Καρχηδόνα ἰόντι, ἀνθρώπων δὲ
καὶ δένδρων καὶ ἄλλου ὁτουοῦν ἔρημόν ἐστι, τῆς
τοῦ ὕδατος ἅλμης ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἐνταῦθα πλὴν τοὺς
ἅλας ἐώσης γίγνεσθαι: ἔνθα δὴ τοῖς Οὔννοις
περιπεπτωκότες ἀπώλοντο πάντες. ἦν δέ τις
ἐν τοῖς Μασσαγέταις ἀνήρ, ἀνδρίας μὲν καὶ
ἰσχύος εὖ ἥκων, ὀλίγων δὲ ἡγούμενος ἀνδρῶν"
οὗτος εἶχε γέρας ἐκ πατέρων τε καὶ προγόνων
ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς Οὐννικοῖς στρατεύμασι πρῶτος εἰς
τοὺς πολεμίους εἰσβάλλειν. οὐ γὰρ ἣν θεμιτὸν
ἀνδρὶ Μασσαγέτῃ προτύψαντι ἐν μάχῃ τῶν τινα
πολεμίων λαβεῖν, πρίν ye δή τινα ἐκ ταύτης
τῆς οἰκίας ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους τῶν χειρῶν ἄρξαι.

R 3. ΡῚ τς ‘1 > ᾽
οὗτος ἀνήρ, ἐπεὶ τὰ στρατεύματα οὐ πόρρω ἀπ
ἀλλήλων ἐγένετο, ἐξελάσας τὸν ἵππον, τοῦ τῶν
Βανδίλων στρατοπέδου μόνος ὡς ἐγγυτάτω ἔστη.
οἱ δὲ Βανδίλοι, ἢ τὴν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς εὐψυχίαν κατα-
πλαγέντες ἢ καί τι τοὺς πολεμίους ὑποτοπή-
σαντες ἐς αὐτοὺς μηχανᾶσθαι, odte® κινεῖσθαι
οὔτε") τὸν ἄνδρα βαλεῖν ἔγνωσαν. olpar δὲ
αὐτοὺς οὐπώποτε Μασσαγετῶν μάχην ἐν πείρᾳ
ἔχοντας, ἀκούοντας δὲ κομιδῆ μάχιμον τὸ ἔθνος
εἶναι, οὕτω δὴ κατορρωδῆσαι τὸν κίνδυνον. ἀνα-
στρέψας δὲ ἐς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἔλεξεν
ὡς ὁ θεὸς σφίσιν ἕτοιμον βρῶσιν τοὺς ξένους
τούσδε πέμψειεν. οὕτω δὴ ὁρμωμένους αὐτοὺς

1 χρόνον V: τρόπον P in context, yp. χρόνον P in marg.,
om. O.

3 λαβεῖν VO: βαλεῖν P with λαβεῖν written above it.

3 οὔτε---οὔτε Haury: οὐδὲ---οὐδὲ MSS.

158

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xviii. 12-19

At the same time Gibamundus and his two thou-
sand came to Pedion Halon, which is forty stades
distant from Decimum on the left as one goes to
Carthage, and is destitute of human habitation or
trees or anything else, since the salt in the water
permits nothing except salt to be produced there;
in that place they encountered the Huns and were
all destroyed. Now there was a certain man among
the Massagetae, well gifted with courage and strength
of body, the leader of a few men; this man had the
privilege handed down from his fathers and ancestors
to be the first in all the Hunnic armies to attack the
enemy. For it was not lawful for a man of the
Massagetae to strike first in battle and capture one
of the enemy until, indeed, someone from this house
began the struggle with the enemy. So when the
two armies had come not far from each other, this
man rode out and stopped alone close to the army of
the Vandals. And the Vandals, either because they
were dumbfounded at the courageous spirit of the
man or perhaps because they suspected that the
enemy were contriving something against them,
decided neither to move nor to shoot at the man.
And I think that, since they had never had experience
of battle with the Massagetae, but heard that the
nation: was very warlike, they were for this reason
terrified at the danger. And the man, returning to
his compatriots, said that God had sent them these
strangers as a ready feast. Then at length they made

159

PROCOPIUS: OF CAESAREA

οἱ Βανδίλοι οὐχ ὑπέμειναν, ἀλλὰ λύσαντες τὴν
τάξιν καὶ ἥκιστα ἐς ἀλκὴν ἰδόντες ἅπαντες
αἰσχρῶς διεφθάρησαν.

XIX

Ἥ a δὲ A if ὑδ᾽ e A

μεῖς δὲ τῶν γεγονότων οὐδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν πεπυσ-
μένοι ἐπὶ τὸ Δέκιμον ἤειμεν. Βελεσάριος δὲ
χῶρον ἰδὼν ἐς στρατόπεδον ἱκανῶς πεφυκότα,
πέντε καὶ τριάκοντα σταδίοις τοῦ Δεκέμου δι-
ἔχοντα, χαράκωμά τε αὐτῷ περιέβαλεν εὖ μάλα
πεποιημένον καὶ Tous πεζοὺς ἅπαντας ἐνταῦθα
καταστησάμενος ἅπαν τε ξυγκαλέσας τὸ στρά-
τευμα ἔλεξε τοιάδε" “ὋὉ μὲν τῆς ἀγωνίας καιρός,
ἄνδρες συστρατιῶται, ἤδη πάρεστιν: αἰσθάνομαι
γὰρ προσιόντας ἡμῖν τοὺς πολεμίους" τὰς δὲ ναῦς
ὡς πορρωτάτω ἡμῶν. ἡ τοῦ τόπου φύσις ἀπή-
νεγκε" TEPLETTNKE δὲ ἡμῖν ἡ τῆς σωτηρίας ἐλπὶς
ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν οὖσα. οὐ γάρ ἐστιν οὐ πόλις
φιλία, οὐκ ἄλλο οὐδὲν ὀχύρωμα, ὅτῳ δὴ καὶ
πιστεύσαντες τὸ θαρρεῖν ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν αὐτῶν ἕξο-
μεν. ἀλλ᾽ εἰ μὲν ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ γενοίμεθα, 1 εἰκὸς
ἂν εἴη καὶ περιέσεσθαι ἡμᾶς τῷ πολέμῳ τῶν
ἐναντίων" ἣν δέ τι μαλακιξοίμεθα, λελείψεται
ἡμῖν ὑπὸ Βανδίλοις γεγενημένοις αἰσχρῶς διεφ-
θάρθαι. καίτοι πολλὰ ἡμῖν ἐφόδια πρὸς τὴν
νικὴν ἐστι" τὸ τε δικαιον, “μεθ᾽ οὗ πρὸς τοὺς δυσ-
μενεῖς ἥκομεν (τὰ yap “ἡμέτερα αὐτῶν κομιούμενοι
πάρεσμεν), καὶ τὸ τῶν Βανδίλων ἐς τὸν σφῶν
αὐτῶν τύραννον ἔχθος. ἥ τε γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ ξυμ-
μαχία τοῖς τὰ δίκαια προτεινομένοις προσηίνε-

1 γενοίμεθα Ο : γενώμεθα VP.
160

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xviii. 19-xix. 6

their onset and the Vandals did not withstand them,
but breaking their ranks and never thinking of resist-
ance, they were all disgracefully destroyed.

XIX

Bur we, having learned nothing at all of what
had happened, were going on to Decimum. And
Belisarius, seeing a place well adapted for a camp,
thirty-five stades distant from Decimum, surrounded
it with a stockade which was very well made, and
placing all the infantry there and calling together the
whole army, he spoke as follows: “ Fellow-soldiers,
the decisive moment of the struggle is already at hand;
for I perceive that the enemy are advancing upon us;
and the ships have been taken far away from us by
the nature of the place; and it has come round to
this that our hope of safety lies in the strength of
our hands. For there is not a friendly city, no, nor
any other stronghold, in which we may put our trust
and have confidence concerning ourselves. But if
we should show ourselves brave men, it is probable
that we shall still overcome the enemy in the war;
but if we should weaken at all, it will remain for
us to fall under the hand of the Vandals and to be
destroyed disgracefully And yet there are many
advantages on our side to help us on toward victory ;
for we have with us both justice, with which we
have come against our enemy (for we are here in
order to recover what is our own), and the hatred of
the Vandals toward their own tyrant. For the alli-
ance of God follows naturally those who put justice

161

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

σθαι πέφυκε, καὶ στρατιώτης τῷ κρατοῦντι δύσνους
ἀνδραγαθίξεσθαι οὐκ ἐπίσταται. χωρὶς δὲ τούτων
ἡμεῖς μὲν Πέρσαις τε καὶ Σκύθαις τὸν ἅπαντα
ὡμιλήσαμεν χρόνον, οἱ δὲ Βανδίλοι, ἐξ ὅτου
Λιβύης ἐκράτησαν, οὐδένα πολέμιον ὅτι μὴ γυμ-
νοὺς Μαυρουσίους τεθέανται. τίς δὲ οὐκ οἶδεν ὡς
ἔργου παντὸς μελέτη μὲν ἐς ἐμπειρίαν, ἀργία δὲ
εἰς ἀμαθίαν φέρει; τὸ μὲν οὖν χαράκωμα, ὅθεν
ἡμᾶς τὸν πόλεμον διαφέρειν δεήσει, ὡς ἄριστα
ἡμῖν πεποιῆσθαι ξυμβαίνει. πάρεστι δὲ ἡμῖν τά
τε ὅπλα καὶ τὰ ἄλλα πάντα ὅσα φέρειν οὐχ οἷοί
τε ἐσμὲν ἐνταῦθα καταθεμένοις ἰέναι, καὶ ἀνα-
στρέψαντας ἂν ἐνθάδε ἡμᾶς οὐδὲν τῶν ἐπιτηδείων
ἐπιλίποι. εὔχομαι δὲ ὑμῶν ἕκαστον τῆς TE οἰκείας
ἀρετῆς καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸν οἶκον ἀναμνησθέντα
οὕτω δὴ καταφρονήματι! ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους
χωρεῖν."

Τοσαῦτα εἰπὼν Βελισάριος καὶ ἐπευξάμενος
τήν τε γυναῖκα καὶ τὸ χαράκωμα τοῖς πεζοῖς
ἀπολιπὼν αὐτὸς μετὰ τῶν ἱππέων ἁπάντων ἐξή-
λασεν. οὐ γάρ οἱ ἐφαίνετο ἐν τῷ παρόντι ξύμ-
φορον εἶναι τῷ παντὶ διακινδυνεῦσαι στρατῷ,
ἀλλὰ ξὺν τοῖς ἱππεῦσι πρῶτον ἀκροβολισαμένῳ
καὶ ἀποπειρασαμένῳ τῆς τῶν πολεμίων δυνάμεως
οὕτω δὴ τῷ ὅλῳ στρατεύματι διαμάχεσθαι.
στείλας οὖν ἔμπροσθεν τοὺς τῶν φοιδεράτων
ἄρχοντας, σὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ καὶ τοῖς οἰκείοις
δορυφόροις τε καὶ ὑπασπισταῖς αὐτὸς εἵπετο.
ἐπεὶ δὲ οἱ φοιδερᾶτοι ξὺν τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἐγένοντο
ἐν τῷ Δεκίμῳ, ὁρῶσι τοὺς τῶν πεπτωκότων

1 καταφρονήματι P: μετὰ φρονήματος V, καὶ τῷ φρονήματι Ο.
162

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xix. 6-14

forward, and a soldier who is ill-disposed toward his
ruler knows not how to play the part of a brave man.
And apart from this, we have been engaged with
Persians and Scythians all the time, but the Vandals,
since the time they conquered Libya, have seen
not a single enemy except naked Moors. And who
does not know that in every work practice leads to
skill, while idleness leads to inefficiency? Now the
stockade, from which we shall have to carry on the
war, has been made by us in the best possible manner.
And we are able to deposit here our weapons and
everything else which we are not able to carry when
we go forth; and when we return here again, no
kind of provisions can fail us. And I pray that each
one of you, calling to mind his own valour and those
whom he has left at home, may so march with con-
tempt against the enemy.”

After speaking these words and uttering a prayer
after them, Belisarius left his wife and the barricaded
camp to the infantry, and himself set forth with all
the horsemen. For it did not seem to him ad-
vantageous for the present to risk an engagement
with the whole army, but it seemed wise to skirmish
first with the horsemen and make trial of the enemy’s
strength, and finally to fight a decisive battle with
the whole army. Sending forward, therefore, the
commanders of the foederati,! he himself followed
with the rest of the force and his own spearmen and
guards. And when the foederati and their leaders
reached Decimum, they saw the corpses of the

i & Auxiliaries” ; see chap. xi. 3, 4.

163

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

νεκρούς, δώδεκα μὲν ἑταίρους τῶν μετὰ Ἰωάννου,
πλησίον δὲ αὐτῶν ᾿Αμμάταν καὶ Βανδίλων τινάς.
παρὰ δὲ τῶν ταύτῃ ὠκημένων. τὸν πάντα λόγον
ἀκούσαντες ἤσχαλλον, ἀπορούμενοι ὅπη αὐτοῖς
χωρητέα εἴη. ἔτι δὲ αὐτῶν ἀπορουμένων καὶ ἀπὸ
τῶν λόφων ἅπαντα περισκοπουμένων τὰ ἐκείνῃ
χωρία, κονιορτός τε ἀπὸ μεσημβρίας ἐφαίνετο
καὶ μικρὸν ὕστερον Βανδίλων ἡ ἱππέων πάμπολυ
χρῆμα. καὶ πέμπουσι μὲν πρὸς 1 Βελεσάριον, ὡς
τάχιστα ἥκειν αἰτοῦντες, ἅτε δὴ σφίσιν ἐγκει-
μένων τῶν πολεμίων. τῶν δὲ ἀρχόντων αἱ
γνῶμαι δίχα ἐφέροντο. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἠξίουν τοῖς
ἐπιοῦσιν ὁμόσε ἰέναι, οἱ δὲ οὐκ ἀξιόχρεων σφίσιν
ἐς τοῦτο ἔφασκον εἶναι τὴν δύναμιν. ταῦτα δὲ
αὐτοῖς ἐς ἀλλήλους διαφιλονεικοῦσιν * οἱ | βάρβαροι
ἀγχοῦ ἐγένοντο ἡγουμένου αὐτοῖς Tedipepos καὶ
ὁδῷ “χρησαμένου μεταξὺ ἧς τε Βελισάριος εἶχε
καὶ ἣ ἧς οἱ Μασσαγέται ἣ ἧκον οἱ ἐγ χ ξυμ-
μίξαντες. λοφώδεις δὲ χῶροι ep ἑκάτερα * ὄντες
οὔτε“ τὸ Γι βαμούνδου πάθος" ἰδεῖν οὔτε“ τὸ
Βελεσαρίου χαράκωμα ξυνεχώρησαν, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ
τὴν ὁδὸν ἣ ἣν οἵ ἀμφὶ Βελιεσάριον ἐ ἐπορεύοντο. ἐπεὶ
δὲ ἀγχοῦ ἀλλήλων γεγόνασιν, ἔρις τῇ στρατιᾷ
ἑκατέρᾳ ἐνέπεσεν, ὁπότεροι τοῦ πάντων ὑψηλο-
τάτου τῶν ἐκείνῃ λόφων κρατήσουσιν. ἐδόκει
γὰρ ἐνστρατοπεδεύσασθαι ἐπιτήδειος εἶναι, καὶ
αὐτοὶ ἑκάτεροι ἐνθένδε ἡροῦντο τοῖς πολεμίοις
εἰς χεῖρας ἰέναι. προτερήσαντες δὲ οἱ Βανδίλοι

πρὸς VO: ὡς P. 3 διαφιλονεικοῦσιν VO: φιλονεικοῦσιν P
ἑκάτερα VO: ἑκατέροις P.

οὔτε-- οὔτε Haury : οὐδὲ---οὐδὲ MSS.

πάθος PO: πλῆθος V.

164

1
3
4
5

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xix. 14-22

fallen—twelve comrades from the forces of John
and near them Ammatas and some of the Vandals.
And hearing from the inhabitants of the place the
whole story of the fight, they were vexed, being at a
loss as to where they ought to go. But while they
were still at a loss and from the hills were looking
around over the whole country thereabouts, a dust
appeared from the south and a little later a very large
force of Vandal horsemen. And they sent to Belisarius
urging him to come as quickly as possible, since the
enemy were bearing down upon them. And the
opinions of the commanders were divided. For some
thought that they ought to close with their assailants,
but the others said that their force was not sufficient
for this. And while they were debating thus among
themselves, the barbarians drew near under the
leadership of Gelimer, who was following a road
between the one which Belisarius was travelling and
the one by which the Massagetae who had encoun-
tered Gibamundus had come. But since the land was
hilly on both sides, it did not allow him to see either
the disaster of Gibamundus or Belisarius’ stockade,
nor even the road along which Belisarius’ men were
advancing. But when they came near each other, a
contest arose between the two armies as to which
should capture the highest ofall the hills there. — For
it seemed a suitable one to encamp upon, and both
sides preferred to engage with the enemy from there.
And the Vandals, coming first, took possession of the

165

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

τόν τε λόφον καταλαμβάνουσιν ὠθισμῷ χρησά-
μενοι καὶ τρέπονται τοὺς πολεμίους, ἤδη φοβεροὶ
αὐτοῖς γεγονότες. φεύγοντες δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι ἐς
χωρίον ἀφικνοῦνται σταδίους ἑπτὰ τοῦ Δεκίμου
ἀπέχον, ἔνθα δὴ Οὐλίαριν τὸν Βελισαρίου δορυ-
φόρον ξὺν ὑπασπισταῖς ὀκτακοσίοις τετύχηκεν
εἶναι. πάντες τε ῴοντο ὡς σφᾶς οἱ ἀμφὶ τὸν
Οὐλίαριν δεξάμενοι στήσονταί τε καὶ ξὺν αὐτοῖς
ὁμόσε ἐπὶ τοὺς Βανδίλους χωρήσουσιν' ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ
ἅμα ἐγένοντο, παρὰ δόξαν ἤδη ξύμπαντες ἀνὰ
κράτος τε ἔφευγον καὶ δρόμῳ τὴν ἐπὶ Βελισάριον
bd
ἤεσαν.
Ἔνθενδε οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν ὅ τί ποτε παθὼν
Γελίμερ, ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν ἔχων τὸ τοῦ πολέμου
κράτος, ἐθελούσιος αὐτὸ τοῖς πολεμίοις μεθῆκε,
πλὴν εἰ μὴ ἐς τὸν θεὸν καὶ τὰ τῆς ἀβουλίας
ἀναφέρειν δεήσει, ὅς, ἡνίκα τι ἀνθρώπῳ συμβῆναι
βουλεύηται φλαῦρον, τῶν λογισμῶν ἁψάμενος
πρῶτον οὐκ ἐᾷ τὰ ξυνοίσοντα ἐς βουλὴν ἔρχε-
σθαι. εἴτε γὰρ τὴν δίωξιν εὐθυωρὸν ἐποιήσατο,
οὐδ᾽ ἂν αὐτὸν ὑποστῆναι Βελισάριον οἶμαι, ἀλλ᾽
ἄρδην ἅπαντα ἡμῖν διαφθαρῆναι τὰ πράγματα:
τοσοῦτον δὴ τό τε τῶν Βανδίλων͵ πλῆθος τό τε
αὐτῶν κατὰ Ῥωμαίων δέος ἐφαίνετο: εἴτε καὶ
Καρχηδόνος εὐθὺ ἤλασε, τούς te σὺν Ἰωάννῃ
εὐπετῶς ἂν ἅπαντας ἔκτεινεν, of γε κατὰ ἕνα
καὶ δύο ἀφροντιστήσαντές τε καὶ περιπάτους
ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ ποιούμενοι τοὺς κειμένους ἐσύλων.
καὶ τὴν πόλιν ξὺν τοῖς χρήμασι διασωσάμενος
τῶν τε ἡμετέρων νεῶν οὐ πόρρω ἀφικομένων
ἐκράτει καὶ ὅχην ἡμῖν ἀνέστελλε τοῦ τε ἀπόπλου
1 βουλεύηται VP corr. O: βούλεται Ῥ pr. m. Vj.
166

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xix. 22-28

_ hill. by crowding off their assailants and routed the
enemy, having already become an object of terror
to them. And the Romans in flight came to a place
seven stades distant from Decimum, where, as it
happened, Uliaris, the personal guard of Belisarius,
was, with eight hundred guardsmen. And _ all
supposed that Uliaris would receive them and
hold his position, and together with them would go
against the Vandals; but when they came together,
these troops all unexpectedly fled at top speed and
went on the run to Belisarius.

From then on I am unable to say what happened
to Gelimer that, having the victory in his hands, he
willingly gave it up to the enemy, unless one ought to
refer foolish actions also to God, who, whenever He
purposes that some adversity shall befall a man,
touches first his reason and does not permit that which
will be to his advantage to come to his consideration.
For if, on the one hand, he had made the pursuit
immediately, I do not think that even Belisarius
would have withstood him, but our cause would have
been utterly and completely lost, so numerous
appeared the force of the Vandals and so great the
fear they inspired in the Romans; or if, on the
other hand, he had even ridden straight for Carthage,
he would easily have killed all John’s men, who,
heedless of everything else, were wandering about
the plain one by one or by twos and stripping the
dead. And he would have preserved the city with
its treasures, and captured our ships, which had come
rather near, and he would have withdrawn from us

167

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

καὶ τῆς νίκης ἐλπίδα. ἀχλὰ γὰρ ἔπραξε τούτων
οὐδέτερα. βάδην δὲ κατιὼν ἐκ τοῦ λόφου, ἐπεὶ
ἐν τῷ ὁμαλεῖ ἐγένετο καὶ τἀδελφοῦ, τὸν. νεκῥὸν
εἶδεν, ἔς τε ὀχοφύρσεις ἐτράπετο καὶ τῆς ταφῆς
ἐπιμελούμενος οὕτω δὴ τοῦ καιροῦ τὴν ἀκμὴν
ἤμβλυνεν, ἧς γε οὐκέτι ἀντιλαβέσθαι ἐδύνατο.
τοῖς δὲ φεύγουσι Βελεσάριος ἀπαντήσας στῆναι
κελεύει, κοσμίως τε ἅπαντας διατάξας καὶ πολλὰ
ὀνειδίσας, ἐπειδὴ τήν τε ᾿Αμμάτα τελευτὴν καὶ
τὴν Ἰωάννου δίωξιν ἢ ἤκουσεϊ καὶ περὶ τοῦ χωρίου
καὶ τῶν πολεμίων ἐπύθετο ὅσα ἐβούλετο, δρόμῳ
ἐπὶ Γελίμερά τε καὶ Βανδίλους ἐχώρει. . οἱ τδὲ
βάρβαροι ἄτακτοί τε καὶ ἀπαράσκευοι ἤδη. γε-
γονότες ἐπιόντας αὐτοὺς οὐχ ὑπέμειναν, ἀλλὰ.
φεύγουσιν ἀνὰ κράτος, πολλοὺς ἐνταῦθα ἀπο-
βαλόντες, καὶ ἡ μάχη ἐτελεύτα ἐς νύκτα. ἔφευγον
δὲ οἱ Βανδίλοι οὐκ ἐς Καρχηδόνα οὐδὲ ἐς Βυξάκιον,
ὅθενπερ ἣ ἧκον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τὸ Βούλλης πεδίον καὶ τὴν
εἰς Νουμίδας ὁδὸν φέρουσαν. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τὸν
᾿Ιωάννην καὶ οἱ Maccayérar περὶ λύχνων ἁφὰς
εἰς ἡμᾶς ἀναστρέψαντες καὶ ἅπαντα τὰ ξυμβεβη-
κότα μαθόντες τε καὶ ἀναγγείλαντες 2 σὺν ἡμῖν ἐν
Δεκίμῳ διενυκτέρευσαν.

ΧΧ

Τῇ δὲ ὑ ὑστεραίᾳ τῶν πεζῶν ἅμα TH Βελεσαρίου
γυναικὶ, παραγενομένων ξύμπαντες τὴν ἐπὶ Καρ-
χηδόνα ἐπορευόμεθα, ἔνθα δὴ περὶ δείλην ὀψίαν
sont ηὐλισάμεθα, καίτοι ἐκώλυεν οὐδεὶς ἐς τὴν

1 καὶ Thy fkours VO: ἤκουσε καὶ τὴν ἰωάννον μεμάθηκε
δίωξιν Ῥ, 2 ἀναγγείλαντες V : ἀγγείλαντες PO,

168

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xix. 28-xx. 1

all hope both of sailing away and of victory... But in
fact he did neither of these things. Instead he
descended from the hill at a walk, and when he
reached the level ground and saw the corpse of his
brother, he turned to lamentations, and, in caring for
his burial, he blunted the edge of his opportunity
—-an opportunity which he was not able to grasp
again. Meantime Belisarius, meeting the fugitives,
bade them stop, and arrayed them all in order and
rebuked them at length ; then, after hearing of the
death of Ammatas and the pursuit of John, and
learning what he wished concerning the place and
the enemy, he proceeded at full speed against Gelimer
and the Vandals. But the barbarians, having already
fallen into disorder and being now unprepared, did not
withstand the onset of the Romans, but fled with all
their might, losing many there, and the battle ended
at night. Now the Vandals were in flight, not to
Carthage nor to Byzacium, whence they had come,
but to the plain of Boulla and the road leading into
Numidia. So the men with John and the Massagetae
returned to us about dusk, and after learning all that
had happened and reporting what they had done,
they passed the night with us in Decimum.

But on the following day the infantry with the
wife of Belisarius came up and we all proceeded
together on the road toward Carthage, which we
reached in the late evening; and we passed the
night in the open, although no one hindered us

169

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

πόλιν αὐτίκα ἐσελάσαι. οἵ τε γὰρ Καρχηδόνιοι
τὰς πύλας ἀνακλίναντες λύχνα ἔκαιον πανδημεὶ
καὶ ἡ πόλις κατελάμπετο τῷ πυρὶ τὴν νύκτα
ὅλην ἐκείνην, καὶ τῶν ΒΥ δ ον οἱ ἀπολελειμ-
μένοι ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἱκέται, ἐκάθηντο. ἀλλὰ Βε-
λισάριος διεκώλυσε τοῦ μήτε ἐνέδραν σφίσι πρὸς
τῶν πολεμίων γενέσθαι “μήτε τοῖς στρατιώταις
ἄδειαν εἶναι, ἅτε ἐν νυκτὶ λανθάνουσιν, ἐ ἐς ἁρπα-
γὴν τραπέσθα;.. ταύτῃ " TH ἡμέρᾳ αἱ νῆες,
εὔρου σφίσιν ἀνέμου ἐπιπεσόντος, ἐς τὴν ἄκραν
ἀφίκοντο. καὶ οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι, ἤδη γὰρ αὐτὰς
καθεώρων, τὰς σιδηρᾶς ἁλύσεις τοῦ λιμένος, ὃν
δὴ Μανδράκιον καλοῦσιν, ἀφελόμενοι, εἰσιτητὰ
τῷ στόλῳ ἐποίουν. ἔστι δὲ ἐ ἐν τῇ βασιλέως αὐλῇ
οἴκημα σκότους ἀνάπλεων, ὃ δὴ ᾿Αγκῶνα κα-
λοῦσιν οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι, ἔνθα eoeBanscartes ἅπαν-
τες οἷς ἂν Xarerraivor ὁ τύραννος. ἐνταῦθα
καθειργμένοι ἐ ἐτύγχανον πολλοὶ τῶν ἑῴων ἐμπό-
pov ἐς ἐκεῖνο τοῦ “Χρόνου. τούτοις γὰρ δὴ ὁ
Γελίμερ χαλεπῶς εἶχεν, ἐπικαλῶν ὡς δὴ αὐτοὶ
βασιλέα ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἐναγάγοιεν, ἔμελλόν. τε
διαφθαρῆναι πάντες, δόξαν τοῦτο Ρελέμερι ἐ ἐκείνῃ
τῇ ἡμέρᾳ 1 7 ᾿Αμμάτας ἐν Δεκίμῳ ἀπέθανε' παρὰ
τοσοῦτον κινδύνου ἦλθον. τούτου ὁ φύλαξϑ τοῦ
δεσμωτηρίου, ἐπεὶ τά τε ἐν Δεκίμῳ πραχθέντα
ἤκουσε καὶ τὸν στόλον εἶδε τῆς ἄκρας ἐντός,
ἐσελθὼν ἐς τὸ οἴκημα πυνθάνεται τῶν ἀνδρῶν,
οὔπω τἀγαθὰ πεπυσμένων, GAN ἐν τῷ σκότῳ
καθημένων καὶ καραδοκούντων. τὸν θάνατον, τί

1 σραπέσθαι PO: ἱκέσθαι V.
2 Haury adds τε after ταύτῃ.
3 φύλαξ V: δεσμοφύλαξ PO.

170

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xx. 1-7

from marching into the city at once. For the Car-
thaginians opened the gates and burned lights every-
where and the city was brilliant with the illumination
that whole night, and those of the Vandals who had
been left behind were sitting as suppliants in the
sanctuaries. But Belisarius prevented the entrance
in order to guard against any ambuscade being set
for his men by the enemy, and also to prevent the
soldiers from having freedom to turn to plundering,
as they might under the conceaiment of night. On
that day, since an east wind arose for them, the ships
reached the headland, and the Carthaginians, for
they already sighted them, removed the iron chains
of the harbour which they cali Mandracium, and
made it possible for the fleet to enter. Now there
is in the king’s palace a room filled with darkness,
which the Carthaginians call Ancon, where all were
cast with whom the tyrant was angry. In that
place, as it happened, many of the eastern merchants
had been confined up to that time. For Gelimer was
angry with these men, charging them with having
urged the emperor on to the war, and they were
about to be destroyed, all of them, this having been
decided upon by Gelimer on that day on which
Ammatas was killed in Decimum; to such an ex-
tremity of danger did they come. The guard of
this prison, upon hearing what had taken place in
Decimum and seeing the fleet inside the point,
entered the room and enquired of the men, who had
not yet learned the good news, but were sitting in
the darkness and expecting death, what among their

171

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

mote dpa βουλομένοις ἂν αὐτοῖς εἴη τῶν ὕπαρχ-

8 ὄντων προεμένοις σεσῶσθαι. τῶν δὲ ἅπαντα

alpovpévov διδόναι ἃ βούλοιτο, ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν
ἥτει τῶν πάντων χρημάτων, ἠξίου δὲ ἅπαντας
ὀμνύναι ὡς, ἣν διαφύγοιεν, Kal αὐτῷ ἐν κινδύνοις
γενησομένῳ ξυλχήψονται ὅση δύναμις. οἱ μὲν
οὖν κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίουν. ὁ δὲ τόν τε λόγον
ἅπαντα ἔφραζε καὶ σανίδα ἐκ τοῦ πρὸς θάλασσαν
ἀφεχὼν μέρους προσιόντα τὸν στόλον ἐπέδειξε,,
τῆς τὲ εἱρκτῆς ἀφεὶς ἅπαντας ξὺν αὐτοῖς ἤει.
τοὶ δὲ ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν ὄντες, οὔπω TL ἀκηκοότες
ὧν ἐν τῇ γῇ ὁ στρατὸς ἔδρασε, διηποροῦντο, Kat
τὰ ἱστία χαλάσαντες ἔς τε τὸ Μερκούριον “πέμ-
ψαντες τὰ ἐν Δεκίμῳ πραχθέντα ἔμαθον, καὶ περι-.
χαρεῖς γενόμενοι ἔπλεον. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦ πνεύματος
σφίσιν ἐπιφόρου ὄντος ἀπὸ σταδίων πεντήκοντα
καὶ. ἑκατὸν Καρχηδόνος ἐγένοντο, ᾿Αρχέλαος μὲν
καὶ οἱ στρατιῶται αὐτοῦ ὁρμίσασθαι ἐκέλευον,
τὴν τοῦ στρατηγοῦ δεδιότες πρόρρησιν, οἱ. δὲ
ναῦται οὐκ ἐπείθοντο. τήν τε γὰρ ἐκείνῃ ἀκτὴν
ἀλίμενον εἶναι. ἔφασκον καὶ χειμῶνα ἐπίσημον
αὐτίκα μάλα γενήσεσθαι ἐπίδοξον εἶναι, ὃν δὴ οἱ
ἐπιχώριοι Κυπριανὰ καλοῦσι. προὔλεγόν τε ὡς,
εἰ ἐνταῦθα σφίσιν ἐπιγένηται, οὐδ᾽ ἂν τῶν νεῶν
μίαν διασώσασθαι δυνατοὶ εἶεν. καὶ ἣν δὲ οὕτως.
ἐν βραχεῖ οὖν τά τε ἱστία χαλάσαντες καὶ βου-
λευσάμενοι τοῦ μὲν Μανδρακίου πειράσασθαι οὐκ
ὥοντο χρῆναι (τάς τε γὰρ Βελισαρίου ἐντολὰς
ὑπεστέλλοντο καὶ ἅμα τὴν ἐς τὸ Μανδράκιον
εἴσοδον ταῖς ἁλύσεσιν ἀποκεκλεῖσθαι ὑπώπτευον,
ἄλλως τε καὶ τῷ παντὶ στόλῳ τὸν λιμένα ἐκεῖνον
1 ἐπέδειξε VO: ἀπέδειξε P.
172

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xx. 7-15

possessions they would be willing to give up and be
saved. And when they said they desired to give
everything he might wish, he demanded nothing of
all their treasures, but required them all to swear
that, if they escaped, they would assist him also with
all their power when he came into danger. And
they did this. Then he told them them the whole
story, and tearing off a plank from the side toward
the sea, he pointed out the fleet approaching, and
releasing all from the prison went out with them.
But the men on the ships, having as yet heard
nothing of what the army had done on the land, were
completely at a loss, and slackening their sails they
sent to the town of Mercurium; there they learned
what had taken place at; Decimum, and becoming
exceedingly joyful sailed on. And when, with a
favouring wind blowing, they came to within one
hundred and fifty stades of Carthage, Archelaus and
the soldiers bade them anchor there, fearing the warn-
ing of the general, but the sailors would not obey.
For they said that the promontory at that point was
without a harbour and also that the indications were
that a well-known storm, which the natives call
Cypriana, would arise immediately. And they pre-
dicted that, if it came upon them in that place, they
would not be able to save even one of the ships.
And it was as they said. So they slackened their
sails for a short time and deliberated ; and they did
not think they ought to try for Mandracium (for
they shrank from violating the commands of Belis-
arius, and at the same time they suspected that the
entrance to Mandracium was closed by the. chains,
and besides they feared that this harbour was not

173

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

οὐχ ἱκανὸν εἶναι), τὸ δὲ Στάγνον σφίσιν ἐφαίνετο
ἐν καλῷ κεῖσθαι (μέτρῳ γὰρ σταδίων τεσσαρά-
KovTa Καρχηδόνος διέχει) ἐμπόδιόν τε οὐδὲν ἐν
αὐτῷ εἶναι καὶ πρὸς τὸν στόλον ἅπαντα ἱκανῶς
πεφυκέναι. ἔνθα δὴ ἀφικόμενοι περὶ λύχνων
ἁφὰς ὡρμίσαντο πάντες, πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι Καλώνυ-
μος ἅμα τῶν ναυτῶν τισι, τοῦ Te στρατηγοῦ
ἀφροντιστήσας καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πάντων, ἔς τε τὸ
Μανδράκιον λάθρα ἀπέβη. οὐδενὸς κωλῦσαι
τολμήσαντος, καὶ χρήματα τῶν ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ
ῳκημένων ἐμπόρων ξένων τε καὶ Καρχηδονίων
/
ιήρπασε.

Τῇ δὲ ἐ ἐπιγενομένῃ ἡμέρᾳ Βελισάριος τούς τε ἐν
ταῖς ναυσὶ τὴν ἀπόβασιν ἐκέλευε ποιεῖσθαι καὶ
ὅλον "διακοσμήσας τὸ στράτευμα διατάξας τε ὡς
ἐς μάχην ἐπὶ Καρχηδόνα ἐσήλαυνεν' ἐδεδίει γὰρ
μή τίς οἱ ἐνέδρα πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ὑπαντιάσῃ.
ἔνθα δὴ πολλὰ μὲν τοὺς στρατιώτας ὑπέμνησεν,
ἡλίκα σφίσιν εὐτυχήματα γένοιτο, ἐπειδὴ σω-
φροσύνην ἐς Λίβυας ἐπεδείξαντο, πολλὰ δὲ παρή-
νεσε τὴν εὐκοσμίαν ἐν Καρχηδόνι ὡς μάλιστα
διασώσασθαι. Λίβυας γὰρ ἅπαντας “Ῥωμαίους
τὸ ἀνέκαθεν ὄντας γενέσθαι τε ὑπὸ Βανδίλοις
οὔτι ἐθελουσίους καὶ πολλὰ πεπονθέναι πρὸς
ἀνδρῶν βαρβάρων ἀνόσια. διὸ δὴ καὶ βασιλέα
ἐς πόλεμον καταστῆναι Βανδίλοις, εἶναί τε. οὐχ
ὅσιον ξυμβῆναί TL πρὸς αὐτῶν ἄχαρι ἐς ἀνθρώ-
Tous ὧν τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ὑπόθεσιν “ποιησάμενοι
ἐπὶ Βανδίλους ἐστράτευσαν. τοσαῦτα παραινέ-
σας ἔς τε Καρχηδόνα εἰσῆλθε: καί, ἐπεὶ πολέμιον
σφίσιν οὐδὲν ἐφαίνετο, ἐς τὸ Παλάτιον ἀναβὰς

1 ἐφαίνετο VP: ἀπήντα Ο.

174

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III xx. 15-21

sufficient for the whole fleet) but Stagnum seemed
to them well situated (for it is forty stades distant
from Carthage), and there was nothing mm it to hinder
them, and also it was large enough for the whole fleet.
There they arrived about dusk and all anchored,
except, indeed, that Calonymus with some of the
sailors, disregarding the general and all the others,
went off secretly to Mandracium, no one daring to
hinder him, and plundered the property of the
merchants dwelling on the sea, both foreigners and
Carthaginians.

On the following day Belisarius commanded those
on the ships to disembark, and after marshalling the
whole army and drawing it up in battle formation,
he marched into Carthage; for he feared lest he
should encounter some snare set by the enemy.
There he reminded the soldiers at length of how
much good fortune had come to them because they
had displayed moderation toward the Libyans, and
he exhorted them earnestly to preserve good order
with the greatest care in Carthage. For all the
Libyans had been Romans in earlier times and had
come under the Vandals by no will of their own and
had suffered many outrages at the hands of these
barbarians. For this very reason the emperor had
entered into war with the Vandals, and it was not
holy that any harm should come from them to the
people whose freedom they had made the ground
for taking the field against the Vandals. After such
words of exhortation he entered Carthage, and, since
no enemy was seen by them, he went up to the

175

Sept. 15,
533 A.D.

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἐν τῷ Τελίμερος θρόνῳ ἐκάθισεν. ἐνταῦθα ἐντυ-
χόντες πολλῇ κραυγῇ Βελισαρίῳ ἐμπόρων τε
πλῆθος καὶ ἄλλοι Καρχηδόνιοι ὅσοις ἐπιθαλάσ-
ola τὰ οἰκία! τετύχηκεν εἶναι, ἠτιῶντο ἁρπαγὴν
σφίσι τῶν ὑπαρχόντων τῇ προλαβούσῃ νυκτὶ
πρὸς τῶν ναυτῶν ξυμβῆναι. ὁ δὲ Καλώνυμον
ὅρκοις καταλαμβάνει ἦ μὴν ἅπαντα ἐς τὸ ἐμφανὲς.
ἐνεγκεῖν τὰ φώρια. Καλώνυμος δὲ ὀμόσας τε
καὶ τὰ ὀμωμοσμένα ἐν ἀλογίᾳ ποιησάμενος τὸ
μὲν παραυτίκα τὰ χρήματα ἐληίσατο, χρόνῳ δὲ
οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον τὴν δίκην ἔτισεν ἐς Βυζάντιον.
νόσῳ γὰρ ἁλοὺς τῇ καλουμένῃ ἀποπληξίᾳ͵ καὶ
τῶν φρενῶν ἔξω γενόμενος τῆς τε γλώσσης ἀπο-
τραγὼν τῆς αὑτοῦ, εἶτα ἀπέθανεν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα
μὲν χρόνῳ τῷ ὑστέρῳ ἐγένετο.

ΧΧΙ

4 A
Tore δὲ Βελισάριος, ἐπεὶ ὁ καιρὸς ἐς τοῦτο
ἦγεν, ἄριστον σφίσιν ἐκέλευε γενέσθαι οὗ δὴ.
Γελίμερ τοὺς τῶν Βανδίλων ἡγουμένους ἑστιᾶν
3, Δ 7 ‘ ¥ fal € a >
εἰώθει. Δέλφικα τὸν τόπον καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι, οὐ
“ , ͵ > \ Ν \ Ν
Τῇ σφετέρᾳ γλώσσῃ, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὸ παλαιὸν
¢ f Ἃ ἢ 4 \ lal 3 Ν € 4
ἑλληνίζοντες. ἐν Παλατίῳ yap τῷ ἐπὶ Ῥώμης,
13
ἔνθα ξυνέβαινε στιβάδας τὰς βασιλέως εἶναι,
τρίπους ἐκ παλαιοῦ" εἱστήκει, ἐφ᾽ οὗ δὴ τὰς
/ δ ,ὔ > f 3 / t
κύλικας οἱ βασιλέως οἰνοχόοι ἐτίθεντο. Δέλφικα
Ν ,ὔ n n a
δὲ τὸν τρίποδα καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι, ἐπεὶ πρῶτον ἐν
a / b) n » ΄,
Δελφοῖς γέγονε, καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἔν τε Βυζαντίῳ
καὶ ὅπη βασιλέως εἶναι στιβάδα ξυμβαίνει Δέλ-
φικα τοῦτο καλοῦσι τὸ οἴκημα, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὰ
1 οἰκία VO: οἰκήματα P. 3 παλαιοῦ PO: radaay V.
176

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xx. 21-xxi. 3

palace and seated himself on Gelimer’s throne.
There a crowd of merchants and other Carthaginians
came before Belisarius with much shouting, persons
whose homes were on the sea, and they made the
charge that there had been a robbery of their pro-
perty on the preceding night by the sailors. And
Belisarius bound Calonymus by oaths to brfng with-
out fail all his thefts to the light. And Calonymus,
taking the oath and disregarding what he had sworn,
for the moment made the money his plunder, but
not long afterwards he paid his just penalty in
Byzantium. For being taken with the disease called
apoplexy, he became insane and bit off his own
tongue and then died. But this happened at a later
time.

XXI

But then, since the hour was appropriate, Belisarius
commanded that lunch be prepared for them, in the
_very place where Gelimer was accustomed to enter-
tain the leaders of the Vandals. This place the
Romans call.“ Delphix,” not in their own tongue,
but using the Greek word according to the ancient
custom. For in the palace at Rome, where the
dining couches of the emperor were placed, a tripod
had stood from olden times, on which the emperor’s
cupbearers used to place the cups. Now the Romans
call a tripod “ Delphix,” since they were first made
at Delphi, and from this both in Byzantium and
wherever there is a king’s dining couch they call the
room “ Delphix”; for the Romans follow the Greek

177

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

βασιλέως οἰκία Παλάτιον ἑλληνίξοντες καλοῦσι

4 Ῥωμαῖοι. Πάλλαντος γὰρ ἀνδρὸς “ Ἕλληνος ἐν

τούτῳ τῷ χωρίῳ οἰκήσαντος πρὸ ᾿Ιλίου ἁλώσεως
οἰκίαν τε λόγου ἀξίαν ἐνταῦθα Setpapévon, Παλά-
τιον μὲν τὸ οἴκημα τοῦτο ἐκάλουν, ἐπεὶ δὲ τὴν
αὐτοκράτορα παραλαβὼν ἀρχὴν Αὔγουστος ἐν-
ταῦθα καταλύειν. τὸ πρῶτον ἔγνω, Παλάτιον ἀπ᾽
αὐτοῦ καλοῦσι τὸ χωρίον οὗ ἂν βασιλεὺς κατα-
Uy.) ἐν Δέλφικι τοίνυν Βελεσάριός τε ἤσθιε
καὶ εἴ τι ἐν τῷ στρατεύματι δόκιμον ἦν. τετύχηκε
δὲ τὸ τῇ προτεραίᾳ τῷ Γελίμερι γεγονὸς ἄριστον
ἐν παρασκευῇ εἶναι. καὶ ταῖς τε βρώσεσιν av-
ταῖς εἱστιάθημεν" 4% τε τοῦ Γελίμερος θεραπεία
παρετίθει τε καὶ φνοχόει καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ὑπούργει.
παρῆν τε ἰδεῖν ὡραϊζομένην τὴν τύχην καὶ ποιου-
μένην ἐπίδειξιν ὡς ἅπαντά τε αὐτῆς εἴη καὶ οὐδὲν
ἀνθρώπῳ ἴδιον γένοιτο. Βελισαρίῳ δὲ ξυνηνέχθη
ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ “εὐδοκιμῆσαι ὡς οὔτεβ τῶν κατ᾽
αὐτὸν οὐδενὶ πώποτε οὔτε" τῷ ἄχλῳ τῶν. ἐκ
παλαιοῦ γεγονότων τετύχηκε. τῶν γὰρ δὴ Ῥω-
μαίων στρατιωτῶν οὐκ εἰωθότων θορύβου χωρὶς
ἐς πόλιν ᾿κατήκοον σφίσιν οὐδ᾽ ἂν κατὰ πεντα-
κοσίους εἶεν ἄλλως τε καὶ ἐκ τοῦ ἀπροσδοκήτου
ἰέναι, οὕτω δὴ κοσμίους ἅπαντας ὁ στρατηγὸς
οὗτος τοὺς ἀρχομένους παρέσχετο ὥστε οὐδὲ
ὕβριν τινὰ ἢ ἀπειλὴν γενέσθαι, οὐ μὴν οὐδέ τι
ἐμπόδισμα τῇ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐργασίᾳ ξυνέβη,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἁλούσῃ πόλει καὶ πολιτείαν μεταβαλούσῃ
καὶ βασιλείαν ἀλλαξαμένῃ οὐδὲ τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς

1 καταλύη O: καταλύει Vv, καταλύοι P,
2 εἱστιάθημεν P: εἱστία O.
3 otre—otre Haury: δὴν τοῖν MSS.

178

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xxi. 3-10

also in calling the emperor’s residence “ Palatium.”
For a Greek named Pailas lived in this place before
the capture of Troy and built a noteworthy house
there, and they called this dwelling “ Palatium”’ ;
and when Augustus received the imperial power, he
decided to take up his first residence in that house,
and from this they call the place wherever the
emperor resides “ Palatium.” So Belisarius dined
in the De]phix and with him all the notables of the
army. And it happened that the lunch made for
Gelimer on the preceding day was in readiness.
And we feasted on that very food and the domestics
of Gelimer served it and poured the wine and waited
upon us in every way. And it was possible to see
Fortune in her glory and making a display of the
fact that all things are hers and that nothing is the
private possession of any man. And it fell to the
lot of Belisarius on that day to win such fame as no
one of the men of his time ever won nor indeed
any of the men of olden times. For though the
Roman soldiers were not accustomed to enter a
subject city without confusion, even if they numbered
only five hundred, and especially if they made the
entry unexpectedly, all the soldiers under the com-
mand of this general showed themselves so orderly
that there was not a single act of insolence nor a
threat, and indeed nothing happened to hinder the
business of the city; but in a captured city, one
which bad changed its government and shifted its
allegiance, it came about that no man’s household

179

12
18

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἀγορᾶς ξυνέβη τινὸς τὴν οἰκίαν ἀποκεκλεῖσθαι,
ἀλλ᾽ οἱ γραμματεῖς τὰ βιβλίδια γράψαντες τοὺς
στρατιώτας, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, ἐς τὰς οἰκίας εἰσή-
γᾶγον, αὐτοί τε ὦνιον ἀπὸ τῆς ἀγορᾶς τὸ ἄριστον
λαβόντες ὡς ἑκάστῳ ἦν βουλομένῳ ἡσύχαζον.

Μετὰ δὲ Βελισάριος Bavdinrous Te τοῖς ἐς τὰ
ἱερὰ καταφυγοῦσι πιστὰ ἐδίδου καὶ τῶν τειχῶν
ἐπεμελεῖτο. ἦν γὰρ ὁ , Καρχηδόνος περίβολος
οὕτω δὴ ἀπημελημένος » στε ἐσβατὸς3 é ἐν χώροις
πολλοῖς τῷ βουλομένῳ καὶ 3 evédodos* ἐγεγόνει.
μοῖρα γὰρ οὐκ ὀλίγη αὐτοῦ κατεπεπτώκει καὶ διὰ
τοῦτο Ρελίμερα οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι ἔφασκον ἐν τῇ
πόλει οὐχ ὑποστῆναι. οὐ γὰρ ἄν ποτε οἴεσθαι
χρόνῳ ὀλίγῳ οἷόν τε εἶναι τῷ περιβόλῳ τούτῳ
τὴν ἀσφάλειαν ἀνασώσασθαι. ἔλεγον. δέ τι καὶ
λόγιον παλαιὸν ἐν Καρχηδόνι πρὸς τῶν παιδίων
ἐν τοῖς ἄνω χρόνοις εἰρῆσθαι ὡς τὸ γάμμα διώξει
τὸ βῆτα, καὶ πάλιν αὐτὸδ τὸ βῆτα διώξει τὸ
γάμμα. καὶ τότε μὲν παίζουσιν αὐτὸ τοῖς παι-
δίοις εἰρῆσθαι καὶ ἀπολελεῖφθαι ἐν αἰνίγματος
ἀπορουμένου μοίρᾳ, νῦν δὲ ἅ ἅπασιν ἄντικρυς φανε-
ρὸν εἶναι. πρότερόν τε γὰρ Τιζέριχος Βονιφάτιον
ἐξεδίωξε καὶ τανῦν Γελέμερα Βελιεσάριος. . τοῦτο
μὲν οὖν, εἴτε φήμη τις ἦν εἴτε λόγιον, ταύτῃ
ἐχώρησε.

Τότε δὲ καὶ ὄναρ πολλοῖς μὲν πολλάκις ὀφθὲν
πρότερον, ἄδηλον δὲ γεγονὸς ὅ ὅπη. ἐκβήσεται, ἐς
φῶς ἐληλύθει. ἐτύγχανε δὲ ὃν τὸ dvap τοιόνδε.
Κυπριανόν, ἅγιον ἄνδρα, μάλιστα πάντων οἱ

a ἀπημελημένος V: ἀτημελημένος P, ἠἡτημελημένος Ο.

2 ὥστε ἐσβατὸς VB : ὥστ᾽ ἐσβαλεῖν O.
5 καὶ om. O. * evépodos VP: εὐέφοδον O.
δ᾽ αὐτὸ VP: αὐτοῖς O, αὖ Christ.

180

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xxi. 10-17

was excluded from the privileges of the market-
place; on the contrary, the clerks drew up their
lists of the men and conducted the soldiers to. their
lodgings, just as usual,! and the soldiers themselves,
getting their lunch by purchase from the market,
rested as each one wished.

Afterwards Belisarius gave pledges to those Van-
dals who had fled into the sanctuaries, and began to
take thought for the fortifications, For the circuit-
wall of Carthage had been so neglected that in
many places it had become accessible to anyone
who wished and easy to attack. For no small part
of it had fallen down, and it was for this reason,
the Carthaginians said, that Gelimer had not made
his stand in the city. For he thought that it would
be impossible in a short time to restore such a circuit-
wall to a safe condition. And they said that an old
oracle had been uttered by the children in earlier
times in Carthage, to the effect that. “gamma shall
pursue beta, and again beta itself shall pursue
gamma.” And at that time it had been spoken by
the children in play and had been left as an unex-
plained riddle, but now it was perfectly clear to all.
For formerly Gizeric had driven out Boniface and
now Belisarius was doing the same to Gelimer.
This, then, whether it was a rumour or an oracle,
came out as I have stated.

At that time a dream also came to light, which
had been seen often before this by many persons,
but without being clear as to how it would turn
out. And the dream was as follows. Cyprian,” a
holy man, is reverenced above all others by the

1 The troops were billeted as:at a peaceful occupation.
2 St. Cyprian (circa 200-257 a. p.), Bishop of Carthage.
181

τ PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA |

Καρχηδόνιοι. σέβονται. καὶ αὐτῷ νεών τινα λόγου
πολλοῦ ἄξιον πρὸ τῆς πόλεως ἱδρυσάμενοι: Tapa
τὴν τῆς θαλάσσης ἠιόνα τά τε ἄλλα ἐξοσιοῦνται

ΝΕ ἢ e ἣν ὰ \ ae na \
‘Kal ἄγουσιν ἑορτὴν ἣν δὴ Κυπριανὰ καλοῦσι, καὶ

ἀπ᾽’ αὐτοῦ τὸν χειμῶνα οἱ ναῦται, οὗπερ ἐγὼ
ἀρτίως ἐμνήσθην, ὁμωνύμως τῇ πανηγύρει, προσ-
ἀγορεύειν εἰώθασιν, ἐπεὶ ἐς τὸν καιρὸν ἐπισκή-
mre φιλεῖ ἐφ᾽ οὗ ταύτην οἱ Λίβυες ἄγειν ἐς ἀεὶ
τὴν ἑορτὴν νενομίκασι. τοῦτον οἱ Βανδίλοι τὸν
νεὼν ἐπὶ ‘Ovepixou | βασιλεύοντος. τοὺς Χρισ-
τιανοὺς βιασάμενοι ἔσχον. καὶ αὐτῶν: ἐνθένδε
ξὺν πολλῇ ἀτιμίᾳ τοὺς ἱερέας εὐθὺς ἐξελάσαντες
αὐτοὶ τῶν ἱερῶν τὸ λοιπόν, ἅτε προσηκόντων
᾿Αρειανοῖς, ἐπεμελοῦντο. ἀσχάλλουσιν οὖν διὰ
ταῦτα καὶ διαπορουμένοις τοῖς Λίβυσι πολλάκις
φασὶ τὸν Κυπριανὸν ὄναρ ἐπισκήψαντα “φάναι
ἀμφ᾽ αὐτῷ μεριμνᾶν τοὺς Χριστιανοὺς ἥκιστα
χρῆναι: αὐτὸν γάρ οἱ προϊόντος τοῦ χρόνου τιμω-
ρὸν ἔσεσθαι. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ λόγος περιφερόμενος ἐς
τοὺς Λίβυας ἅπαντας ἦλθε, καραδοκεῖν μὲν av-
τοὺς τίσιν ποτέ τινα τῶν ἱερῶν τούτων ἕνεκα ἐς
τοὺς Βανδίλους ἀφίξεσθαι, οὐκ ἔχειν μέντοι τεκ-
μηριῶσαι ὅπη ποτὲ αὐτοῖς ἡ τοῦ ὀνείρου ὄψις
ἐκβήσεται. νῦν οὖν, ἐπεὶ ἐς Λιβύην ὁ 0 βασιλέως
στόλος, ἀφίκετο (ἐπανιὼν γὰρ ἤδη ὃ χρόνος τῇ
ὑστεραίᾳ τὴν πανήγυριν ἀγαγεῖν ἔμελλεν), οἱ μὲν
τῶν ᾿Αρειανῶν ἡ ἱερεῖς, καίπερ ᾿Αμμάτα Βανδίλοις
ἐς Δέκιμον͵ ἡγησαμένου, τό τε ἱερὸν ἐκάθηραν
ἅπαν καὶ τῶν ἐνταῦθα ἀναθημάτων τὰ κάλλιστα

" ἔσχον. καὶ αὐτῶν MSS. : ἀφείλοντο Euagrius.
2 αὐτοὶ- ἐπεμελοῦντο MSS.: καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἅτε προσήκοντα
᾿Αρειανοῖς ἐπανώρθουν Huagrius.

182

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xxi. 17-23

Carthaginians. And they have founded a very note-
worthy temple in his honour before the city on the
sea-shore, in which they conduct all other customary
services, and also celebrate there a festival which they
call the “ Cypriana”’; and the sailors are accustomed
to name after Cyprian the storm, which I mentioned
lately,) giving it the same name as the festival,
since it is wont to come on at the time at which the
Libyans have always been accustomed to celebrate
the festival. This temple the Vandals took from
the Christians by violence in the reign of Honoric.
And they straightway drove out their priests from
the temple in great dishonour, and themselves there-
after attended to the sacred festival which, they said,
now belonged to the Arians. And the Libyans, indeed,
were angry on this account and altogether at a loss,
but Cyprian, they say, often sent them a dream saying
that there was not the least need for the Christians
to be concerned about him; for he himself as time
went on would be his own avenger. And when the
report of this was passed around and came to all the _
Libyans, they were expecting that some vengeance
would come upon the Vandals at some time because
of this sacred festival, but were unable to conjecture
how in the world the vision would be realized for
them. Now, therefore, when the emperor’s expedi-
tion had come to Libya, since the time had already
come round and would bring the celebration of the
festival on the succeeding day, the priests of the
Arians, in spite of the fact that Ammatas had led
the Vandals to Decimum, cleansed the whole sanc-
tuary and were engaged in hanging up the most

1 Chap. xx. 13.
183

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἐκρέμων, καὶ τὰ λύχνα ἐν παρασκευῇ ποιησά-
μενοι τά τε κειμήλια ἐξενεγκόντες ἐ ἐκ τῶν ταμιείων
ἡτοίμαξον ἀκριβῶς a ἅπαντα; ὥς πη αὐτῶν. ἕκαστον
ἐς τὴν χρείαν ἐπιτηδείως ἔχον ἐτύγχανε. τὰ δὲ
ἐν Δεκίμῳ οὕτως ὥσπερ μοι προδεδήχωται γενέ-
σθαι ξυνέβη. καὶ οἱ μὲν τῶν ᾿Αρειανῶν ἱερεῖς
φεύγοντες ὥχοντο, Χριστιανοὶ δὲ οἷς τὰ ἐς τὴν
δόξαν ὀρθῶς ἤσκηται, ἀφικόμενοι ἐς τοῦ. Κυπρια-
νοῦ τὸν νεών, τά τε λύ ya ἔκαιον ἅπαντα καὶ τῶν
ἱερῶν ἐπεμελοῦντο ἧπερ αὐτοῖς τελεῖσθαι ταῦτα
νόμος, οὕτω τε ἅπασιν ἃ δὴ προὔλεγεν ἡ τοῦ
ὀνείρου ὄψις ἐγνώσθη. adda ταῦτα μὲν τῇδε
ἐχώρησεν.

XXII

Oi δὲ Βανδίλοιϊ λόγου παλαιοῦ ἀναμνησθέντες
ἐθαύμαξον, ἐξεπιστάμενοι τὸ λοιπὸν ὡς ἀνθρώπῳ
γε ὄντι οὔτ᾽ 5 ἂν ἄπιστός τις. ἐλπὶς οὔτε" κτῆσις
βέβαιος γένοιτο. ὅστις δὲ ἣν οὗτος ὁ λόγος καὶ
ὅντινα ἐρρήθη τρόπον, ἐγὼ δηλώσω. ἡνίκα Βαν-
δίλοι κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς τῷ λιμῷ πιεζόμενοι ἐξ ἠθῶν τῶν
πατρίων ἀνίστασθαι ἔμεχλον, μοῖρά τις αὐτῶν
ἀπελείπετο, οἷς δὴ ὀκνήσει ἐχομένοις πρὸς ἡδονὴν
Γωδιγίσκλῳ ἐπισπέσθαι οὐκ ἦν. προϊόντος δὲ
χρόνου τοῖς τε μείνασι τὰ ἐς τῶν ἐπιτηδείων. τὴν
ἀφθονίαν εὖ ἔχειν ἐδόκει καὶ “Τιξέριχος ξὺν τοῖς
ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν Λιβύην ἔσχεν. ὅπερ ἀκούσαντες οἱ
Ῥωδιγίσκλῳ οὐκ ἐπισπόμενοι ἔχαιρον, τῆς pee
ile’ ἰσχυρότατα σφίσιν ἐς τὸ ἀποζῆν διαρ-

οἱ δὲ βανδίλοι VO: ἡ δὲ τῶν βανδίλων τάξις Ῥ,
2 οὔτ᾽ ---οὔτε Haury: ovd'—ovde MSS,

184

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xxi. 23-xxii. 5

beautiful of the votive offerings there, and making
ready the lamps and bringing out the treasures from
the store-houses and preparing all things with exact-
ness, arranging everything according to its appro-—
priate use. But the events in Decimum turned out
in the manner already described. And the priests
of the Arians were off in flight, while the Christians
who conform to the orthodox faith came to the
temple of Cyprian, and they burned all the lamps
and attended to the sacred festival just as is cus-
tomary for them to perform this service, and thus it
was known to all what the vision of the dream was
foretelling. This, then, came about in this way.

XXII

Anp the Vandals, recalling an ancient saying,
marvelled, understanding clearly thereafter that for
a man, at least, no hope could be impossible nor any
possession secure. And what this saying was and in
what manner it was spoken I shall explain. When
the Vandals originally, pressed by hunger, were about
to remove from their ancestral abodes, a certain part
of them was left behind who were reluctant to go
and not desirous of following Godigisclus. And as
time went on it seemed to those who had remained
that they were well off as regards abundance ot
provisions, and Gizeric with his followers gained
possession of Libya. And when this was heard by
those who had not followed Godigisclus, they re-
joiced, since thenceforth the country was altogether

VOL. II ς 185

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Ἢ; A
κούσης. δείσαντες δὲ μὴ χρόνῳ τινὶ πολλῷ
ef x > Ne ee: [4 Μ aA € 4
ὕστερον ἢ αὐτοὶ ὅσοι Λιβύην ἔσχον, ἢ οἱ τούτων
3 τὰ ef Ν 4 i b] LA
ἀπόγονοι ὅτῳ δὴ τρόπῳ Λιβύης ἐξελαυνόμενοι

\ : ΄
ἐπανήξουσιν ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη (οὐ γάρ ποτε
€ ’ὔ 3 A 3 8. aN / ¢€ ig
Ῥωμαίους αὐτὴν és ἀεὶ περιόψεσθαι ὑπετόπαζον),

ie vy 31 > τὰ “ 3 Ν 1

πρέσβεις ἔπεμψαν map’) αὐτούς. οἵ, ἐπεὶ Τιζε-
a ,

ρίχῳ és ὄψιν ἧκον, συνήδεσθαι μὲν τοῖς ὁμογενέ-
σιν οὕτω δὴ εὐημερήσασιν ἔφασκον, φυλάσσειν
δὲ περαιτέρω τὴν γῆν οὐχ οἷοί τε εἶναι ἧσπερ
2 Ν > , 2 \ ΄ὔ e we 307
αὐτοὶ ὠλιγωρηκότες ἐπὶ Λιβύης ἱδρύσαντο. ἐδέ-
οντο οὗν, εἰ μὴ γῆς τῆς πατρῴας μεταποιοῦνται,
κτήματι αὐτοὺς ἀνονήτῳ σφίσι δωρήσασθαι, ὅπως

4 a
δὴ κύριοι THs χώρας ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα γεγενη-
μένοι, ἤν τις κακουργήσων ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν ἴοι, ὡς
ἥκιστα ἀπαξιοῦν ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς θνήσκειν. Τιζερίχῳ
μὲν οὖν καὶ Βανδίλοις τοῖς ἄλλοις εὖ τε καὶ τὰ
δίκαια λέγειν ἔδοξαν, καὶ ξυνεχώρουν ἅπαντα ὅσα
οἱ πρέσβεις αὐτῶν ἔχρῃζον. γέρων δέ τις ἀνὴρ
ἐν αὐτοῖς δόκιμος καὶ δόξαν ἐπὶ ξυνέσει πολλήν
N a a
τινα ἔχων TO τοιοῦτον ἐπιτρέψειν οὐδαμῆ ἔφη.
an le na lal lal
τῶν yap ἀνθρωπείων οὐδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς
ἵστασθαι, ἀλλ᾽ εἶναι αὐτοῖς ἐς τὸν πάντα αἰῶνα
βέβαιον μὲν τῶν ὄντων οὐδέν, τῶν δὲ οὐκ ὄντων
/ fal iS

οὐδὲν ἀμήχανον. ταῦτα ὁ Τιζέριχος ἀκούσας

ἐπήνεσέ Te καὶ τοὺς πρέσβεις ἀπράκτους ἀπο-
4 c

πέμπεσθαι ἔγνω. τότε μὲν οὖν αὐτός τε καὶ ὁ

, \ le

παραινέσας ἅτε τὰ ἀμήχανα προορώμενοι, πρὸς
le {a A

πάντων Βανδίλων γέλωτα ὦφλον. ἐπεὶ δὲ ταῦτα

1 rap’ VO: πρὸς Ῥ,
186

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xxii. 5-12

sufficient for them to live upon. But fearing lest at
some time much later either the very ones who had
conquered Libya, or their descendants, should in
some way or other be driven out of Libya and return
to their ancestral homes (for they never supposed
that the Romans would let Libya be held for ever),
they sent ambassadors tothem. And these men, upon
coming before Gizeric, said that they rejoiced with
their compatriots who had met with such success,
but that they were no longer able to guard the land
of which he and his men had thought so little that
they had settled in Libya. They prayed therefore
that, if they laid no claim to their fatherland, they
would bestow it as an unprofitable possession upon
themselves, so that their title to the land might be
made as secure as possible, and if anyone should
come to do it harm, they might by no means disdain
. to die in behalf of it. Gizeric, accordingly, and all
the other Vandals thought that they spoke fairly
and justly, and they were in the act of granting
everything which the envoys desired of them. But
a certain old man who was esteemed among them
and had a great reputation for discretion said that he
would by no means permit such a thing. “ For in
human affairs,’’ he said, “not one thing stands secure ;
nay, nothing which now exists is stable for all time for
men, while as regards that which does not yet exist,
there is nothing which may not come to pass.” When
Gizeric heard this, he expressed approval and decided
to send the envoys away with nothing accomplished.
Now at that time both he himself and the man who
had given the advice were judged worthy of ridicule
by all the’ Vandals, as foreseeing the impossible.
But when these things which have been told took

187

.17

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

“Ψ > AG) 3 / θό La) > 6
ἅπερ ἐρρήθη ἐγενετο, μετέμαθὸον τε τῶν ἀνθρω-
‘4
πείων πραγμάτων ot Βανδίλοι τὴν φύσιν καὶ
σοφοῦ τὸ ἔπος εἶναι ἀνδρὸς ἔγνωσαν.
Τούτων μὲν οὖν Βανδίλων οἱ ἔμεινων ἐν γῇ τῇ
Ya 5
πατρῴᾳ, οὔτε! μνήμη τις οὔτε' ὄνομα ἐς ἐμὲ
σώζεται. ἅτε γάρ, οἶμαι, ὀλίγοις τισὶν οὖσιν ἢ
, \ μ᾿ n te ς lA Ὰ
βεβιάσθαι πρὸς βαρβάρων τῶν σφίσιν ὁμόρων ἢ
4 ’
ἀναμεμίχθαι οὔτι ἀκουσίοις 5 τετύχηκε, TO TE
ὄνομα ἐς αὐτούς πη ἀποκεκρίσθαι. οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ
ἰῴ ͵7ὔ fs ps Li OL »
ἡσσημένοις τότε πρὸς Βελισαρίου θανδίλοις ἔν-
Vk
νοια γέγονεν ἐς ἤθη τὰ πάτρια ἐνθένδε ἰέναι: οὐ
Ν ς 9 a 9 an > la ΕΣ
γὰρ εἶχον ἐκ Λιβύης ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου, ἄλλως τε
καὶ νεῶν οὐ παρουσῶν σφίσιν, ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην
/ 3 ΨΚ τὰ Qn A / e ee ‘
κομίζεσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἔτισαν ἐνταῦθα τὴν δίκην ἁπάν:
: ς
τῶν ὧνπερ ἐς Ῥωμαίους εἰργάσαντο καὶ οὐχ
ἥκιστα ἐς Ζακυνθίους. Γιζέριχος γάρ, ἐπισκήψας
\ an al
ποτὲ τοῖς ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ χωρίοις, Ταινάρῳ
προσβαλεῖν ἐνεχείρησεν. ἐνθένδε τε κατὰ τάχος
ἀποκρουσθεὶς καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων ἀπο-
βαλὼν ἀνεχώρησεν οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ. διὸ δὴ τῷ
- M4 , ve
θυμῷ ἔτι ἐχόμενος Ζακύνθῳ προσέσχε, Kal πολ-
λοὺς μὲν τῶν ἐν ποσὶ κτείνας, τῶν δὲ δοκίμων ἐς
πεντακοσίους ἀνδραποδίσας δι’ ὀλίγου ἀπέπλευ-
σεν. ἐπειδή τε γέγονεν ἐν μέσῳ τῷ ᾿Αδριατικῷ
καλουμένῳ πελάγει, ἐνταῦθα κρεουργήσας τῶν
πεντακοσίων τὰ σώματα, πανταχῆ τῆς θαλάσσης
οὐδὲν ὑπολογισάμενος ἔρριψεν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν
a , ul
ἐν τοῖς ἄνω χρόνοις ἐγένετο.

1 οὔτε---οὔτε Haury : οὐδὲ---οὐδὲ MSS,
2 ἀκουσίοις VP: ἑκουσίοις O.

188

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xxii. 12-18

place, the Vandals learned to take a different view
of the nature of human affairs and realized that the
saying was that of a wise man.

Now as for those Vandals who remained in their
native land, neither remembrance nor any name of
them has been preserved to my time.’ For since, I
suppose, they were a small number, they were either
overpowered by the neighbouring barbarians or they
were mingled with them not at all unwillingly and
their name gave way to that of their conquerors.
Indeed, when the Vandals were conquered at that
time by Belisarius, no thought occurred to them to
go from there to their ancestral homes. For they
were not able to convey themselves suddenly from
Libya to Europe, especially as they had no ships at
hand, but paid the penalty? there for all the wrongs
they had done the Romans and especially the Zacyn-
thians. For at one time Gizeric, falling suddenly
upon the towns in the Peloponnesus, undertook to
assault Taenarum. And being repulsed from there
and losing many of his followers he retired in com-
plete disorder. And while he was still filled with
anger on account of this, he touched at Zacynthus,
and having killed many of those he met and enslaved
five hundred of the notables, he sailed away soon
afterwards. And when he reached the middle of
the Adriatic Sea, as it is called, he cut into small
pieces the bodies of the five hundred and threw
them all about the sea without the least. concern.
But this happened in earlier times.

1 Compare the remarks of Gibbon, iv. p. 295.

2 In Arcana, 18, 5 ff., Procopius estimates the number of
the Vandals in Africa, at the time of Belisarius, at 80,000
males, and intimates that practically all perished.

189

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

XXIII

Γελίμερ δὲ τότε χρήματά τε πολλὰ Λιβύων
τοῖς γεωργοῖς προϊέμενος καὶ φιλοφροσύνῃ ἐς
αὐτοὺς χρώμενος ἐπαγαγέσθαι πολλοὺς ἴσχυσεν.
οὺς δὴ ἐκέλευσε Ῥωμαίων τοὺς ἐς τὰ χωρία
περιιόντας κτείνειν, χρυσίον τακτὸν ἐπὶ φόνῳ
ἑκάστῳ τῷ ἀπολοῦντι ἐπικηρύξας. οἱ δὲ πολλοὺς
τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἔκτεινον, οὐ στρατιώτας
μέντοι, ἀλλὰ δούλους τε καὶ ὑπηρέτας, οἱ δὴ
χρημάτων ἐπιθυμίᾳ ἐς τὰς κώμας ἀναβαίνοντες
λάθρα ἡλίσκοντο. καὶ αὐτῶν τὰς κεφαλὰς οἱ
γεωργοὶ παρὰ Τελίμερα φέροντες αὐτοὶ μὲν ἔμμι-
σθοι γενόμενοι ἀπηχλάσσοντο, ὁ δὲ στρατιώτας
ἀνῃρηκέναι πολεμίους ὑπώπτευεν.

᾿'Ενταῦθα τοῦ χρόνου Διογένης, ὁ Βελισαρίου
δορυφόρος, ἔργα ἐπεδείξατο ἀρετῆς ἄξια. σταλεὶς
yap! ἅμα τῶν ὑπασπιστῶν δύο καὶ εἴκοσιν ἐπὶ
κατασκοπῇ τῶν ἐναντίων, ἐγένετο ἐν χωρίῳ δυοῖν
ἡμέραιν ὁδὸν Καρχηδόνος διέχοντι. τούτους δὲ
τοὺς ἄνδρας (οὐ γὰρ οἷοί τε ἦσαν οἱ τοῦ χωρίου
γεωργοὶ κτείνειν) ἀγγέλλουσι τῷ Γελίμερι ἐνταῦθα
εἶναι. καὶ ὃς τριακοσίους ἀπολεξάμενος Βανδί-
λων ἱππέας ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἔστελλε, ζῶντας ἅπαντας
ἐπισκήψας" παρ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀγαγεῖν. λόγου γὰρ ποὰ-
rod ἄξιόν οἱ ἔδοξεν εἶναι. Βελισαρίου δορυφόρον
ξὺν ὑπασπισταῖς δύο καὶ εἴκοσι δορυαλώτους
ποιήσασθαι. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ Διογένην ἐς οἰκίαν
ἐσεληλυθότες τινὰ ἐκάθευδον ἐν τῷ ὑπερῴῳ,

1 γὰρ VO: γὰρ λάθρα P. 2 ἐπισκήψας V: ἐπιστείλας PO.
190

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xxiii. 1-9

XXIII

Bur at that time Gelimer, by distributing much
money to the farmers among the Libyans and shewing
great friendliness toward them, succeeded in winning
many to his side. These he commanded to kill the
Romans who went out into the country, proclaiming
a fixed sum of gold for each man killed, to be paid
to him who did the deed. And they killed many
from the Roman army, not soldiers, however, but
slaves and servants, who because of a desire for
money went up into the villages stealthily and were
caught. And the farmers brought their heads before
Gelimer and departed receiving their pay, while he
supposed that they had slain soldiers of the enemy.

At that time Diogenes, the aide of Belisarius,
made a display of valorous deeds. For having been
sent, together with twenty-two of the body-guards,
to spy upon their opponents, he came to a place
two days’ journey distant from Carthage. And the
farmers of the place, being unable to kill these men,
reported to Gelimer that they were there. And he |
chose out and sent against them three hundred
horsemen of the Vandals, enjoining upon them to
bring all the men alive before him. For it seemed
to him a most remarkable achievement to make
captive a personal aide of Belisarius with twenty-
two body-guards. Now Diogenes and his party had
entered a ncertain house and. were sleeping in the

191

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

πολέμιον οὐδὲν᾽' ἐν νῷ ἔχοντες, οἵ γε μακρὰν
ἀπεῖναι τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐπύθοντο. οἱ δὲ Βανδίλοι
ὄρθρου βαθέος ἐνταῦθα ἐλθόντες διαφθεῖραι μὲν
τὰς ἐκείνῃ θύρας ἢ ἢ εἰς, τὴν οἰκίαν εἰσελθεῖν νύκτωρ
ἀξύμφορον σφίσιν ᾧοντο εἶναι, δείσαντες μὴ ἐς
νυκτομαχίαν ἐμπεπτωκότες αὐτοὶ μὲν σφᾶς αὐ-

τοὺς διαφθείρωσιν, ἔξοδον δὲ πλείστοις τῶν

πολεμίων" ἐν σκότῳ, ἂν οὕτω τύχοι, παρέξωσιν.
ἔπρασσον δὲ ταῦτα τῆς δειλίας αὐτοῖς. ἐκπλησ-
σούσης τὸν νοῦν, παρὸν ,»σφίσιν οὐδενὶ πόνῳ
φέρουσί τε πυρὰ καὶ τούτων χωρὶς οὐχ ὅσον
ἀνόπλους, ἀλλὰ καὶ γυμνοὺς παντάπασι τοὺς
πολεμίους ἐπὶ τῶν στρωμάτων λαβεῖν. νῦν δὲ
ἀμφὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ἅπασαν κύκλῳ καὶ διαφερόντως
τὰς θύρας φάλαγγα “ποιησάμενοι ἔστησαν ἅπαν-
τες. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τῶν Ρωμαίων στρατιωτῶν ἑνὶ
ἐξ ὕπνου " ἀναστῆναι ξυνέβη, ὅσπερ τοῦ θορύβου

αἰσθόμενος ὃν δὴ οἱ Βανδίλοι φθεγγόμενοί, τε ἐν

σφίσιν αὐτοῖς λάθρα ἐ ἐποίουν καὶ ξὺν τοῖς ὅπλοις
κινούμενοι, ξυμβαλεῖν τὸ ποιούμενον ἴσχυσε, καὶ
τῶν ἑταίρων ἀνεγευρας σιωπῇ ἕκαστον Ta πρασ-
σόμενα φράζει. οἱ δὲ Διογένους γνώμῃ τά τε
ἱμάτια ἐνδιδύσκονται ἡσυχῆ ἅπαντες καὶ τὰ ὅπλα
ἀνελόμενοι κάτω ἐχώρουν. οὗ δὴ τοῖς ἵπποις

τοὺς ,Χχαλινοὺς ἐπιθέμενοι ἀναθρώσκουσιν ἐπ᾽

αὐτούς, οὐδενὶ αἴσθησιν παρεχόμενοι. παρά τὲ
τὴν αὔλειον χρόνον τινὰ στάντες ἀνακλίνουσι
μὲν ἐξαπιναίως τὰς ταύτῃ θύρας, ἐξίασι δὲ εὐθὺς
ἅπαντες. οἱ μὲν οὖν Βανδίλοι ἔργου ἤδη ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς

1 οὐδὲν PO: οὐδένα Υ.
3 πλείστοις τῶν πολεμίων VO: τοῖς πολεμίοις P,

8 ἐξ ὕπνου PO: ἐξύπνῳ V.
192

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xxiii. 9-16

upper storey, having no thought of the enemy in
mind, since, indeed, they had learned that their
opponents were far away. But the Vandals, coming
there at early dawn, thought it would not be to
their advantage to destroy the doors of the house or
to enter it in the dark, fearing lest, being involved °
in a night encounter, they might themselves destroy
one another, and at the same time, if that should
happen, provide a way of escape for a large number
of the enemy in the darkness. But they did this
because cowardice had paralyzed their minds, though
it would have been possible for them with no trouble,
by carrying torches or even without these, to catch
their enemies in their beds not only without weapons,
but absolutely naked besides. But as it was, they
made a phalanx in a circle about the whole house
and especially at the doors, and all took their stand
there. But in the meantime it so happened that one
of the Roman soldiers was roused from sleep, and he,
noticing the noise which the Vandals made as they
talked stealthily among themselves and moved with
their weapons, was able to comprehend what was’
being done, and rousing each one of his comrades
silently, he told them what was going on. And they,
following the opinion of Diogenes, all put on their
clothes quietly and taking up their weapons went
below. There they put the bridles on their horses and
leaped upon them unperceived by anyone. And after
standing for a time by the court-yard entrance, they
suddenly opened the door there, and straightway
all came out. And then the Vandals immediately

193

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

εἴχοντο, ἤνυτον δὲ οὐδέν. οἱ γὰρ Ῥωμαῖοι ταῖς
re ἀσπίσι φραξάμενοι καὶ τοῖς δορατίοις ἀμυνό-
μενοι τοὺς ἐπιόντας σπουδῇ ἤλαυνον. οὕτω τε
Διογένης τοὺς πολεμίους διέφυγε, δύο μὲν τῶν
ἑπομένων ἀποβαλών, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς σώσας.
πληγὰς μέντοι ἐν τῷ πόνῳ τούτῳ καὶ αὐτὸς
ἔλαβεν ἐς μὲν τὸν αὐχένα καὶ τὸ πρόσωπον τρεῖς,
ἀφ᾽ ὧν δὴ παρ᾽ ὀλίγον ἀποθανεῖν ἦλθε, κατὰ δὲ
χειρὸς τῆς λαιᾶς μίαν, ἐξ ἧς οὐκέτι τῶν δακτύλων
τὸν σμικρότατον ἐνεργεῖν ἴσχυσε. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν
ὧδε γενέσθαι ξυνέβη.

Βελισάριος δὲ τοῖς τε περὶ τὴν οἰκοδομίαν
τεχνίταις καὶ τῷ ἄλλῳ ὁμίλῳ χρήματα μεγάλα
προτεινόμενος τάφρον τε λογου πολλοῦ ἀξίαν
ἀμφὶ τὸν περίβολον ὥρυξε κύκλῳ, καὶ σκόλοπας
αὐτῇ ἐνθέμενος συχνοὺς εὖ μάλα περιεσταύρωσε.
καὶ μὴν καὶ τὰ πεπονθότα τοῦ τείχους ἐν βραχεῖ
ἀνῳκοδομήσατο χρόνῳ, θαύματος ἄξιον οὐ Καρ-
χηδονίοις μόνον, ἀχλὰ καὶ αὐτῷ Γελίμερι γεγονὸς
ὕστερον. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ δορυάλωτος ἐς Καρχηδόνα
ἧκεν, ἠγάσθη τε ἰδὼν τὸ τεῖχος καὶ τὴν ὀλιγωρίαν

᾿ὰ

Ἁ a a
thy αὑτοῦ πάντων οἱ ἔφη γεγονέναι τῶν παρον-

Ἐν a Ni ΄, > 4
των αἰτίαν. ταῦτα μὲν Βελισαρίῳ ἐν Καρχηδόνι
ὄντι κατείργαστο ὧδε.

XXIV

Τξάζων δέ, ὁ τοῦ Γελίμερος ἀδελφός, τῷ στόλῳ
ᾧ ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται ἐς Σαρδὼ ἀφικόμενος ἐς τὸν
Καρανάλεως λιμένα ἀπέβη, καὶ τὴν πόλιν αὐτο-

1 ἥγνυτον δὲ οὐδέν V : ἤνυον δὲ οὐδέν O, om. P.

194

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III, xxiii. τ6--χχίν. 1

closed with them, but they accomplished nothing.
For the Romans rode hard, covering themselves with
their shields and warding off their assailants with
their spears. _ And in this way Diogenes escaped the
enemy, losing two of his followers, but saving the
rest. He himself, however, received three blows in
this encounter on the neck and. the face, from which
indeed he came within a little of dying, and one blow
also on the left hand, as a result of which he was
thereafter unable to move his little finger. This,
then, took place in this way.

And Belisarius offered great sums of money to the
artisans engaged in the building trade and to the
general throng of workmen, and by this means he dug
a trench deserving of great admiration about the
circuit-wall, and setting stakes close together along
it he made an excellent stockade about the fortifi-
cations. And not only this, but he built up in a short
time the portions of the wall which had suffered,
a thing which seemed worthy of wonder not only to
the Carthaginians, but also to Gelimer himself at a
_latertime. For when he came asa captive to Carthage,
he marvelled when he saw the wall and said that his
own negligence had proved the cause of all his present
troubles. This, then, was accomplished by Belisarius
while in Carthage.

XXIV

Bur Tzazon, the brother of Gelimer, reached
Sardinia with the expedition which has been men-
tioned above! and disembarked at the harbour of
Caranalis?; and at the first onset he captured the

1 Chap. xi. 23. 2 Cagliari.
195

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Boel εἷλε τόν τε τύραννον Γώδαν ἐ ἔκτεινε καὶ εἴ τι
ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν μάχιμον ἦν. καὶ ἐπεὶ ἐς γῆν τὴν
Λιβύης τὸν βασιλέως στόλον ἤκουσεν εἶναι, οὔπω
τι πεπυσμένος ὧν ταύτῃ ἐπέπρακτο, γράφει πρὸς
Γ ελίμερα τάδε: “«Γώδαν ἀπολωλέναι τὸν τύραννον,
ὑπὸ ταῖς ἡμετέραις γεγονότα χερσί, καὶ τὴν νῆσον
Gauss ὑπὸ τῇ of βασιλείᾳ εἶναι, ὦ Βανδίλων τε
κα ᾿Αλανῶν βασιλεῦ, ἴσθι καὶ τὴν ἐπινίκιον
ot ἄγε. τῶν δὲ πολεμίων οἱ ἐτόλμησαν és
τὴν ἡμετέραν στρατεύεσθαι, ἔχπιξε τὴν πεῖραν ἐς
τοῦτο ἀφίξεσθαι τύχης, ἐς ὃ καὶ πρότερον τοῖς
ἐπὶ τοὺς προγόνους τοὺς ἡμετέρους qtipame ues is
μένοις ἐχώρησε. ταῦτα οἱ “λαβόντες! τὰ γράμ-
para, οὐδὲν πολέμιον ἐν νῷ ἔχοντες, κατέπλευσαν
ἐς τὸν τῶν Καρχηδονίων. λιμένα. καὶ πρὸς τῶν
φυλάκων παρὰ τὸν στρατηγὸν ἀπαχθέντες " τά τε
γράμματα ἐνεχείρισαν. καὶ περὶ ὧν τὰς πύστεις
ἐποιεῖτο ἐσήγγελλον, οἷς τε ἐθεῶντο καταπεπλῆγ-
μένοι καὶ τεθηπότες τῆς μεταβολῆς τὸ αἰφνίδιον:
ἔπαθον μέντοι πρὸς Βελισαρίου οὐδὲν ἃ ἄχαρι.
“Ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον καὶ ἕτερον ξυνηνέχθη
τοιόνδε. Γελέμερ ὀλίγῳ πρότερον ἢ ἐς Λιβύην ὁ o
βασιλέως στόλος ἀφίκετο ἔπεμψε πρέσβεις ἐς
Ἱσπανίαν ἄλλους τε καὶ Ἰ᾿οτθαῖον καὶ Φουσκίαν,
ἐφ᾽ ᾧ ᾧ δὴ Θεῦδιν, Tov τῶν Οὐισιγότθων ἃ ἄρχοντα,
πείσουσιν ὁμαιχμίαν πρὸς Βανδίλους θέσθαι. οἵ,
ἐπεὶ ἀπέβησαν εἰς τὴν ἤπειρον, τὸν ἐν Tadetpors
πορθμὸν διαβάντες, εὑρίσκουσι Θεῦδιεν ἐν χωρίῳ
μακρὰν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης κειμένῳ. ἀναβάντας. δὲ
map αὐτὸν τοὺς πρέσβεις ὁ Θεῦδις “φιλοφροσύνης
τε ἠξίωσε καὶ προθύμως εἱστία, ἔν τε τῇ θοίνῃ
1 λαβόντες PO: λίβυες V.
196

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xxiv. 1-9

city and killed the tyrant Godas and all the fighting
men about him. And when he heard that the
emperor's expedition was in the land of Libya, having
as yet learned nothing of what had been done there,
he wrote to Gelimer as follows: “ Know, O King
of the Vandals and Alani, that the tyrant Godas has
perished, having fallen into our hands, and that the
island is again under thy kingdom, and celebrate the
festival of triumph. And as for the enemy who
have had the daring to march against our land,
expect that their attempt will come to the same
fate as that experienced by those who in former
times marched against our ancestors.” And those
who took this letter sailed into the harbour of Car-
thage with no thought of the enemy in mind. And
being brought by the guards before the general, they
put the letter into his hands and gave him information
on the matters about which he enquired, being
thunderstruck at what they beheld and awed at the
suddenness of the change; however, they suffered
nothing unpleasant at the hand of Belisarius.

At this same time another event also occurred as
follows. A short time before the emperor's expedi-
tion reached Libya, Gelimer had sent envoys into
Spain, among whom were Gothaeus and Fuscias, in
order to persuade Theudis, the ruler of the Visigoths,!
to establish an alliance with the Vandals. And
these envoys, upon disembarking on the mainland
after crossing the strait at Gadira, found Theudis in
a place situated far from the sea. And when they
had come up to the place where he was, Theudis
received them with friendliness and entertained them

1 On this Theudis and his accession to the throne of the
Visigoths in Spain see V. xii. 50 tf.
197

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἐπυνθανετο δῆθεν ὅπη ποτὲ Γελίμερί τε καὶ
Βανδίλοις τὰ πράγματα ἔχοι. τούτων δὲ τῶν
πρέσβεων σχολαίτερον ἐς αὐτὸν ἰόντων ἔτυχεν
ἀκηκοὼς ἅπαντα ὅ ὅσα Βανδίλοις ξυνέπεσεν. ὁλκὰς
γὰρ μία ἐπ᾽ ἐμπορίᾳ πλέουσα ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ
ἡ τὸ στράτευμα εἰς Καρχηδόνα εἰσήλασεν, ἐν-
θένδε ἀναγομένη καὶ πνεύματος ἐπι όρου ἐπι-
τυχοῦσα, ἐς Ἱσπανίαν ἦλθεν. ὅθεν δὴ ὁ Θεῦδις
μαθὼν ὃ ὅσα ἐν Λιβύῃ ξυνηνέχθη. γενέσθαι ἀπεῖπε
τοῖς ἐμπόροις μηδενὶ φράζξειν, ὡς μὴ ταῦτα! ἔκ-
πυστα ἐς τὸ πᾶν γένηται. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀπεκρίναντο
οἱ ἀμφὶ τὸν Γοτθαῖον ἅπαντα σφίσιν ὡς ἄριστα
ἔχειν, ἠρώτα ὅτου ποτὲ ἕνεκα ἥκοιεν. τῶν δὲ τὴν
ὁμαιχμίαν προτεινομένων ἐκέλευεν αὐτοὺς ὁ Θεῦ-
ous els τὴν παραλίαν ἰέναι: “᾿Ἐνθένδε γάρ, ᾿ ἔφη,
“τὰ οἴκοι πράγματα ἀσφαλῶς εἴσεσθε." οἱ δὲ
πρέσβεις οὐχ ὑγιᾶ τὸν λόγον εἶναι, ἅτε οἰνωμένου
τοῦ “ἀνθρώπου, ὑποτοπήσαντες, ἐν σιωπῇ, ἔσχον.
ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτῷ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ξυγγενόμενοι τὴν συμ-
μαχίαν ἐν λόγῳ ἐποιοῦντο, καὶ ῥήματι αὖθις τῷ
αὐτῷ ὁ Θεῦδις ἐ ἐχρῆτο, οὕτω δὴ ξυνέντες νεώτερα
σφίσιν ἐν Λιβύῃ ξυμπεσεῖν πράγματα, οὐδὲν
μέντοι ἀμφὶ Καρχηδόνι ἐν νῷ ἔχοντες, ἐς αὐτὴν
ἔπλεον. ἀγχοῦ τε αὐτῆς καταπλεύσαντες καὶ
Ῥωμαίοις στρατιώταις περιτυχόντες ἐνεχείρισαν
σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ὅ τι βούλοιντο χρῆσθαι. ὅθεν ἐς
τὸν στρατηγὸν ἀπαχθέντες καὶ τὸν πάντα λόγον
ἀγγείλαντες. ἔπαθον οὐδὲν πρὸς ἐκείνου κακόν.
ταῦτα μὲν οὖν οὕτω γενέσθαι τετύχηκε. Κύριλ-
nos δέ, Σαρδοῦς τε ἀγχοῦ γενόμενος καὶ τὰ τῷ

1 ταῦτα VO: πάντα Ῥ,

198

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xxiv. 9-19

heartily, and during the feast he pretended to enquire
how matters stood with Gelimer and the Vandals.
Now since these envoys had travelled to him rather
slowly, it happened that he had heard from others
everything which had befallen the Vandals. For one
merchant ship sailing for trade had put out from
Carthage on the very same day as the army marched
into the city, and finding a favouring wind, had come
to Spain. From those on this ship Theudis learned
all that kad happened in Libya, but he forbade the
merchants to reveal it to anyone, in order that this
might not become generally known. And when
Gothaeus and his followers replied that everything
was as well as possible for them, he asked them for
what purpose, then, they had come. And when they
proposed the alliance, Theudis bade them go to the
sea-coast ; “For from there,” he said, “you will learn
of the affairs at home with certainty.” And the
envoys, supposing that the man was in his cups and
his words were not sane, remained silent. But when
on the following day they met him and made mention
of the alliance, and Theudis used the same words a
second time, then at length they understood that
some change of fortune had befallen them in Libya,
but never once thinking of Carthage they sailed. for
the city. And upon coming to land close by it and
happening upon Roman soldiers, they put themselves
in their hands to do with them asthey wished. And
from there they were led away to the general, and
reporting the whole story, they suffered no harm at
his hand. These things, then, happenedthus. And
Cyril,! upon coming near to Sardinia and learning

1 The leader of a band of foederati. Cf. III. xi. 1, 6,
xxiv. 19..

199

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Toda ξυμπεσόντα ἀκούσας, ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἔπλει;
ἔνθα. τό τε Ῥωμαίων στράτευμα καὶ Βελισάριον
εὑρὼν νενικηκότας ἡσύχαζε' καὶ Σολόμων παρὰ
βασιλέα, ὅπως ἀγγείλῃ τὰ πεπραγμένα, ἐστέλ-
ETO.

XXV

Γελίμερ δὲ ἐπεὶ ἐν πεδίῳ -“Βούλλης ἐγεγόνεί,
ὅπερ εὐζώνῳ ἀνδρὶ τεσσάρων ἡμερῶν ὁδῷ Καρχη-
δόνος διέχει, οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν τῶν Νουμιδίας
ὁρίων, ἐνταῦθα Βανδίλους τε ξύμπαντας ἤγειρε
καὶ εἴ τί οἱ φίλιον ἐν Μαυρουσίοις ἐτύγχανεν ὄν.
ὀλίγοι μέντοι Μαυρούσιοι. αὐτῷ ἀφίκοντο ἐς ξυμ-
μαχίαν, καὶ οὗτοι παντάπασιν ἄναρχοι. ὅσοι
γὼρ ἔν τε “Μαυριτανίᾳ καὶ Νουμιδίᾳ καὶ Βυζακίῳ
Μαυρουσίων ἦρχον, πρέσβεις ὡς Βελισάριον
πέμψαντες δοῦλοί τε βασιλέως ἔφασκον εἶναι καὶ
ξυμμαχήσειν ὑπέσχοντο. εἰσὶ δὲ of καὶ τοὺς
παῖδας ἐν ὁμήρων παρείχοντο λόγῳ, τά τε “ξύμ-
Bora σφίσι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ στέλλεσθαι" τῆς ἀρχῆς
κατὰ δὴ τὸν παλαιὸν νόμον ἐδέοντο. νόμος γὰρ
ἣν Μαυρουσίων ἄρχειν μηδένα, κἂν Ῥωμαίοις
πολέμιος ἦ, πρὶν ἂν αὐτῷ τὰ γνωρίσματα τῆς
ἀρχῆς ὁ “Ρωμαίων βασιλεὺς δοίη. ἅπερ ἤδη
πρὸς Βανδίλων λαβόντες οὐκ ῴοντο ἐν βεβαίῳ
τὴν εὐρχὴν ἔχειν. ἔστι δὲ τὰ vu Bora ταῦτα
ῥάβδ ος τε ἀργυρὰ κατακεχρυσωμένη eal πῖλος
ἀργυροῦς οὐχ ὅλην τὴν κεφαλὴν σκέπων, ἀλλ᾽.
ὥσπερ στεφάνη τελαμῷσιν ἀργυροῖς πανταχόθεν
ἀνεχόμενος, καὶ τριβώνιόν τι λευκὸν ἐς χρυσῆν

1 στέλλεσθαι VP: πέμπεσθαι Ο.
200

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IIL. xxiv. 19-xxv. 7

what had happened to Godas, sailed to Carthage,
and there, finding the Roman army and Belisarius
victorious, he remained at rest; and Solomon! was
sent to the emperor in order to announce what had
been accomplished.

XXV

Bur Gelimer, upon reaching the plain of Boulla,
which is distant from Carthage a journey of four
days for an unencumbered traveller, not far from the
boundaries of Numidia, began to gather there all
the Vandals and as many of the Moors as happened
to be friendly to him. Few Moors, however, joined
his alliance, and these were altogether insubordinate.
For all those who ruled over the Moors in Mauretania
and Numidia and Byzacium sent envoys to Belisarius
saying that they were slaves of the emperor and
promised to fight with him. There were some also
who even furnished their children as hostages and
requested that the symbols of office be sent them
from him according to the ancient custom. For it
was a law among the Moors that no one should be a
ruler over them, even if he was hostile to the
Romans, until the emperor of the Romans should
give him the tokens of the office. And though they
had already received them from the Vandals, they did
not consider that the Vandals held the office securely.
Now these symbols are a staff of silver covered with _
gold, and a silver cap,—not covering the whole head,
but like a crown and held in place on all sides by
bands of silver,—a kind of white cloak gathered by a

1 Also a dux foederatorum, and domesticus of Belisarius.
Cf. ILL. xi. 5 ff.
201

1δ᾽

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

περόνην κατὰ τὸν δεξιὸν ὦ ὦμον ἐν χλαμύδος σχή-
ματι Θετταλῆς ξυνιόν, χιτών τε λευκὸς ποικίλ-
ματα ἔχων, καὶ ἀρβύλη ἐπίχρυσος. Βελισάριος
δὲ ταῦτα τε αὐτοῖς ἔπεμψε καὶ χρήμασι πολλοῖς
αὐτῶν: ἕκαστον ἐδωρήσατο. οὐ μέντοι αὐτῷ ἐς
ξυμμαχίαν ἀφίκοντο, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ Βανδίλοις
ἐπαμύνειν ἐτόλμησαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκποδὼν ἀμφοτέροις
στάντες ἐκαραδόκουν ὅπη ποτὲ ἡ τοῦ πολέμου
τύχη ἐκβήσεται. ὧδε μὲν Ῥωμαίοις τὰ πράγ-
ματα εἶχε.

Γελίμερ δὲ τῶν τινα Βανδίλων ἐς Σαρδὼ
ἔπεμψεν, ἐπιστολὴν πρὸς Τξάξωνα τὸν ἀδελφὸν
ἔχοντα. ὃς ἐς τὴν παραλίαν κατὰ τάχος ἐλθὼν
ὁλκάδος τε ἀναγομένης ἐπιτυχώ",, ἐς Καρανάλεως
τὸν λιμένα κατέπλευσε καὶ Τζάζωνι τὴν ἐπι-
στολὴν ἐνεχείρισεν. ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ τάδε"

“Οὐκ ἦν, οἶμαι, Vedas ὁ τὴν νῆσον ἡμῶν ἀπο-
στήσας, ἀλλά τις ἄτη ἐξ οὐρανοῦ ἐς Βανδίλους
ἐπιπεσοῦσα. σέ τε γὰρ ef ἡμῶν καὶ Βανδίλων
τοὺς δοκίμους ἀφελομένη ἅπαντα συλλήβδην ἐ εκ
τοῦ Γιξερίχου οἴκου τὰ ἀγαθὰ ἥρπασεν. οὐ γὰρ
ἐπὶ τῷ ἀνασώσασθαι τὴν νῆσον ἡμῖν ἐνθένδε
ἀπῆρας, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως Λιβύης ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς κύριος.
ἔσται. τὰ γὰρ τῇ τύχῃ δόξαντα πρότερον πάρεστι
τανῦν ἐκ τῶν ἀποβάντων εἰδέναι. Βελισάριος
μὲν οὖν στρατῷ ὀλίγῳ ἐφ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἥκει: ἡ δὲ a «ἀρετὴ
ἐκ Βανδίλων ἀπιοῦσα εὐθὺς ᾧχετο, μεθ᾽ ἑαυτῆς
λαβοῦσα τὴν ἀγαθὴν τύχην. ᾿Αμμάτας μὲν γὰρ
καὶ Γι βαμοῦνδος πεπτώκασι, μαλθακιξομένων
Βανδίλων, ἵπποι δὲ καὶ νεώρια καὶ ξύμπασα
Λιβύη καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα αὐτὴ Καρχηδὼν ἔχονται

1 αὐτῶν PO: αὐτὸν V.
202

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xxv. 7-15

golden brooch on the right shoulder in the form of a
Thessalian cape, and a white tunic with embroidery,
and a gilded boot. And Belisarius sent these things
to them, and presented each one of them with
much money. However, they did not come to fight
along with him, nor, on the other hand, did they dare
give their support to the Vandals, but standing out
of the way of both contestants, they waited to see
what would be the outcome of the war. Thus, then,
matters stood with the Romans.

But Gelimer sent one of the Vandals to Sardinia
with a letter to his brother Tzazon. And he went
quickly to the coast, and finding by chance a
merchant-ship putting out to sea, he sailed into the
harbour of Caranalis and put the letter into the
hands of Tzazon. Now the message of the letter
was as follows:

“It was not, I venture to think, Godas who
caused the island to revolt from us, but some curse
of madness sent from Heaven which fell upon the
Vandals. For by depriving us of you and the
notables of the Vandals, it has seized and carried off
from the house of Gizeric absolutely all the blessings
which we enjoyed. For it was not to recover the
island for us that you sailed from here, but in order
that Justinian might be master of Libya. For that
which Fortune had decided upon previously it is now
possible to know from the outcome. Belisarius,
then, has come against us with a small army, but
valour straightway departed and fled from the
Vandals, taking good fortune with her. For Ammatas
and Gibamundus have fallen, because the Vandals
lost their courage, and the horses and shipyards and
all Libya and, not least of all, Carthage itself, are

203

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἤδη πρὸς; τῶν πολεμίων. οἱ δὲ κάθηνται; TO μὴ
ἐν τοῖς πόνοις ἀνδραγαθίζεσθαι παίδων τε καὶ
γυναικῶν ἀνταλλαξάμενοι καὶ πάντων χρημάτων,
ἡμῖν τε ἀπολέλειπται μόνον τὸ Βούλλης πεδίον,
οὗπερ ἡμᾶς ἡ εἰς ὑμᾶς ἐλπὶς καθίσασα εἴργει.
ἀλλὰ σὺ τυραννίδα τε καὶ Σαρδὼ καὶ τὰς περὶ
ταῦτα φροντίδας ἐάσας ὅτι τάχιστα παντὶ τῷ
στόλῳ εἰς ἡμᾶς ἧκε. οἷς γὰρ ὑπὲρ τῶν κεφαλαίων
ὁ κίνδυνος, τἄλλα ἀκριβολογεῖσθαι ἀξύμφορον.
κοινῇ δὲ τὸ λοιπὸν ἀγωνιζόμενοι πρὸς τοὺς πολε-
μίους ἢ τύχην τὴν προτέραν ἀνασωσόμεθα, ἢ
κερδανοῦμεν τὸ μὴ ἀλλήλων χωρὶς τὰ ἐκ TOD
δαιμονίου ἐνεγκεῖν δύσκολα."

Ταῦτα ἐπεὶ Τζάξων εἶδέ τε ἀπενεχθέντα καὶ ἐς
τοὺς Βανδίλους ἐξήνεγκεν, ἔς τε οἰμωγὰς καὶ ὁλο-
φύρσεις ἐτράποντο, οὐ μέντοι ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανοῦς,
ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα ἐγκρυφιάζοντές τε καὶ τοὺς
νησιώτας λανθάνοντες σιωπῇ ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν τὰ
παρόντα σφίσιν ὠδύροντο. καὶ αὐτίκα μὲν τὰ ἐν
ποσίν, ὡς πη ἔτυχε, διαθέμενοι τὰς ναῦς ἐπλήρουν.
ἄραντες δὲ ἐνθένδε παντὶ τῷ στόλῳ τριταῖοι
κατέπλευσαν ἐς τὴν Λιβύης ἀκτὴν ἣ Νουμίδας τε
καὶ Μαυριτανοὺς διορίζει. καὶ πεζῇ. βαδίζοντες
ἀφικνοῦνται ἐς τὸ Βούλλης πεδίον, οὗ δὴ ἀνε-
μίγνυντο τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ. ἐνταῦθα συχνὰ
ἐλέου πολλοῦ ἄξια Βανδίλοις ξυνέβη, ἅπερ ἔγωγε
οὐκ ἂν ἔτι φράσαι ἱκανῶς ἔχοιμι. οἶμαι γὰρ εἰ
καὶ αὐτῶν πολεμίων ἀνδρὶ θεατῇ γενέσθαι τετύ-

1 πρὸς VO: ὑπὸ P.
204

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xxv. 15-23

held already by the enemy. And the Vandals are
sitting here, having paid with their children and wives
and all their possessions for their failure to play the
part of brave men in battle, and to us is left only
the plain of Boulla, where our hope in you has set
us down and still keeps us. But do you have done
with such matters as rebel tyrants and Sardinia and
the cares concerning these things, and come to us
with your whole force as quickly as possible. For
when men find the very heart and centre of all in
danger, it is not advisable for them to consider
minutely other matters. And struggling hereafter
in common against the enemy, we shall either
recover our previous fortune, or gain the advantage
of not bearing apart from each other the hard fate
sent by Heaven.”

When this letter had been brought to Tzazon, and
he had disclosed its contents to the Vandals, they
turned to wailing and lamentation, not openly,
however, but concealing their feelings as much as
possible and avoiding the notice of the islanders,
silently among themselves they bewailed the fate
which was upon them. And straightway setting in
order matters in hand just as chance directed, they
manned the ships. And sailing from there with the
whole fleet, on the third day they came to land at
the point of Libya which marks the boundary
between the Numidians and Mauretanians. And
they reached the plain of Boulla travelling on foot,
and there joined with the rest of the army. And
in that place there were many most pitiable scenes
among the Vandals, which I, at least, could never
relate as they deserve. For I think that even if one
of the enemy themselves had happened to be a

205

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

χῆκε, τάχα ἂν καὶ αὐτὸς Βανδίλους τε τότε καὶ
τύχην τὴν ᾿ἀνθρωπείαν ὠκτίσατο. ὅ τε γὰρ
Ρελίμερ καὶ ὁ Τζάζων ᾿ἐπειδὴ ἀλλήλοιν τῷ
τραχήλῳ, περιεβαλέσθην, μεθίεσθαι τὸ λοιπὸν
οὐδαμῆ εἶχον, οὐδὲν μέντοι ἐς ἀχλήλους ἐφθέγ-
yovTo, ἀλλὰ τὼ χεῖρε ΄σφίγγοντες ἔκλαιον, καὶ
Βανδίλων τῶν ξὺν Tenripepe ὃ ἕκαστος τῶν THe ἐκ
Σαρδοῦς ἥκοντα περιβαλὼν κατὰ παὐτὰ ἐποίει.
χρόνον τε συχνὸν ὥσπερ ἀλλήλοις ἐμπεφυκότες,
ἡδονῆς τῆς ἐνθένδε ἀπώναντο, καὶ οὔτε οἱ ἀμφὶ
Dedtuepa περὶ τοῦ Doda (ἐπεὶ αὐτοὺς ἡ παροῦσα

τύχη ἐκπλήξασα τὰ πρόσθεν σφίσι σπουδαιότατα

δόξαντα εἷναι τοῖς ἤδη ἐς ἄγαν ἀπημελημένοις ὃ
ξυνέτασσεν) οὔτε οἱ ἐκ Σαρδοῦς ἥ ἥκοντες ἐρωτᾶν
τι ἠξίουν ἀμφὶ τοῖς ἔν ye Λιβύῃ ξυνενεχθεῖσιν.
ἱκανὸς γὰρ αὐτοῖς ὁ χῶρος τεκμηριῶσαι τὰ
ξυμπεσόντα ἐγίνετο. οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ γυναικῶν ἢ
παίδων ἰδίων. λόγον ἐποιοῦντό τινα, ἐξεπιστά-
μενοι ὡς, ἤν τίς αὐτοῖς ἐνταῦθα οὐκ εἴη, δῆλον

ὅτι ἢ ἐτελεύτα ἢ ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ταῖς χερσὶ

γέγονε. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ταύτῃ TH ἔσχεν.

1 αὐτὸς VP: αὐτοὺς Ο.
3 περὶ τοῦ Τώδα Dindorf: περί τε τῶ γώδα MSS.
8 ἀπημελημένοις VP: ἠτημελημένοις Ο.
ὁ ἢ παίδων ἰδίων VO: ἰδίων ἢ παίδων P

206

HISTORY OF THE WARS, III. xxv. 23-26

spectator at that time, he would probably have felt
pity, in spite of himself, for the Vandals and for
human fortune. For Gelimer and Tzazon threw
their arms about each other’s necks, and could not
let go, but they spoke not a word to each other, but
kept wringing their hands and weeping, and each
one of the Vandals with Gelimer embraced one of
those who had come from Sardinia, and did the same
thing. And they stood for a long time as if grown
together and found such comfort as they could in
this, and neither did the men of Gelimer think fit to
ask about Godas (for their present fortune had pros-
trated them and caused them to reckon such things
as had previously seemed to them most important
with those which were now utterly negligible), nor
could those who came from Sardinia bring themselves
to ask about what had happened in Libya. For the
place was sufficient to permit them to judge of what
had come to pass. And indeed they did not make
any mention even of their own wives and children,
knowing well that whoever of theirs was not there
had either died or fallen into the hands of the enemy.
Thus, then, did these things happen.

207

δ ρα τας sath sok. θσος So ates ak oad
at Fox Th Ὁ τ male 5 oh: stags

-- +. ; = Ξ
af a, 4% Peers nit dens :
πο eee

HISTORY OF THE WARS:
BOOK IV

THE VANDALIC WAR (Continued)

ὙΠῈΡ ΤΩΝ ΠΟΛΕΜΩΝ ΛΟΓΟΣ
TETAPTO>

Γελίμερ δέ, ἐπεὶ Βανδίλους 4 ἅπαντας ἐς ταὐτὸ"

εἶδεν. ἀγηγερμένους, ἐπῆγεν. ἐς Καρχηδόνα τὸ
στράτευμα. γενόμενοί τε αὐτῆς ἄγχιστα τόν τε
ὀχετὸν ἀξιοθέατον ὁ ὄντα διεῖλον, ὃς ἐς τὴν πόλιν
ἐσῆγε τὸ ὕδωρ, καὶ χρόνον τινὰ ἐνστρατοπεδευσά-
μενοι ὑπεχώρησαν, ὡς οὐδεὶς σφίσιν ἐπεξήει τῶν
πολεμίων. περιιόντες δὲ τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία τάς
τε ὁδοὺς ἐν φυλακῇ ἐποιοῦντο καὶ Καρχηδόνα
πολιορκεῖν ταύτῃ @ovTo, οὐ μὴν οὔτε ἐληίζοντο
οὐδὲν οὔτε τὴν γῆν ἐδήουν, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς οἰκείας μετε-
ποιοῦντο. ἅμα δὲ καὶ προδοσίαν τινὰ ἔσεσθαι
σφίσιν ἐν ἐλπίδι εἶχον Καρχηδονίων τε αὐτῶν
καὶ Ῥωμαίων στρατιωτῶν ὅσοις n τοῦ ᾿Αρείου
δόξα 7 ἤσκητο. πέμψαντες δὲ καὶ ἐς τῶν Οὔννων
τοὺς ἄρχοντας, καὶ πολλὰ ἔσεσθαι αὐτοῖς ἀγαθὰ
πρὸς Βανδίλων ὑποσχόμενοι, ἐδέοντο φίλους τε
καὶ ξυμμάχους γενέσθαι σφίσιν. οἱ δὲ οὐδὲ
πρότερον εὐνοϊκῶς ἐς τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα
ἔχοντες ἅτε οὐδὲ ξύμμαχοι αὐτοῖς ἑκούσιοι ἥκοντες
(ἔφασκον γὰρ τὸν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸν Πέτρον
ὁμωμοκότα τε καὶ τὰ ὀμωμοσμένα ἠλογηκότα
1 ἐς ταὐτὸ PO: ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν.
210

HISTORY OF THE WARS: BOOK IV

THE VANDALIC WAR (continued)

Getimer, seeing all the Vandals gathered together,
led his army against Carthage. And when they
came close to it, they tore down a portion of the
aqueduct,—a structure well worth seeing—which
conducted water into the city, and after encamping
for a time they withdrew, since no one of the enemy
came outagainst them. And going about the country
there they kept the roads under guard and thought
that in this way they were besieging Carthage ;
however, they did not gather any booty, nor plunder
the land, but took possession of it astheir own. And
at the same time they kept hoping that there would
be some treason on the part of the Carthaginians
themselves and such of the Roman soldiers as followed
the doctrine of Arius. They also sent to the leaders
of the Huns, and promising that they would have
many good things from the Vandals, entreated them
to become their friends and allies. Now the Huns
even before this had not been well-disposed toward
the cause of the Romans, since they had not indeed
come to them willingly as allies (for they asserted that
the Roman general Peter had given an oath and
then, disregarding what had been sworn, had thus

211

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

οὕτω δὴ σφᾶς ἀπαγαγεῖν és τὸ Βυζάντιον), λόγους
τε τοὺς Βανδίλων ἐνεδέχοντο καὶ ὡμολόγουν,
ἐπειδὰν ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ ἔργῳ γένωνται, ξὺν αὐτοῖς
ἐπὶ τὸ Ῥωμαίων στράτευμα τρέψεσθαι. ταῦτα
δὲ ἅπαντα Βελισάριος ἐν ὑποψίᾳ ἔχων (ἠκηκόει
γὰρ πρὸς τῶν αὐτομόλων, ἅμα δὲ καὶ 6 περίβολος
οὔπω ἐτετέλεστο ἅπας) ἐξιτητὰ μὲν σφίσιν ἐπὶ
τοὺς πολεμίους ἐν τῷ παρόντι οὐκ ῴετο εἶναι, τὰ
δὲ ἔνδον! ὡς ἄριστα ἐξηρτύετο. καὶ Καρχηδόνιον
μέν τινα, ὄνομα Λαῦρον, ἐπὶ προδοσίᾳ τε ἡλωκότα
καὶ πρὸς τοῦ οἰκείου γραμματέως ἐληλεγμένον

> , an
ἀνεσκολόπισεν ἐν λόφῳ τινὶ πρὸ τῆς πόλεως, Kal

am αὐτοῦ ἐς δέος Te ἄμαχον οἱ ἄλλοι καταστάντες
τῆς ἐς τὴν προδοσίαν πείρας ἀπέσχοντο. τοὺς δὲ
Μασσαγέτας δώροις τε καὶ τραπέξῃ καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ
θωπείᾳ βετιὼν ἡμέρᾳ ἑκάστῃ ἐξενεγκεῖν εἰς αὐτὸν
ἔπεισεν" ὅσα αὐτοῖς ὁ Γελίμερ ὑποσχόμενος ein,?
ἐφ᾽ ᾧ ἐν τῇ ξυμβολῇ κακοὶ γένωνται. ἔφασκον
δὲ οἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι οὐδεμίαν σφίσι προθυμίαν
ἐς τὸ μάχεσθαι εἶναι: δεδιέναι γὰρ μὴ Βανδίλων
ἡσσημένων οὐκ ἀποπέμψονται Ῥωμαῖοι σφᾶς ἐς
τὰ πάτρια ἤθη, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἀναγκάξζοιντο ἐν
Διβύῃ γηράσκοντες θνήσκειν" καὶ μὴν καὶ περὶ
τῇ λείᾳ, μὴ ἀφαιρεθῶσιν αὐτήν, ἐν φροντίδι εἶναι.
τότε δὴ οὖν αὐτοῖς Βελισάριος πιστὰ ἔδωκεν ὡς,
ἢν κατὰ κράτος Βανδίλοι ἡσσηθεῖεν, αὐτίκα δὴ
μάλα ἐς τὰ οἰκεῖα ξὺν ardor λαφύροις σταλή-
σονται, οὕτω τε αὐτοὺς ὅρκοις καταλαμβάνει ἣ
μὴν πάσῃ προθυμίᾳ ξυνδιενεγκεῖν σφίσι τὸν
πόλεμον.
1 ἔνδον VO: ἔνδοθεν P. 3 ἔπεισεν VP; ἐποίησεν Ο.
1 3 εἴ VP: ἣν Ο.

212

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. i. 6-11

brought them to Byzantium), and accordingly they
received the words of the Vandals, and promised
that when they should come to real fighting they
would turn with them against the Roman army.
But Belisarius had a suspicion of all this (for he had
heard it from the deserters), and also the circuit-wall
had not as yet been completed entirely, and for these
reasons he did not think it possible for his men to go
out against the enemy for the present, but he was
making his preparations within as well as possible.
And one of the Carthaginians, Laurus by name,
having been condemned on a charge of treason and
proved guilty by his own secretary, was impaled by
Belisarius on a hill before the city, and as a result of
this the others came to feel a sort of irresistible fear
and refrained from attempts at treason. And he
courted the Massagetae with gifts and banquets and
every other manner of flattering attention every day,
and thus persuaded them to disclose to him what
Gelimer had promised them on condition of their
turning traitors in the battle. And these barbarians
said that they had no enthusiasm for fighting, for
they feared that, if the Vandals were vanquished,
the Romans would not send them back to their
native land, but- they would be compelled to grow
old and die right there in Libya; and besides they
were also concerned, they said, about the booty, lest
they be robbed of it. Then indeed Belisarius gave
them pledges that, ifthe Vandals should be conquered
decisively, they would be sent without the least
delay to their homes with all their booty, and thus
he bound them by oaths in very truth to assist the
Romans with all zeal in carrying through the war.

213

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

᾽ , Ψ τῳ ς v -
Ἐπειδή τε ἅπαντά οἱ ὡς ἄριστα παρεσκεύαστο
΄ὔ
καὶ ὁ περίβολος ἤδη ἀπείργαστο, ξυγκαλέσας
΄
ἅπαν τὸ στράτευμα ἔλεξε τοιάδε: “ἸΠαραίνεσιν
μέν, ἄνδρες Ῥωμαῖοι, οὐκ olda ὅτι δεῖ ποιεῖσθαι
n ,
πρὸς ὑμᾶς, οἵ ye οὕτω τοὺς πολεμίους ἔναγχος
΄ if
νενικήκατε ὥστε Kapyndav te ἥδε καὶ Λιβύη
ξύμπασα κτῆμα τῆς ὑμετέρας ἀρετῆς ἐστι, καὶ
δ αὐτὸ ξυμβουλῆς οὐδεμιᾶς ὑμῖν ἐς εὐτολμίαν
ὁρμώσης δεήσει. τῶν γὰρ νενικηκότων ἥκιστα
ἐλασσοῦσθαι φιλοῦσιν αἱ γνῶμαι. ἐκεῖνο δὲ
μόνον ὑπομνῆσαι ὑμᾶς οὐκ ἀπὸ καιροῦ οἴομαι
€ ς a a [οἷ
εἶναι, ὡς, ἣν ὁμοίως ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς ἐν τῷ παρόντι
᾽ ,ὔ 3 of X\ , \ / ig
ἀνδραγαθίζοισθε, αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα τὸ πέρας ἕξει
τοῖς μὲν Βανδίλοις τὰ τῆς ἐλπίδος, ὑμῖν δὲ ἡ
μάχη. ὥστε ὑμᾶς ὡς προθυμότατα εἰκὸς ἐς ξυμ:
if. a
βολὴν τήνδε καθίστασθαι. ἡδὺς γὰρ ἀεὶ τοῖς
ἀνθρώποις ἀπολήγων τε καὶ εἰς καταστροφὴν
ς n
βαδίζων! ὁ πόνος. τὸν μὲν οὖν τῶν Βανδίχλων
φ e a VA if 3 δ ε
ὅμιλον ὑμῶν διαλογιζέσθω μηδείς. οὐ yap ἀν-
τ
θρώπων πλήθει οὐδὲ σωμάτων μέτρῳ, ἀλλὰ
an an a ε
ψυχῶν ἀρετῇ φιλεῖ ὁ πόλεμος διακρίνεσθαι.
\ lal \ A
εἰσίτω δὲ ὑμᾶς τὸ πάντων ἰσχυρότατον τῶν ἐν
ἀνθρώποις, ἡ ἐπὶ τοῖς πρασσομένοις αἰδώς.
αἰσχύνη γὰρ τοῖς γε νοῦν ἔχουσι τὸ σφῶν αὐτῶν
ἡσσᾶσθαι καὶ τῆς οἰκείας ἀρετῆς ἐλάσσους
3 θῇ \ \ / 5 3 Ψ by ,ὔ
ὀφθῆναι. Tous γὰρ πολεμίους εὖ οἶδα ὅτι ὀρρωδία
τε καὶ κακῶν μνήμη περιλαβοῦσαι ἀναγκάζουσι
, \ a
κακίους γενέσθαι, ἡ μὲν τοῖς φθάσασι δεδιττομένη,
ἡ δὲ ἀνασοβοῦσα τὴν τοῦ κατορθώσειν ἐλπίδα.
, δ > \ A 3 a a a
τύχη γὰρ εὐθὺς μοχθηρὰ ὀφθεῖσα δουλοῖ τῶν
1 βαδίζων VO: ἐγγίζων P.
2 ἀναγκάζουσι V: ἀναγκάσουσι PO.
214

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. i. 12-18

And when all things had been prepared by him in
the best way possible, and the circuit-wall had been
already completed, he called together the whole army
and spoke as follows: “As for exhortation, fellow
Romans, I do not know that it is necessary to make
any to you,—men who have recently conquered the
enemy so completely that Carthage here and the
whole of Libya is a possession of your valour, and for
this reason you will have no need of admonition
that prompts to daring. For the spirits of those who
have conquered are by no means wont to be over-
come. But I think it not untimely to remind you
of this one thing, that, if you on the present occa-
sion but prove equal to your own selves in valour,
straightway there will be an end for the Vandals of
their hopes, and for you of the battle. Hence there
is every reason why you should enter into this
engagement with the greatest eagerness. For ever
sweet to men is toil coming to an end and reaching |
its close. Now as for the host of the Vandals, let no
one of you consider them. For not by numbers of
men nor by measure of body, but by valour of soul,
is war wont to be decided. And let the strongest
motive which actuates men come to your minds,
namely, pride in past achievement. For it is a shame,
for those at least who have reason, to fall short of
one’s own self and to be found inferior to one’s
own standard of valour. For I know well that ter-
ror and the memory of misfortunes have laid hold
upon the enemy and compel them to become less
brave, for the one fills them with fear because of
what has already happened, and the other brushes
aside their.hope of success. For Fortune, once, seen
to be bad, straightway enslaves the spirit of those

215

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

αὐτῇ περιπεπτωκότων τὸ φρόνημα. ὡς δὲ "νῦν
ἡμῖν! ἢ πρότερον ὑπὲρ μειξόνων ὁ ἀγών ἐστιν
ἐγὼ δηλώσω. ἐν μὲν γὰρ τῇ προτέρᾳ μάχῃ, τῶν
πραγμάτων ἡμῖν" οὐκ εὖ προϊόντων ἐν τῷ μὴ τὴν
ἀλλοτρίαν λαβεῖν ὁ κίνδυνος ἦν, νῦν δέ, ἢν μὴ
τῶν ἀγώνων κρατήσωμεν, τὴν ἡμετέραν ἀπο-
βαλοῦμεν. ὅσῳ τοίνυν τὸ κεκτῆσθαι μηδὲν τοῦ
τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ἐστερῆσθαι κουφότερον, τοσούτῳ
νῦν μᾶλλον ἦ πρότερον ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις ὁ
φόβος. καίτοι πρότερον τῶν πεζῶν ἡμῖν ἀπολε-
λειμμένων τὴν νίκην. ἀνελέσθαι τετύχηκε, νῦν δὲ
trem τε τῷ θεῷ καὶ τῷ παντὶ στρατῷ ἐς τὴν
ξυμβολὴν καθιστάμενος. κρατήσειν τοῦ στρατο-
πέδου τῶν πολεμίων αὐτοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἐλπίδα ἔ ἔχω.
πρόχειρον οὖν ἔχοντες τὸ τοῦ πολέμου πέρας μή
τινι ὀλιγωρίᾳ ἐς ἄλλον αὐτὸ ἀπόθησθε χρόνον, μὴ
παραδραμόντα τὸν καιρὸν ἐπιζητεῖν ἀναγκάξησθε.
ἀναβαλλομένη γὰρ ἡ τοῦ “πολέμου τύχη οὐχ
ὁμοίως τοῖς καθεστῶσι Nines πέφυκεν, ἄλλως TE
ἣν, καὶ γνώμῃ τῶν αὐτὸν" διαφερόντων μηκύνηται.
τοῖς γὰρ τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν εὐημερίαν προϊεμένοις
τὸ δαιμόνιον ἀεὶ νεμεσᾶν εἴωθεν. εἰ δέ τις ἐννοεῖ
τοὺς πολεμίους, παῖδάς τε καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ
τιμιώτατα ὑπὸ ταῖς ἡμετέραις. ὁρῶντας χερσί,
τολμήσειν μὲν παρὰ γνώμην, κινδυνεύσειν. δὲ.
παρὰ τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν αὐτοῖς δύναμιν, οὐκ ὀρθῶς
οἴεται. θυμὸς γὰρ ὑπεράγαν ἐν ταῖς ψυχαῖς
ὑπὲρ τῶν τιμιωτάτων φυόμενος τήν τε οὖσαν

1 ἡμῖν P: ὑμῖν ΝΟ,

3 ἡμῖν VPRO pr. m.: ὑμῖν O pr. τὴ, corr.

3 αὐτὸν Haury: om. V, αὐτῶν P pr. m. corr. and Ὁ, αὐτὴ
P pr. m. ae

216

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. i. 18-25

who have fallen in her way And I shall explain
how the struggle involves for you at the present time
a greater stake than formerly. For in the former
battle the danger was, if things did not go well for
us, that we should not take the land of others; but
now, if we do not win the struggle, we shall lose the
land which is our own. In proportion, then, as it is
easier to possess nothing than to be deprived of what
one has, just so now our fear touches our most vital
concerns more than before. And yet formerly we
had the fortune to win the victory with the infantry
absent, but now, entering the battle with God pro-
pitious and with our whole army, I have hopes of
capturing the camp of the enemy, men and all.
Thus, then, having the end of the war ready at hand,
do not by reason of any negligence put it off to
another time, lest you be compelled to seek for the
opportune moment after it has run past us. For
when the fortune of war is postponed, its nature
is not to proceed in the same manner as before,
especially if the war be prolonged by the will of
those who are carrying it on. For Heaven is accus-
tomed to bring-retribution always upon those who
abandon the good fortune which is present. But if
anyone considers that the enemy, seeing their
children and wives and most precious possessions in
our hands, will be daring beyond reason and will
incur risks beyond the strength which they have, he
does not think rightly. For an overpowering passion
springing up in the heart in behalf of what is most
precious is wont to diminish men’s actual strength

217
VOL. II.

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἰσχὺν καθαιρεῖν εἴωθε καὶ τοῖς καθεστῶσιν οὐκ
ἐᾷ χρῆσθαι: ἃ δὴ πάντα “λογιζομένους ὑμᾶς TON-
χῷ τῷ καταφρονήματι ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἰέναι
προσήκει. ;

Τοσαῦτα Βελισάριος παρακελευσάμενος ἱππέας
μὲν ἅπαντας, πλὴν πεντακοσίων, ἡμέρᾳ τῇ αὐτῇ
ἔστειλε, τούς τε ὑπασπιστὰς καὶ τὸ σημεῖον, ὃ δὴ
βάνδον καλοῦσι “Ῥωμαῖοι, ᾿Ιωάννῃ ἐπιτρέψας τῷ
᾿Αρμενίῳ καὶ ἀκροβολίσασθαι ἐπιστείλας, ἢν
καιρὸς γένηται. αὐτὸς δὲ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ξὺν τῷ
πεζῷ στρατῷ καὶ τοῖς πεντακοσίοις ἱππεῦσιν
εἵπετο. τοῖς δὲ Μασσαγέταις, βουλευσαμένοις
ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς, ἔδοξεν, ὅπως δὴ εὐσυνθετεῖν
πρός τε Γελέμερα καὶ Βελεσάριον δόξωσι, μήτε
μάχης ὑπὲρ Ρωμαίων ἄρξαι μήτε πρὸ τοῦ ἔργου
ἐς Βανδίλους ἐ ἰέναι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὰν ὁ ὁποτέρας στρα-
τιᾶς τὰ πράγματα πονηρὰ εἴη, τηνικαῦτα, ξὺν
τοῖς νικῶσι τὴν δίωξιν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἡσσωμένους
ποιήσασθαι." ταῦτα μὲν οὗν τοῖς βαρβάροις
ἐδέδοκτο τῇδε. ὁ δὲ “Ῥωμαίων στρατὸς κατέλαβε
τοὺς Βανδίλους ἐν Τρικαμάρῳ στρατοπεδεύσαν-
τας, τεσσαράκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν σταδίους Καρχη-
δόνος ἀπέχοντι. ἔνθα δὴ μακράν που ἀπ᾽ ἀχλή-
λων ηὐλίσαντο ἑκάτεροι. ἐπειδὴ δὲ πόρρω ἣν
τῶν νυκτῶν, τέρας ἐν τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατοπέδῳ"
ἐγεγόνει τοιόνδε. τῶν δοράτων αὐτοῖς τὰ ἄκρα
πυρὶ πολλῷ κατελάμπετο καὶ αὐτῶν αἱ αἰχμαὶ

1 ποιήσασθαι VP: ἀποφήνασθαι Ο.
2 στρατοπέδω VP: στρατῶ Ο and Theophanes.
218

HISTORY OF THE WABS, IV. i. 25-ii. 6

and does not allow them to make full use of their
present opportunities. Considering, then, all these
things, it behooves you to go with great contempt
against the enemy.”

Arter such words of exhortation, Belisarius sent
out all the horsemen on the same day, except five
hundred, and also the guardsmen and the standard,
which the Romans call “ bandum,” ! entrusting them
to John the Armenian, and directing him to skirmish
only, if opportunity should arise. And he himself on
the following day followed with the infantry forces
and the five hundred horsemen. And the Massagetae,
deliberating among themselves, decided, in order to
seem in friendly agreement with both Gelimer and
Belisarius, neither to begin fighting for the Romans
nor to go over to the Vandals before the encounter,
but whenever the situation of one or the other army
should be bad, then to join the victors in their
pursuit of the vanquished. Thus, then, had this
matter been decided upon by the barbarians. And
the Roman army came upon the Vandals encamped
in Tricamarum, one hundred and fifty stades distant
from Carthage. So they both bivouacked there at a
considerable distance from one another. And when
it was well on in the night, a prodigy came to pass
in the Roman camp as follows. The tips of their
spears were lighted with a bright fire and the points

1 The vexillum praetorium carried by the cavalry of the
imperial guard, IV. x. 4 below; cf. Lat. pannum.

219

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

καιεσθαι é ἐπὶ πλεῖστον σφίσιν ἐδόκουν. τοῦτο οὐ
πολλοῖς μὲν φανερὸν γέγονεν, ὀλίγους δὲ τοὺς
θεασαμένους κατέπληξεν, οὐκ εἰδότας ὅ ὅπη ἐκβή-
σεται. ξυνέπεσε δὲ Ῥωμαίοις τοῦτο καὶ αὖθις
ἐν ᾿Ιταλίᾳ χρόνῳ πολλῷ ὕστερον. ὅτε δὴ αὐτὸ
καὶ νίκης ᾿ξύμβολον ἅτε πείρᾳ εἰδότες ἐπίστευον
εἶναι. τότε δέ, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, ἐπεὶ πρῶτον ἐγε-
γόνει, κατεπλάγησάν τε καὶ ξὺν δέει πολλῷ
ἐνυκτέρευσαν.

Τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ Tedipep Βανδίλους ἐκέλευε
παῖδάς τε καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ πάντα χρήματα ἐν
μέσῳ καταθέσθαι τῷ χαρακώματι, καίπερ ὀχύ-
ρωμα οὐδὲν ἔ ἐχόυτρι καὶ ξυγκαλέσας ὁ ἅπαντας ἔλεξε
τοιάδε" “ Ovx? ὑπὲρ δόξης ἡ ἡμῖν, ἄνδρες Βανδίλοι,
οὐδὲ" ἀρχῆς στερήσεως μόνον ὁ ἀγών ἐστιν, ὥστε
κἂν ἐθελοκακήσασι καὶ ταῦτα προεμένοις δυνατὸν
εἶναι βιοῦν, οἴκοι TE καθημένοις καὶ τὰ ἡμέτερα
αὐτῶν ἔχουσιν" ἀλλ᾽ ὁρᾶτε δήπουθεν ὡς ἐς τοῦτα

ἡμῖν περιέστηκε τύχης τὰ πράγματα ὥστε, ἢν"
μὴ τῶν πολεμίων κρατήσωμεν, τελευτῶντες μὲν
κυρίους αὐτοὺς καταλείψομεν παίδων τῶνδε καὶ
γυναικῶν καὶ “χώρας καὶ πάντων χρημάτων,
περιοῦσι δὲ ἡμῖν προσέσται τὸ δούλοις τε εἶναι
καὶ ταῦτα ἐπιδεῖν ἅπαντα: ἢν δέ γε περιεσώμεθα
τῷ πολέμῳ τῶν δυσμενῶν, καὶ ζῶντες ἐν πᾶσιν:
ἀγαθοῖς βιοτεύσομεν καὶ μετὰ τὴν εὐπρεπῆ τοῦ
βίου καταστροφὴν παισὶ μὲν καὶ γυναιξὶ τὰ τῆς
εὐδαιμονίας ἀπολελείψεται, τῷ δὲ τῶν “Βανδίλων
ὀνόματι τὸ περιεῖναί τε καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν διασώ-
σασθαι. εἰ γάρ τισι καὶ ἄνχλοις πώποτε ὑπὲρ

1 οὐχ MSS. : οὔθ᾽ Dindorf. 2 οὐδὲ Christ : οὔτε MSS.

3 ty P: εἰ νο. 4 πᾶσιν VO: πᾶσι τοῖς Ῥ,
220

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. ii. 6-12

of them seemed to be burning most vigorously. This
was not seen by many, but it filled with consternation
the few who did see it, not knowing how it would
come out. And this happened to the Romans in
Italy again at a much later time. And at that time,
since they knew by experience, they believed it to
be a sign of victory. But now, as I have said, since
this was the first time it had happened, they were
filled with consternation and passed the night m
great fear.

And on the following day Gelimer commanded
the Vandals to place the women and children and
all their possessions in the middle of the stockade,
although it had not the character of a fort, and call-
ing all together, he spoke as follows: “It is not to
gain glory, or to retrieve the loss of empire alone,
O fellow Vandals, that we are about to fight, so that
even if we wilfully played the coward and sacrificed
these our belongings we might possibly live, sitting at
home and keeping our own possessions ; but you see,
surely, that our fortunes have come round to such a
pass that, if we do not gain the mastery over the
enemy, we shall, if we perish, leave them as masters
of these our children and our wives and our land and
all our possessions, while if we survive, there will be
added our own enslavement and to behold all these
enslaved ; but if, indeed, we overcome our foes in the
war, we shall, if we live, pass our lives among all good
things, or, after the glorious ending of our lives, there
will be left to our wives and children the blessings of
prosperity, while the name of the Vandals will survive
and their empire be preserved. For if it has ever

221

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

TOV ὅλων τετύχηκεν ἀγωνίξεσθαι,.. καὶ αὐτοὶ νῦν
άλιστα πάντων γινώσκομεν. ὡς τὰς ὑπὲρ. ἅπάν-
των ἐλπίδας ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς φέροντες ἐς τὴν
παράταξιν καθιστάμεθα. οὐκ ἐπὶ τοῖς σώμασι
τοίνυν τοῖς ἡμετέροις ὁ “φόβος οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ
θνήσκειν ὁ κίνδυνος, ἀλλ᾽ ὥστε μὴ τῶν πολεμίων
ἡσσῆσθαι. τῆς γὰρ νίκης ἀπολελειμμένοις" τὸ
τεθνάναι ξυνοίσει. ὅτε τοίνυν ταῦτα οὕτως ἔχει,
μαλακιξέσθω Βανδίλων μηδείς, ἀχλὰ τῷ μὲν
φρονήματι προϊέσθω τὸ σῶμα, αἰσχύνῃ δὲ τῶν
μετὰ τὴν ἧτταν κακῶν ξηλούτω τὴν τοῦ βίου
καταστροφήν. τῷ γὰρ τὰ αἰσχρὰ αἰσχυνομένῳ
πάρεστιν ἀεὶ τὸ μὴ δεδιέναι τὸν κίνδυνον. μάχης
δὲ τῆς πρότερον γεγενημένης, μηδεμία ὑμᾶς εἰσίτω
μνήμη. οὐ γὰρ κακίᾳ ἡμετέρᾳ ἡσσήθημεν, ἀλλὰ
τύχης ἐναντιώμασι προσεπταικότες, ἐσφάλημεν.
ταύτης δὲ τὸ ῥεῦμα οὐκ ἀεὶ κατὰ ταὐτὰ φέρεσθαι
πέφυκεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἡμέρᾳ ἑκάστῃ ὡς τὰ πολλὰ
μεταπίπτειν φιλεῖ. τῷ δὲ ἀνδρείῳ τοὺς πολε-
μίους ὑπεραίρειν αὐχοῦμεν καὶ πλήθει παρὰ πολὺ
ὑπερβάλλεσθαι: μέτρῳ γὰρ αὐτῶν πΕ οὐχ
ἧσσον ἢ δεκαπλασίῳ οἰόμεθα. καὶ τί ἢ προσθήσω
πολλά τε καὶ μεγάλα. εἶναι τὰ νῦν μάλιστα ἡμᾶς
ἐς ἀρετὴν ὁρμῶντα, τήν τε τῶν “προγόνων δόξαν
καὶ τὴν “παραδοθεῖσαν ἡμῖν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων ἀρχήν;
ἡ μὲν γὰρ ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν τῷ ἀνομοίῳ τοῦ ξυγγενοῦς
ἐγκαλύπτεται,ὃ ἡ δὲ ὡς ἀναξίους ἡ ἡμᾶς ἀποφυγεῖν
ἰσχυρίζεται. καὶ σιωπῶ τούτων τῶν γυναίων
τὰς οἰμωγὰς καὶ τῶν παίδων τῶν ἡμετέρων τὰ

* ἀπολελειμμένοις Herwerden: ἀπολελειμμένης VP, ἐπιλε-
λείμμεροις Ο. 2 τί added by Capps (or οὐ).
3 ἐγκαλύπτεται PO: ἐγκαταλέλειπται V.

222

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. ii. 12-20

happened to any men to be engaged ina struggle for
their all, we now more than all others realize that
we are entering the battle-line with our hopes for
all we have resting wholly upon ourselves. Not for
our bodies, then, is our fear, nor in death is our
danger, but in being defeated by the enemy. For if
we lose the victory, death will be to our advantage.
Since, therefore, the case stands so, let no one of the
Vandals weaken, but let him proudly expose his body,
and from shame at the evils that follow defeat let
him court the end of life. For when a man is
ashamed of that which is shameful, there is always
present with him a dauntless courage in the face of
danger. And let no recollection of the earlier battle
come into your minds. For it was not by cowardice
on our part that we were defeated, but we tripped
upon obstacles interposed by fortune and were over-
thrown. Now it is not the way of the tide of fortune
to flow always in the same direction, but every day,
as a rule, it is wont to change about. In manliness
it is our boast that we surpass the enemy, and that in
numbers we are much superior; for we believe that
we surpass them no less than tenfold. And why
shall I add that many and great are the incentives
which, now especially, urge us on to valour, naming
the glory of our ancestors and the empire which has
been handed down to us by them? For in our case
that glory is obscured by our unlikeness to our kin-
dred, while the empire is bent upon fleeing from us
as unworthy. And I pass over in silence the wails
of these poor women and the tears of our children,

223

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

a a / An
δάκρυα, ols viv, ὡς ὁρᾶτε, περιαλγήσας μηκῦναι
Ν UA > ’ > 353: Lal f > XN
τὸν λόγον ov δύναμαι. ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖνο μόνον εἰπὼν
παύσομαι, ὡς ἐπάνοδος ἡμῖν εἰς τὰ φίλτατα

an lal ,
ταῦτα οὐκ ἔσται μὴ τῶν πολεμίων κρατήσασιν.
2 ἢ , oo 3 \ , \
ὧν ἐνθυμηθέντες ἄνδρες τε ἀγαθοὶ γίγνεσθε Kai
i? t 9
μὴ καταισχύνητε τὴν Γιζερίχου δόξαν."
Τοσαῦτα εἰπὼν Τελίμερ Τξάξωνα τὸν ἀδελφὸν
ar , a 3 > oy aed a
ἐκέλευσε Βανδίλοις τοῖς μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἐκ Σαρδοῦς
a \
ἥκουσι παραίνεσιν ἰδίᾳ ποιεῖσθαι. ὁ δὲ αὐτοὺς
ξυναγείρας μικρὸν ἄποθεν τοῦ στρατοπέδου ἔλεξε
10 ce δί \ a ΝΜ
τοιάδε: “ Βανδίλοις μὲν ἅπασιν, ἄνδρες συστρα-
τιῶται, ὑπὲρ τούτων ὁ ἀγών ἐστιν ὧν δὴ ἀρτίως
, a L ry , eR \ αν.
λέγοντος τοῦ βασιλέως ἠκούσατε, ὑμῖν δὲ πρὸς
a of ef \ \ e a 3, \ ς
τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασι καὶ πρὸς ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς ἀμιλ-
λᾶσθαι ξυμβαίνει. νενικήκατε γὰρ ἔναγχος ὑπὲρ
n fe a
τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἀγωνιζόμενοι Kal τὴν νῆσον ἀνεκ-
/ θ r B OL ? a ig a = ay Τὰ
τήσασθε τῇ Βανδίλων apyj ὑμᾶς οὖν: μείζω
a ἣν an a
ποιεῖσθαι εἰκὸς τῆς ἀρετῆς τὴν ἐπίδειξιν. οἷς yap
ὑπὲρ τῶν μεγίστων ὁ κίνδυνος, μεγίστην εἶναι καὶ
Ν a
τὴν ἐς TO πολεμεῖν; προθυμίαν ἀνάγκη. οἱ μὲν
\ \ a lg 4
yap ὑπὲρ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἀγωνιζόμενοι ἡσσηθέντες,
4 a
ἂν οὕτω τύχῃ, οὐκ ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις ἐσφά-
- οἷ e Ἂς na ef. e ͵ ͵ δ
λησαν" οἷς δὲ ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων ἡ μάχη, πάντως ὁ
\ XG a , ?
Bios πρὸς TO τοῦ πολέμου ῥυθμίζεται πέρας.
bY, Ἃ \ bY ὃ > θ ANS 2) fa ἤ
ἄλλως τε, ἣν μὲν avopes ἀγαθοὶ ἐν τῷ παρόντι
γένησθε, βεβαιοῦτε ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς ἀρετῆς ἔργον τὴν
τοῦ τυράννου Lada γεγονέναι καθαίρεσιν: μα-
1 ὑμᾶς οὖν : ὥστε ὑμᾶς νῦν P, ὥστε ἡμᾶς νῦν O.
2 σὺ πολεμεῖν VO: τοὺς πολεμίους P.
224

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. ii. 20-27

by which, as you see, I am now so deeply moved that
I am unable to prolong my discourse. But having
said this one thing, I shall stop,—that there will be
for us no returning to these most precious possessions
if we do not gain the mastery over the enemy,
Remembering these things, shew yourselves brave
men and do not bring shame upon the fame of
Gizeric.”’

After speaking such words, Gelimer commanded
his brother Tzazon to deliver an exhortation separ-
ately to the Vandals who had come with him from
Sardinia. And he gathered them together a little
apart from the camp and spoke as follows: “For all
the Vandals, fellow soldiers, the struggle is in behalf
of those things which you have just heard the king
recount, but for you, in addition to all the other con-
siderations, it so happens that you are vying with
yourselves. For you have recently been victorious
in a struggle for the maintenance of our rule, and
you have recovered the island for the empire of
the Vandals ; there is every reason, therefore, for you
to make still greater display of your valour. For
those whose hazard involves the greatest things must
needs display the greatest zeal for warfare also.
Indeed, when men who struggle for the maintenance
of their rule are defeated, should it so happen, they
have not failed in the most vital part; but when men
are engaged in battle for their all, surely their very
lives are influenced by the outcome of the struggle.
And for the rest, if you shew yourselves brave men
at the present time, you will thereby prove with
certainty that the destruction! of the tyrant Godas
was an achievement of valour on your part; but if

1 See III. xxiv. J
225

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

λακισθέντες δὲ νῦν καὶ ,τῆς ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνοις εὐδοξίας
ὡς οὐδὲν ὑμῖν “προσηκούσης “στερήσεσθε. καίτοι
καὶ ἄχλως ὑμᾶς γε εἰκὸς τῶν λοιπῶν Βανδίλων
ἐν ταύτῃ πλεονεκτεῖν τῇ μάχῃ. τοὺς μὲν γὰρ
σφαλέντας ἡ προλαβοῦσα τύχη ἐκπλήσσει, οἱ δὲ
οὐδὲν ἐπταικότες μετ᾽ ἀκραιφνοῦς τοῦ θάρσους ἐ ἐς
τὸν ἀγῶνα καθίστανται. κἀκεῖνο δὲ οἶμαι οὐκ
ἀπὸ τρόπου εἰρήσεται, ὡς ἢν τῶν πολεμίων
κρατήσωμεν, τὸ πλεῖστον τῆς νίκης ὑμεῖς ἀναδή-
σεσθεϊ μέρος, σωτῆράς τε ὑμᾶς ἅπαντες τοῦ τῶν
Βανδίλων καλέσουσιν ἔθνους. οἱ γὰρ σὺν τοῖς
πρότερον ἠτυχηκόσιν εὐδοκιμοῦντες εἰκότως αὐτοὶ
τὴν ἀμείνω σφετερίζονται τύχην. ταῦτα τοίνυν
ἅπαντα λογιζομένους ὑμᾶς φημι χρῆναι παῖδάς
τε καὶ γυναῖκας ἀπολοφυρομένους κελεύειν θαρ-
σεῖν τε ἤδη καὶ τὸν θεὸν ἐς ξυμμαχίαν παρα-
καλεῖν, καὶ θυμῷ μὲν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἰέναι,
τοῖς δὲ ὁμοφύλοις ἐς ταύτην ἡγεῖσθαι τὴν μάχην."

Ill

Τοσαῦτα Τελίμερ τε καὶ Τξάξων παραινέσαντες
ἐξῆγον τοὺς Βανδίλους, καὶ ἀμφὶ τὸν τοῦ ἀρίστου
καιρόν, οὐ προσδεχομένων Ῥωμαίων, ἀλλ᾽ ἄρι-
στον σφίσι παρασκευαζόντων, παρῆσαν καὶ παρὰ
τὰς τοῦ ποταμοῦ ὄχθας ὡς ἐς μάχην ἐτάξαντο.
ἔστι δὲ ποταμὸς ὁ ταύτῃ ῥέων ἀένναος μέν, οὕτω
δὲ τὸ ῥεῦμα βραχὺς ὥστε οὐδὲ ὀνόματος ἰδίου

1 ἀναδήσεσθε Ο : ἀναδήσεσθαι V, ἀναδήσασθε P.
2 παρὰ Maltretus: περὶ MSS.

226

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. ii. 27-iii. 2

you weaken now, you will be deprived of even the
renown of those deeds, as of something which does
not belong to you at all. And yet, even apart from
this, it is reasonable to think that you will have an
advantage over the rest of the Vandals in this battle.
For those who have failed are dismayed by their
previous fortune, while those who have encountered
no reverse enter the struggle with their courage un-
impaired. And this too, I think, will not be spoken
out of season, that if we conquer the enemy, it will
be you who will win the credit for the greatest part
of the victory, and all will call you saviours of the
nation of the Vandals. For men who achieve renown
in company with those who have previously met with
misfortune naturally claim the better fortune as their
own. Considering all these things, therefore, I say
that you should bid the women and children who are
lamenting their fate to take courage even now,
should summon God to fight with us, should go with
enthusiasm against the enemy, and lead the way for
our compatriots into this battle.”

III

Arter both Gelimer and Tzazon had spoken such
exhortations, they led out the Vandals, and at about
the time of lunch, when the Romans were not ex-
pecting them, but were preparing their meal, they
were at hand and arrayed themselves for battle along
the bank of the stream. Now the stream at that place
is an ever-flowing one, to be sure, but its volume is so
small that it is not even given a special name by the

227

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

πρὸς τῶν ἐπιχωρίων μεταλαγχάνει, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν
ῥύακος μοίρᾳ ὠνόμασται. τούτου δὴ τοῦ ποτα-
μοῦ “Ῥωμαῖοι ἐς τὴν ἑτέραν ὄχθην ὡς ἐκ τῶν
παρόντων παρασκευασάμενοι, ἧκον καὶ ἐτάξαντο
ὧδε. κέρας μὲν τὸ ἀριστερὸν Μαρτῖνός τε καὶ
Βαλεριανὸς καὶ Ἰωάννης καὶ Κυπριανός τε καὶ
Αλθίας καὶ , Μάρκελλος εἶχον καὶ ὅσοι ἄλλοι
φοιδεράτων ἄρχοντες ἦσαν, τὸ δὲ δὴ δεξιὸν Πάπ-
Tos τε καὶ Βαρβᾶτος καὶ ᾿Αἰγὰν καὶ ὅσοι τῶν
ἱππικῶν καταλόγων ἦρχον. κατὰ δὲ τὸ μέσον
Ἰωάννης ἐτάσσετο, τούς τε ὑπασπιστὰς καὶ
δορυφόρους Βελεσαρίου καὶ σημεῖον τὸ στρατηγι-
κὸν ἐπαγόμενος. οὗ “δὴ καὶ Βελισάριος εἰς καιρὸν
ξὺν τοῖς πεντακοσίοις ἱππεῦσιν ἀφίκετο, τοὺς.
πεζοὺς ὄπισθεν βάδην “προσιόντας " ἀπολιπών.
οἱ γὰρ Οὖννοι ἅπαντες ἐν ἄλλῃ ἐτάξαντο χώρᾳ,
εἰθισμένον μὲν σφίσι καὶ πρότερον ἥκιστα ἐπι-
μίγνυσθαι τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ, τότε δὲ καὶ ἐν
νῷ ἃ προδεδήλωται ἔχουσιν οὐκ ἣν βουλομένοις
ξὺν τῇ ἄλλῃ στρατιᾷ τάσσεσθαι. Ῥωμαίοις μὲν
οὖν τὰ τῆς τάξεως ὧδέ πη εἶχε. Βανδίλων δὲ
κέρας μὲν ἑκάτερον οἱ χιλίαρχοι εἶχον, ἕκαστός τε
ἡγεῖτο τοῦ ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν λόχου, κατὰ δὲ δὴ τὸ
μέσον ἸΤζάξων 7 ἣν ὁ τοῦ Γελίύμερος ἀδελφός, 6 ὄπι-
σθεν δὲ οἱ Μαυρούσιοι ἐ ἐτετάχατο. αὐτὸς μέντοι. ὸ
Γ Ἑλίμερ πανταχόσε περιιὼν ἐνεκελεύετό τε καὶ ἐς
εὐτολμίαν ἐνῆγε. προείρητο δὲ Βανδίλοις ἅπασι
μήτε δορατίῳ μήτε. ἄλλῳ ὁτῳοῦν ὀργάνῳ ἐς Evp-
βολὴν τήνδε, OTL μὴ τοῖς ξίφεσι, χρῆσθαι.

Χρόνου δὲ τριβέντος συχνοῦ καὶ μάχης οὐδενὸς

1 ἐτάσσετο PO: Fv V.
3 προσιόντας VP: προιόντας Ο.

228

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. iii. 2-10

inhabitants of the place, but it is designated simply
as a brook. So the Romans came to the other bank
of this river, after preparing themselves as well as
they could under the circumstances, and arrayed
themselves as follows. The left wing was held by
Martinus and Valerian, John, Cyprian, Althias, and
Marcellus, and as many others as were commanders
of the foederati!; and the right was held by Pappas,
Barbatus, and Aigan, and the others who commanded
the forces of cavalry. And in the centre John took his
position, leading the guards and spearmen of Belisarius
and carrying the general’s standard. And Belisarius
also came there at the opportune moment with his
five hundred horsemen, leaving the infantry behind
advancing at a walk. For all the Huns had been
arrayed in another place, it being customary for
them even before this not to mingle with the
Roman army if they could avoid so doing, and at
that time especially, since they had in mind the
purpose which has previously been explained,’ it was
not their wish to be arrayed with the rest of the
army. Such, then, was the formation of the Romans.
And on the side of the Vandals, either wing was held
by the chiliarchs, and each one led the division under
him, while in the centre was Tzazon, the brother of
Gelimer, and behind him were arrayed the Moors.
But Gelimer himself was going about everywhere
exhorting them and urging them on to daring. And
the command had been previously given to all the
Vandals to use neither spear nor any other weapon
in this engagement except their swords.

After a considerable time had passed and no one

1 ἐς Anxiliaries” ; see Book III. xi, 3 and note.
2 Chap. i, 8,
ἶ 229

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

5 (2 3 oN 2 ,ὔ
ἄρχοντος Ἰωάννης τῶν “ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν ὀλίγους
ἀπολέξας Βελεσαρίου γνώμῃ τόν τε ποταμὸν
διέβη καὶ ἐς τοὺς μέσους ἐσέβαλεν, ἔνθα δὴ ὁ
Τζάζων ὠθισμῷ χρησάμενος ἐδίωξεν αὐτούς.
καὶ οἱ μὲν φεύγοντες ἐς τὸ σφῶν αὐτῶν στρα-
τόπεδον 1) ἧκον, οἱ δὲ Βανδίλοι διώκοντες ἄχρι ἐς
τὸν ποταμὸν ἦλθον," οὐ μέντοι διέβησαν. αὖθις
δὲ ᾿Ιωάννης πλείους τῶν Βελισαρίου ὑπασπιστῶν
ἐπαγόμενος ἐς τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν Tlalava ἐσεπήδησε,
καὶ αὖθις ἐνθένδε ἀποκρουσθεὶς ἐς τὸ Ρωμαίων
στρατόπεδον ἀνεχώρησε. τὸ δὲ δὴ τρίτον ξὺν
πᾶσι σχεδὸν τοῖς Βελισαρίου τε δορυφόροις καὶ
ὑπασπισταῖς τὸ στρατηγικὸν σημεῖον λαβὼν"
τὴν ἐσβολὴν ἐποιήσατο ξὺν βοῇ τε καὶ πατάγῳ.
πολλῷ. τῶν δὲ βαρβάρων ἀνδρείως τε αὐτοὺς

ὑφισταμένων καὶ μόνοις χρωμένων τοῖς ξίφεσι,

γίνεται μὲν καρτερὰ ἡ μάχη, πίπτουσι δὲ
Βανδίλων πολλοί τε καὶ ἄριστοι, καὶ Τζξάξων
αὐτὸς ὁ τοῦ Γελίμερος ἀδελφός. τότε δὴ ἅπαν
τὸ Ῥωμαίων στράτευμα ἐκινήθη καὶ τὸν ποταμὸν
διαβάντες ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐχώρησαν, ἥ τε
τροπὴ ἀρξαμένη a ἀπὸ τοῦ μέσου λαμπρὰ ἐγεγόνει:
τοὺς γὰρ κατ «αὐτοὺς οὐδενὶ πόνῳ ἐτρέψαντο
ἕκαστοι. ἃ δὴ ὁ ὁρῶντες οἱ Μασσαγέται κατὰ τὰ
σφίσι ξυγκείμενα ξὺν τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ τὴν
δίωξιν ἐ ἐποιήσαντο, οὐκ ἐπὶ πολὺ μέντοι ἡ δίωξις
moe ἐγεγόνει. οἵ τε γὰρ Βανδίλοι ἐς τὸ σφέτερον
στρατόπεδον κατὰ “τάχος εἰσελθόντες ἡσύχαζον
καὶ οἱ “Ῥωμαῖοι, οὐκ ἂν οἰόμενοι ἐν τῷ χαρα-
κώματι πρὸς αὐτοὺς διαμάχεσθαι οἷοί τε εἶναι,
τούς τε νεκροὺς ὅσοι ἐχρυσοφόρουν ἀπέδυσαν καὶ
1 ἦλθον VP: ἧκον O. 2 χαβὼν VP: ἀναλαβὼν O.
230 ‘

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. iii. 10-17

began the battle, John chose out a few of those under
him by the advice of Belisarius and crossing the river
made an attack on the centre, where Tzazon
crowded them back and gave chase. And the
Romans in flight came into their own camp, while
the Vandals in pursuit came as far as the stream, but
did not cross it. And once more John, leading out
more of the guardsmen of Belisarius, made a dash
against the forces of Tzazon, and again being repulsed
from there, withdrew to the Roman camp. And a
third time with almost all the guards and spearmen
of Belisarius he took the general’s standard and
made his attack with much shouting and a great
noise. But since the barbarians manfully withstood
them and used only their swords, the battle became
fierce, and many of the noblest of the Vandals fell,
and among them Tzazon himself, the brother of
Gelimer. Then at last the whole Roman army was
set in motion, and crossing the river they advanced
upon the enemy, and the rout, beginning at the
centre, became complete; for each of the Roman
divisions turned to flight those before them with no
trouble. And the Massagetae, seeing this, according
to their agreement among themselves! joined the
Roman army in making the pursuit, but this pursuit
was not continued for a great distance. For the
Vandals entered their own camp quickly and
remained quiet, while the Romans, thinking that they
would not be able to fight it out with them inside
the stockade, stripped such of the corpses as had
1 Chap. i. 3.
231

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

és τὸ σφῶν αὐτῶν στρατόπεδον ἀπεχώρησαν.
ἀπέθανον δὲ ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ μάχῃ “Ρωμαίων μὲν
ἥσσους ἢ πεντήκοντα, Βανδίλων δὲ ὀκτακόσιοι
μάλιστα.

Βελισάριος δέ, τῶν πεζῶν οἱ ἀφικομένων ἀμφὶ
δείλην ὀψίαν, ἄρας ὡς εἶχε τάχους παντὶ τῷ
στρατῷ ἤει ἐπὶ τὸ τῶν Βανδίλων στρατόπεδον.
Γελίμερ δὲ γνοὺς Βελισάριον ξύν τε τοῖς πεζοῖς
καὶ τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν αὐτίκα ἰέναι,
οὐδὲν οὔτε εἰπὼν οὔτε ἐντειλάμενος ἐπί τε τὸν
ἵππον ἀναθρώσκει καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ Νουμίδας φέρουσαν
ἔφευγε. καὶ αὐτῷ οἵ τε ξυγγενεῖς καὶ τῶν
οἰκετῶν ὀλίγοι τινὲς εἵποντο καταπεπληγμένοι τε
καὶ τὰ παρόντα ἐν σιγῇ ἔχοντες. καὶ χρόνον μέν
τινα ἔλαθε Βανδίλους ἀποδρὰς ΤΓελίμερ, ἐπεὶ δὲ
αὐτόν τε πεφευγέναι ἤσθοντο ἅπαντες καὶ οἱ
πολέμιοι ἤδη καθεωρῶντο, τότε δὴ οἵ τε ἄνδρες
ἐθορύβουν καὶ τὰ παιδία ἀνέκραγε καὶ ai γυναῖκες
ἐκώκυον. καὶ οὔτε χρημάτων παρόντων μετεποι-
οὗντο οὔτε τῶν φιλτάτων ὀδυρομένων σφίσιν
ἔμελεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἕκαστος ἔφευγεν οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ ὅπη
ἐδύνατο. ἐπελθόντες δὲ Ρωμαῖοι τό τε στρατό-
πεδον ἀνδρῶν ἔρημον αὐτοῖς χρήμασιν αἱροῦσι καὶ
ἐπιδιώξαντες τὴν νύκτα ὅλην ἄνδρας μὲν ὅσοις
ἐντύχοιεν ἔκτεινον, πταῖδας δὲ καὶ γυναῖκας ἐποι-
οὗντο ἐν ἀνδραπόδων λόγῳ. χρήματα δὲ τοσαῦτα
τὸ πλῆθος ἐν τούτῳ τῷ στρατοπέδῳ εὗρον ὅσα
οὐδεπώποτε ἔν γε χωρίῳ ἑνὶ τετύχηκεν εἶναι.
οἵ τε γὰρ Βανδίλοι ἐς παλαιοῦ τὴν Ῥωμαίων
ἀρχὴν 5 ληισάμενοι συχνὰ χρήματα ἐς Λιβύην

1 ἀποδρὰς VP: ἀποβὰς Ο. 2 ἀρχὴν VU: χώραν Ῥ,
232

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. iii. 17-26

gold upon them and retired to their own camp. And
there perished in this battle, of the Romans less than
fifty, but of the Vandals about eight hundred.

But Belisarius, when the infantry came up in the
late afternoon, moved as quickly as he could with the
whole army and went against the camp of the Vandals.
And Gelimer, realising that Belisarius with his in-
fantry and the rest of his army was coming against
him straightway, without saying a word or giving a
command leaped upon his horse and was off in flight
on the road leading to Numidia. And his kinsmen
and some few of his domestics followed him in utter
consternation and guarding with silence what was
taking place. And for some time it escaped the
notice of the Vandals that Gelimer had run away,
but when they all perceived that he had fled, and
the enemy were already plainly seen, then indeed
the men began to shout and the children cried out
and the women wailed. And they neither took with
them the money they had nor did they heed the
laments of those dearest to them, but every man fled
in complete disorder just as he could. And the
Romans, coming up, captured the camp, money and
all, with not a man in it; and they pursued the
fugitives throughout the whole night, killing all the
men upon whom they happened, and making slaves of
the women and children. And they found in this camp
a quantity of wealth such as has never before been
found, at least in one place. For the Vandals had
plundered the Roman domain for a long time and
had transferred great amounts of money to Libya,

233

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Ὁ tf fal A
μετήνεγκαν καὶ τῆς χώρας adtois’ ἀγαθῆς ἐν
τοῖς μάλιστα οὔσης καρποῖς τε τοῖς ἀναγκαιο-
τάτοις ἐς ἄγαν εὐθηνούσης, τὰς τῶν χρημάτων

aA ᾽ὔ
προσόδους ξυνέβη, αἵ γε ἐκ τῶν ἐκείνῃ γινομένων
ἀγαθῶν ἠγείροντο, οὐκ ἐς ἑτέραν τινὰ δαπανᾶσθαι
χώραν ἐμπορίᾳ 2 τῇ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὰς
ἀεὶ οἱ τὰ χωρία κεκτημένοι προσεποιοῦντο ἐς
ih \ ΟΣ 7 yy 3 e \ 7 e
πέντε Kal ἐνενήκοντα ἔτη, ἐν ols δὴ Λιβύης οἱ
3 a
Βανδίλοι ἦρξαν. καὶ ἀπ᾿ αὐτοῦ és πάμπολυ
© Ve > ie © A
n lal a 3
χρῆμα ὁ πλοῦτος χωρήσας ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἐς
τῶν Ῥωμαίων τὰς χεῖρας ἐπανῆκεν αὖθις. ἡ μὲν
3 ᾽ὔ Ν δί AO \ “Ὁ δί
οὖν μάχη καὶ δίωξις ἥδε καὶ τοῦ Βανδίλων
στρατοπέδου ἡ ἅλωσις τρισὶ μησὶν ὕστερον
€ €
γέγονεν ἢ ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατὸς és Καρχηδόνα.
ἦλθε, μεσοῦντος μάλιστα τοῦ τελευταίου μηνός, ὃν
ς a A

Δεκέμβριον Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσι.

Τότε δὲ κατιδὼν Βελισάριος τὸ Ρωμαίων στρά-
τευμα πλημμελῶς τε καὶ ξὺν πολλῇ ἀκοσμίᾳ
φερόμενον ἤσχαλλε, δειμαίνων τὴν νύκτα ὅλην μὴ
οἱ πολέμιοι, ξυμφρονήσαντές τε καὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς
ξυνιστάμενοι, τὰ ἀνήκεστα αὐτοὺς δράσωσιν.
ὅπερ εἰ γενέσθαι τρόπῳ ὅτῳ δὴ τηνικαῦτα
ξυνέπεσεν, οἶμαι ἂν Ρωμαίων οὐδένα διαφυγόντα
ταύτης δὴ τῆς λείας ἀπόνασθαι. οἱ γὰρ στρα-
τιῶται πένητες ἄνθρωποι κομιδῆ ὄντες καὶ χρη-
μάτων μὲν ἐς ἄγαν μεγάλων, σωμάτων δὲ ὡραίων

1 αὐτοῖς MSS. : αὐτῆς Theophanes.
2 ἐμπορία VP: ἀπορία Ο.

234

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. iii. 26-iv. 3

and since their land was an especially good one,
flourishing abundantly with the most useful crops, it
came about that the revenue collected from the
commodities produced there was not paid out to any
other country in the purchase of a food supply, but
those who possessed the land always kept for them-
selves the income from it for the ninety-five years
during which the Vandals ruled Libya. And from
this it resulted that their wealth, amounting to an
extraordinary sum, returned once more on that day
into the hands of the Romans. So this battle and
the pursuit and the capture of the Vandals’ camp
happened three months after the Roman army came
to Carthage, at about the middle of the last month,
which the Romans call “ December.”

TueNn Belisarius, seeing the Roman army rushing
about in confusion and great disorder, was disturbed,
being fearful throughout the whole night lest the
enemy, uniting by mutual agreement against him,
should do him irreparable harm. And if this thing
had happened at that time in any way at all, I believe
that not one of the Romans would have escaped and
enjoyed this booty. For the soldiers, being extremely
poor men, upon becoming all of a sudden masters of
very great wealth and of women both young and

235

533 4.D

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

τε καὶ ὑπερφυῶς εὐπρεπῶν κύριοι ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου
γεγενημένοι κατέχειν τὴν διάνοιαν οὐκέτι ἐδύ-
νᾶντο οὐδὲ κόρον τινὰ τῶν σφίσι παρόντων εὑρεῖν,
ann οὕτως ἐμέθυον, κατα βεβρεγμένου τοῖς ὑπάρ-
χουσιν εὐτυχήμασιν, ὥστε αὐτὸς ἕκαστος
ἅπαντα ἄγων és Καρχηδόνα. ἀναστρέφειν ἐβού-
λοντο. καὶ περιήρχοντο οὐ κατὰ συμμορίας,
ἀλλὰ κατὰ ἕνα ἢ δύο, ὅπη ποτὲ αὐτοὺς ἡ ἐλπὶς
ἄγοι, ἅπαντα κύκλῳ διερευνώμενοι ἔν τε νάπαις
καὶ δυσχωρίαις. καὶ εἴ που “σπήλαιον παρατύχοι
ἢ ἄλλο ὁτιοῦν ἐς κίνδυνον ἢ ἐνέδραν ἄγον. οὐδὲ
yap αὐτοὺς τῶν πολεμίων φόβος οὐδὲ ἡ Βελι-
σαρίου αἰδὼς ἐ ἐσήει οὐδὲ ἄλλο τῶν πάντων οὐδέν,
ὅτε μὴ ἡ τῶν λαφύρων ἐπιθυμία, ταύτης τε
ὑπερβιαζομένης ἐς ὀλιγωρίαν τῶν ἄλλων πάντων
ἐτράποντο. ἃ δὴ ἅπαντα ἐν “Ψῷ ποιούμενος
Βελιεσάριος ἐν ἀπόρῳ εἶχεν ἧ τὸ παρὸν θέσθαι.
ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ ἐπὶ λόφου τινὸς τῆς ὁδοῦ ἀγχοῦ
εἱστήκει, τήν τε οὐκέτι οὖσαν εὐκοσμίαν ἀνακαλού-
μενος καὶ πολλὰ πᾶσι στρατιώταις τε ὁμοῦ καὶ
ἄρχουσι λοιδορούμενος. τότε δὴ ὅσοις τετύχηκε
πλησίον που εἶναι, καὶ μάλιστα οἱ τῆς Βελισαρίου
οἰκίας ὄντες, τὰ μὲν ὑπάρχοντα σφίσι χρήματά
τε καὶ ἀνδράποδα ξὺν τοῖς ὁμοσκήνοις τε καὶ
ὁμοτραπέζοις ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἔπεμπον, αὐτοὶ δὲ
παρὰ τὸν στρατηγὸν ἰόντες τῶν σφίσι παραγγελ-
λομένων κατήκουον.

ὋὉ δὲ ᾿Ιωάννην μὲν τὸν ᾿Αρμένιον ξὺν διακοσίοις
ἐκέλευε Γελίμερι ἕπεσθαι, καὶ μήτε νύκτα μήτε
ἡμέραν ἀνιέντας διώκειν, ἕως αὐτὸν ζῶντα ἢ
νεκρὸν λάβοιεν. ἐς δὲ Καρχηδόνα τοῖς ἐπυιτη-

1 αὐτὸς VO: τούτων P.
236

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. iv. 3-10

extremely comely, were no longer able to restrain
their minds or to find any satiety in the things they
had, but were so intoxicated, drenched as they were
by their present good fortunes, that each one wished
to take everything with him back to Carthage. And
they were going about, not in companies but alone or
by twos, wherever hope led them, searching out every-
thing roundabout among the valleys and the rough
country and wherever there chanced to be a cave or
anything such as might bring them into danger or
ambush. For neither did fear of the enemy nor
their respect for Belisarius occur to them, nor indeed
anything else at all except the desire for spoils, and
being overmastered by this they came to think lightly
of everything else. And Belisarius, taking note of
all this, was at a loss as to how he should handle the
situation. But at daybreak he took his stand upon
a certain hill near the road, appealing to the dis-
cipline which no longer existed and heaping re-
proaches upon all, soldiers and officers alike. Then
indeed, those who chanced to be near, and especially
those who were of the household of Belisarius, sent
the money and slaves which they had to Carthage
with their tentmates and messmates, and themselves
came up beside the general and gave heed to the
orders given them.

And he commanded John, the Armenian, with two
hundred men to follow Gelimer, and without slacken-
ing their speed either night or day to pursue him,
until they should take him living or dead. And he
sent word to his associates in Carthage to lead into

237

11]

18°

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

\ \ \
δείοις ἐπέστελλε, Βανδίλοις, ὅσοι ἐς TA ἀμφὶ τὴν
a 4 \
πόλιν χωρία ἐν ἱεροῖς ἱκέται ἐκάθηντο, πιστὰ
᾿ξ ,
διδοῦσι καὶ τὰ ὅπλα, ὅπως μή τι νεωτερίσωσιν,
ἀφελομένοις ἔς τε τὴν πόλιν ἐσαγαγοῦσιν ἔχειν,
ἄχρι αὐτὸς ἔλθοι. ξὺν δὲ τοῖς λειπομένοις
’ὔ a
πανταχόσε περιιὼν TOUS τε στρατιώτας σπουδῇ
ἤγειρε καὶ Βανδίλοις τοῖς ἀεὶ ἐν ποσὶ πίστεις ὑπὲρ
σωτηρίας ἐδίδου. οὐ yap ἔτι Hv Βανδίλων
507 [τς A 3 a € a eh a ® \
οὐδένα ὅτι μὴ ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἱκέτην λαβεῖν. ὧν δὴ
\ 4 2 - \ , i
τὰ ὅπλα ἀφαιρούμενος, ξὺν στρατιώταις φυλάσ-
σουσιν ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἔστελλεν, οὐ διδοὺς καιρὸν
σφίσιν ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ξυνίστασθαι. καὶ ἐπεὶ
ἅπαντά οἱ ὡς ἄριστα εἶχεν, ἐπὶ Γελίμερα καὶ
αὐτὸς ξὺν τῷ πλείονι τοῦ στρατοῦ κατὰ τάχος
net. ὁ δὲ ᾿Ιωάννης ἐς πέντε ἡμέρας τε καὶ νύκτας
τὴν δίωξιν ποιησάμενος οὐ πόρρω ἀπὸ Τελίμερος
A > / 3 la Ὁ a ς ie Ψ >
ἤδη ἐγεγόνει, ἀλλά οἱ TH ὑστεραίᾳ ἔμελλεν ἐς
lal 7 2 Ν \ 3 ΒΩ ‘4 > /
χεῖρας ἰέναι. ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐκ ἔδει Τ'ελίμερα ᾿Ιωάννῃ
ἁλῶναι, τύχης ἐναντίωμα ξυνηνέχθη τοιόνδε. ἐν
“ \ 3
τοῖς ξὺν ᾿Ιωάννῃ διώκουσιν Οὐλίαριν τὸν Βελι-
, 1 5
σαρίου δορυφόρον τετύχηκεν εἶναι. ἣν δὲ οὗτος
ἀνὴρ θυμοειδὴς μὲν καὶ πρὸς ἀλκὴν ψυχῆς τε καὶ
UZ « n
σώματος ἱκανῶς πεφυκώς, οὐ λίαν δὲ κατεσπου-
ὃ / ὑλλ᾽ v \ la ς \ δ
αἀσμένος, ἃ οἰνῷ τε καὶ γελοίοις ὡς τὰ πολλὰ
la φ ,ὔ a
χαίρων. οὗτος Οὐλίαρις ἡμέρᾳ τῆς διώξεως ἕκτῃ
2 5,
οἰνωμένος ἀμφὶ ἡλίου ἀνατολὰς ὄρνιν τινὰ ἐπὶ
/ 5
δένδρου καθήμενον εἶδε, καὶ τὸ τόξον κατὰ τάχος
2 vn ν
ἐντείνας κατὰ Tod ὄρνιθος ἠφίει τὸ βέλος. καὶ
a \ »
τοῦ μὲν ὄρνιθος ἀποτυγχάνει, ᾿Ιωάννην δὲ ὄπισθεν
ἐς τὸν αὐχένα οὔτι ἑκουσίως βάλλει. ὁ δὲ καιρίαν
,
τυπεὶς ἐξ ἀνθρώπων χρόνῳ ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον
3 hs \ a a
ἠφανίσθη, πολὺν αὑτοῦ πόθον βασιλεῖ τε
238

HISTORY OF THE WABS, IV. iv. 10-19

the city all the Vandals who were sitting as suppliants
in sanctuaries in the places about the city, giving
them pledges and taking away their weapons, that
they might not begin an uprising, and to keep them
there until he himself should come. And with those
who were left he went about everywhere and gathered
the soldiers hastily, and to all the Vandals he came
upon he gave pledges for their safety. For it was no
longer possible to catch anyone of the Vandals except
as a suppliantin the sanctuaries. And from these he
took away their weapons and sent them, with soldiers
to guard them, to Carthage, not giving them time to
unite against the Romans. And when everything
was as well settled as possible, he himself with the
greater part of the army moved against Gelimer with
all speed. But John, after continuing the pursuit
five days and nights, had already come not far
from Gelimer, and in fact he was about to engage
with him on the following day. Butsince it was not
fated that Gelimer should be captured by John, the
following obstacle was contrived by fortune. Among
those pursuing with John it happened that there was
Uliaris, the aide of Belisarius. Now this man was a
passionate fellow and well favoured in strength of
heart and body, but not a very serious man, but one
who generally took delight in wine and buffoonery.
This Uliaris on the sixth day of the pursuit, being
drunk, saw a bird sitting in a tree at about sunrise,
and he quickly stretched his bow and despatched a
missile at the bird. And he missed the bird, but
John, who was behind it, he hit in the neck by no
will of his own. And since the wound was mortal,
John passed away a short time afterwards, leaving
great sorrow at his loss to the Emperor Justinian and

239

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

᾿Ιουστινιανῷ καὶ Βελισαρίῳ τῷ στρατηγῷ Kal
Ῥωμαίοις ἅπασι καὶ Καρχηδονίοις ἀπολιπών:
ἀνδρίας τε γὰρ καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἀρετῆς εὖ ἥκων,
πρᾷόν τε τοῖς evrvryydvovat παρεῖχεν αὑτὸν καὶ
ἐπιεικέστατον | οὐδενὸς ἧσσον. ᾿Ιωάννης μὲν οὖν
τὴν πεπρωμένην οὕτως ἀνέπλησεν. Οὐλίαρις δὲ
ἐπεὶ ἐν ἑαυτῷ ἐγεγόνει, ἐς κώμην τινὰ πλησίον που
οὖσαν καταφυγὼν ἐν τῷ κατὰ ταύτην ἱερῷ ἱκέτης
ἐκάθητο. οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται Τελίμερα διώκειν
οὐκέτι ὥρμηντο, GAN ᾿Ιωάννην μὲν ἕως περιῆν
ἐθεράπευον, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐκεῖνος ἐτελεύτησε, τά τε
νομιζόμενα ἐς τὴν αὐτοῦ ὁσίαν" ἐποίουν καὶ τὸν
πάντα λόγον Βελισαρίῳ δηλώσαντες αὐτοῦ ἔμενον.
ὅς, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα ἤκουσεν, ἔς τε τὸν ᾿Ιωάννου
τάφον ἀφίκετο καὶ τὸ ἐκείνου πάθος ἀπέκλαιεν.
ἀποκλαύσας δὲ καὶ περιαλγήσας τῇ πάσῃ συμ-
φορᾷ πολλοῖς τε ἄχλοις καὶ χρημάτων προσόδῳ
τὸν ᾿Ιωάννου τάφον ἐτίμησε. δεινὸν μέντοι
Οὐλίαριν οὐδὲν ἔδρασεν, ἐπεὶ οἱ στρατιῶται
Ἰωάννην σφίσιν ἐπισκῆψαι ὅρκοις ἔφασκον
δεινοτάτοις μηδεμίαν ἐς αὐτὸν γενέσθαι τίσιν ἅτε
οὐκ ἐκ προνοίας τὸ μίασμα ἐργασάμενον.

Ταύτῃ μὲν οὖν Τελίμερ διαφεύγει τὸ μὴ ὑπὸ
τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ γενέσθαι. Βελι-
σάριος δὲ αὐτὸν τὸ ἐντεῦθεν ἐδίωκεν, ἐς πόλιν τε
Νουμιδῶν ἐχυράν, ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ κειμένην, ἀφι-
κόμενος, δέκα ἡμερῶν ὁδῷ Καρχηδόνος διέχουσαν,
ἣν δὴ ᾿Ἱππονερέγιον καλοῦσιν, ἔμαθε Γελίμερα ἐς
Ilarovav τὸ ὄρος ἀναβάντα οὐκέτι ἁλώσιμον
Ῥωμαίοις εἶναι. τοῦτο δὲ τὸ ὄρος ἐστὶ μὲν ἐν

ἐπιεικέστατον P pr. τη. : ἐπιεικὲς ἂν V, ἐς ἐπιείκειαν Ο,
ἐπιεικῆ Ῥ pr. m. corr. 2 ὁσίαν PO: ὁσίαν κηδείαν V.

240

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. iv. 19-27

Belisarius, the general, and to all the Romans and
Carthaginians. For in manliness and every sort of
virtue he was well endowed, and he shewed himself,
to those who associated with him, gentle and equit-
able to a degree quite unsurpassed. Thus, then, John
fulfilled his destiny. As for Uliaris, when he came
to himself, he fled to a certain village which was
near by and sat asa suppliant in the sanctuary there.
And the soldiers no longer pressed the pursuit of
Gelimer, but they cared for John as long as he
survived, and when he had died they carried out all
the customary rites in his burial, and reporting the
whole matter to Belisarius they remained where
they were. And as soon as he heard of it, he came
to John’s burial, and bewailed his fate. And after
weeping over him and grieving bitterly at the whole
occurrence, he honoured the tomb of John with many
gifts and especially by providing for it a regular
income. However, he did nothing severe to Uliaris,
since the soldiers said that John had enjoined upon
them by the most dread oaths that no vengeance
should come to him, since he had not performed the
unholy deed with deliberate intent.

Thus, then, Gelimer escaped falling into the hands
of the enemy on that day. And from that time on
Belisarius pursued him, but upon reaching a strong
city of Numidia situated on the sea, ten days distant
from Carthage, which they call Hippo Regius, he
learned that Gelimer had ascended the mountain
Papua and could no longer be captured by the Romans.
Now this mountain is situated at the extremity of

1 Now Bona; it was the home and burial-place of St.
Augustine.
241

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

a / 3 / b ih f a,
τοῖς Novpsdias ἐσχάτοις ἀπότομον τε ἐπὶ
a \ a wv if ἊΣ δ N.
πλεῖστον καὶ δεινῶς ἄβατον (πέτραι yap ὑψηλαὶ
ff
és αὐτὸ πανταχόθεν ἀνέχουσι), κατῴκηνται δὲ ἐν
fa ε' a fe ,
αὐτῷ Μαυρούσιοι βάρβαροι, οἱ τῷ Ἰελίμερι φίλοι
ig 9 Id 3 tf Ν
τε καὶ ἐπίκουροι ἧσαν, καὶ πόλις ἀρχαία Μηδεὸς
\ a Ni Gof an n
ὄνομα παρὰ Tod ὄρους τὰ ἔσχατα κεῖται. ἐνταῦθα
A 4
Γελίμερ ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἡσύχαζε. Βελισάριος
Ν 2Q\ \ ir ple > a Μ
δὲ (οὐδὲ γὰρ τοῦ ὄρους ἀποπειρᾶσθαι ἄλλως τε
SN a [τὰ Ld 3 + / e a
καὶ χειμῶνος ὥρᾳ οἷός τε ἦν, ETL TE OL τῶν
4 2 / ἧς 5 aA
πραγμάτων ἠωρημένων Καρχηδόνος ἀπολελεῖφθαι
ἀξύμφορον ἐνόμιζεν εἶναι) στρατιώτας τε ἀπο-
λεξάμενος καὶ ἄρχοντα Φάραν τῇ τοῦ ὄρους
4 Ξ-
προσεδρείᾳ κατέστησεν. ἦν δὲ ὁ Φάρας οὗτος
δραστήριός τε καὶ λίαν κατεσπουδασμένος καὶ
ἀρετῆς εὖ ἥκων, καίπερ “Epovdos ὧν γένος.
» Ν ΓΛ \ 3 > la Ν /
ἄνδρα 6é”Epovrov μὴ és ἀπιστίαν τε καὶ μέθην
ἀνεῖσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἀρετῆς μεταποιεῖσθαι, χαλεπόν τε
Aa Ἅ a Ὁ Φ (ie δὲ 3 ἐ 1
καὶ ἐπαίνου πολλοῦ ἄξιον. Papas δὲ οὐ μόνος
a b ,ὔ Σ », > \ Va ΄ eo
τῆς εὐκοσμίας ἀντείχετο, ἀλλὰ Kat ᾿Ερούλων ὅσοι
a a \ A
αὐτῷ εἵποντο. τοῦτον δὴ τὸν Φάραν és τὸν τοῦ
» , , a \ a
ὄρους πρόποδα Βελισάριος καθῆσθαι τὴν τοῦ
a « Ὁ} 4 \ \ ᾽ a ὯΝ
χειμῶνος ὥραν ἐκέλευε καὶ φυλακὴν ἀκριβῆ ἔχειν,
ς Ψ δια, ἢ > - , \ ν
ὡς μήτε τὸ ὄρος ἀπολιπεῖν Ledipepe δυνατὰ εἴη
an /
μήτε τε τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐς αὐτὸ ἐσκομίξεσθαι.
Ν PA \ Ἂν a 9. ’, t+
καὶ Ddpas μὲν κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίει. ἘΒελισάριος
\ i ev 2 «. ΄ \ an
δὲ Bavdirous ὅσοι ἐς ᾿ἱππονερέγιον πρὸς τοῖς
a la
ἱεροῖς ἱκέται ἐκάθηντο, πολλοί τε καὶ ἄριστοι,
ied ja \ t \ 3 i
ἀνέστησέ Te πιστὰ λαβόντας καὶ ἐς Kapyndova

1 μόνος P; μόνον VO.
242

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. iv. 27-32

Numidia and is exceedingly precipitous and climbed
only with the greatest difficulty (for lofty cliffs
rise up toward it from every side). and on it dwell
barbarian Moors, who were friends and allies to
Gelimer, and an ancient city named Medeus lies on
the outskirts of the mountain. There Gelimer
rested with his followers. But as for Belisarius, he
was not able to make any attempt at all on the
mountain, much less in the winter season, and since
his affairs were still in an uncertain state, he did not
think it advisable to be away from Carthage; and so
he chose out soldiers, with Pharas as their leader,
and set them to maintain the siege of the mountain.
Now this Pharas was energetic and thoroughly serious
and upright in every way, although he was an Erulian
by birth. And for an Erulian not to give himself over
to treachery and drunkenness, but to strive after up-
rightness, is no easy matter and merits abundant
praise. But not only was it Pharas who maintained
orderly conduct, but also all the Erulians who fol-
lowed him. This Pharas, then, Belisarius commanded
to establish himself at the foot of the mountain during
the winter season and to keep close guard, so that
it would neither be possible for Gelimer to leave the
mountain nor for any supplies to be brought in to
him. And Pharas acted accordingly. Then Belisarius
turned to the Vandals who were sitting as sup-
pliants in the sanctuaries in Hippo Regius,—and
there were many of them and of the nobility—
and he caused them all to accept pledges and
arise, and then he sent them to Carthage with a

1 The Eruli, or Heruli, were one of the wildest and most
corrupt of the barbarian tribes. They came from beyond the
Danube. On their origin, practices, and character, see VI. xiv.

243

' PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ξὺν φυλακῇ ἔπεμψεν. ἐνταῦθα δὲ αὐτῷ καί τι
τοιόνδε ξυμπεσεῖν ἔτυχεν.

Ἔν τῇ Τελίμερος οἰκίᾳ γραμματεὺς ἣν τις
Βονιφάτιος Λίβυς, ἐκ Βυξακίου ὁρμώμενος, πιστὸς
τῷ Γελίμερι ἐς τὰ μάλιστα. τοῦτον δὴ τὸν
Βονιφάτιον Γελίμερ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου
ἐς ναῦν ἐμβιβάσας ἄριστα πλέουσαν, ἐν ταύτῃ
te! ἅπαντα τὸν βασιλικὸν πλοῦτον ἐνθέμενος
ἐκέλευεν ἐς τὸν τοῦ Ἱππονερεγίου λιμένα ὁρμί-
ξεσθαι, καὶ ἢν τὰ πράγματα σφίσιν οὐκ εὖ
καθιστάμενα ἴδοι, τὰ χρήματα ἔχοντα πλεῖν
κατὰ τάχος ἐς ᾿Ισπανίαν, παρὰ Θεῦδίν τε ἀφικέ-
σθαι τὸν τῶν Οὐισιγότθων ἡγούμενον, ἔνθα δὴ
καὶ αὐτὸς διασώξεσθαι ἐκαραδόκει, πονηρᾶς.
γινομένης Βανδίλοις τῆς τοῦ πολέμου τύχης.
Βονιφάτιος δέ, ἕως μὲν τὰ Βανδίλων ἐλπίδα εἶχεν,
αὐτοῦ ἔμενεν: ἐπεὶ δὲ τώχιστα ἡ ἐν Τρικαμάρῳ
μάχη καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἅπερ ἐρρήθη ἐγεγόνει, ἄρας τὰ
ἱστία ἔπλει καθάπερ οἱ ἐπέστελλε Γελίμερ.
GANA πνεύματος αὐτὸν ἐναντίωμα εἰς τὸν τοῦ
ἽἹππονερεγίου λιμένα οὔτι ἑκούσιον αὖθις ἤνεγκεν.
ὡς δὲ τοὺς πολεμίους ἀγχοῦ ἤδη που ἠκηκόει
εἶναι, τοὺς ναύτας πολλὰ ὑποσχόμενος ἐλυπάρει
ἐς ἄλλην τινὰ ἤπειρον ἢ νῆσον βιασαμένους ἰέναι.
οἱ δὲ (οὐ γὰρ ἐδύναντο χειμῶνος σφίσι χαλεποῦ
λίαν ἐπιπεσόντος καὶ τὸ τῆς θαλάσσης ῥόθιον
ἅτε ἐν Τυρρηνικῷ πελάγει ἐς ὕψος μέγα ἐγεί-
povtos), τότε δὴ αὐτοί τε καὶ Βονιφάτιος ἐς
ἔννοιαν ἦλθον ὡς ἄρα ὁ θεὸς τὰ χρήματα Ῥω-
μαίοις διξόναι ἐθέλων τὴν ναῦν οὐκ ἐῴη ἀνάγεσθαι.
μόλις μέντοι τοῦ λιμένος ἔξω γενόμενοι ξὺν

1 ἐν ταύτη τε Ῥ: ἐς αὐτήν τε Υ, ἐς ταύτην Ο.

244

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. iv. 32-38

guard. And there it came about that the following
event happened to him.

_ In the house of Gelimer there was a certain scribe
named Boniface, a Libyan, and a native of Byzacium,
a man exceedingly faithful to Gelimer. At the
beginning of this war Gelimer had put this Boniface
on a very swift-sailing ship, and placing all the royal
treasure in it commanded him to anchor in the harbour
of Hippo Regius, and if he should see that the situa-
tion was not favourable to their side, he was to sail
with all speed to Spain with the money, and go to
Theudis, the leader of the Visigoths, where he was
expecting to find safety for himself also, should the
fortune of war prove adverse for the Vandals. So
Boniface, as long as he felt hope for the cause of the
Vandals, remained there ; but as soon as the battle
in Tricamarum took place, with all the other events
which have been related, he spread his canvas and
sailed away just as Gelimer had directed him. But an
opposing wind brought him back, much against his
will, into the harbour of Hippo Regius. And since he
had already heard that the enemy were somewhere
neat, he entreated the sailors with many promises to
row with all their might for some other continent or
for an island. But they were unable to do so, since
a very severe storm had fallen upon them and’ the
waves of the sea were rising to a great height, seeing
that it was the Tuscan sea,! and then it occurred to
them and to Boniface that, after all, God wished to
give the money to the Romans and so was not allowing
the ship to put out. However, though they had got
outside the harbour, they encountered great danger

1 The Greek implies that the Tuscan Sea was stormy, like
the Adriatic. The Syrtes farther east had a bad reputation.

245

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

κινδύνῳ μεγάλῳ τὴν ναῦν ἀνεκώχενον. ὡς δὲ
ἀφίκετο Βελισάριος εἰς τὸ ᾿Ἱππονερέγιον, πέμπει
τινὰς παρ᾽ αὐτὸν Βονιφάτιος. ods δὴ ἐν ἱερῷ
καθῆσθαι ἐκέλευεν, ἐροῦντας μὲν ὡς πρὸς 1 Βονι-
φατίου σταλεῖεν τοῦ τὰ Γελίμερος χρήματα
ἔχοντος, ἀποκρυψομένους δὲ ὅπη ποτὲ εἴη, πρίν
γε δὴ τὰ πιστὰ λάβοιεν ὡς τὰ Γελίμερος χρήματα
διδοὺς αὐτὸς ἀπαλλάξει κακῶν ἀπαθής, ἔχων ὅσα
αὐτοῦ οἰκεῖα εἴη. καὶ οἱ μὲν ταῦτα ἔπρασσον,
Βελισάριος δὲ ἥσθη τε τῇ εὐαγγελίᾳ καὶ ὀμεῖσθαι
οὐκ ἀπηξίου. στείλας τε τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τινὰς
τόν τε Τελίμερος πλοῦτον ἔλαβε καὶ Βονιφάτιον
ξὺν τοῖς χρήμασι τοῖς αὐτοῦ ἀφῆκε, πάμπολύ τι
χρῆμα τοῦ Τ᾿ελίμερος συλήσαντα πλούτου.

"Exel δὲ ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἀνέστρεφε, Bavdtrous
τε ἅπαντας ἐν παρασκευῇ ἐποιεῖτο, ὅπως ἅμα ἦρι
ἀρχομένῳ ἐς Βυζάντιον πέμψειε, καὶ στράτευμα
ἔστελλεν ἐφ᾽ ᾧ ἀνασώσοιντο Ῥωμαίοις ἅπαντα
ὧν Βανδίλοι ἦρχον. Κύριλλον μὲν οὖν ξὺν
πλήθει πολλῷ ἐς Σαρδὼ ἔπεμψε, τὴν Τ᾽ζάξωνος
κεφαλὴν ἔχοντα, ἐπεὶ οἱ νησιῶται οὗτοι ἥκιστα
προσχωρεῖν Ῥωμαίοις ἐβούλοντο, δεδιότες τε
τοὺς Βανδίλους καὶ οὐκ ἂν οἰόμενοι ἀληθῆ εἶναι
ὅσα σφίσι ξυνενεχθῆναι ἐν Τρικαμώρῳ ἐλέγετο.
τούτῳ δὲ τῷ Κυρίλλῳ ἐπήγγελλε μοῖραν τοῦ
στρατοῦ ἐς Κουρσικὴν πέμψαντα τῇ Ῥωμαίων
ἀρχῇ τὴν νῆσον ἀνακτήσασθαι, Βανδίλων κατ-
ἤκοον τὰ πρότερα οὖσαν, ἣ Κύρνος μὲν ἐν τοῖς ἄνω

1 πρὸς PO: mapa V
246

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. iv. 38-v. 3

in bringing their ship back to anchorage. And when
Belisarius arrived at Hippo Regius, Boniface sent
some men to him. These he commanded to sit in a
sanctuary, and they were to say that they had been
sent by Boniface, who had the money of Gelimer,
but to conceal the place where he was, until they
should receive the pledges of Belisarius that upon
giving Gelimer’s money he himself should escape free
from harm, having all that was hisown. These men,
then, acted according to these instructions, and Beli-
sarius was pleased at the good news and did not
decline to take an oath. And sending some of his
associates he took the treasure of Gelimer and
released Boniface in possession of his own money and
also with an enormous sum which he plundered from
Gelimer’s treasure.

Anp when he returned to Carthage, he put all the
Vandals in readiness, so that at the opening of spring
he might send them to Byzantium ; and he sent out -
an army to recover for the Romans everything which
the Vandals ruled. And first he sent Cyril to
Sardinia with a great force, having the head of
Tzazon, since these islanders were not at all willing
to yield to the Romans, fearing the Vandals and
thinking that what had been told them as having
happened in Tricamarum could not be true. And
he ordered this Cyril to send a portion of the army
to Corsica, and to recover for the Roman empire the
island, which had been previously subject to the
Vandals; this island was called Cyrnus in early

247

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

χρόνοις ἐπεκαλεῖτο, οὐ πόρρω δὲ ἀπὸ Σαρδοῦς
ἐστιν. ὁ δὲ ἐς Σαρδὼ ἀφικόμενος τήν τε Τ᾽ζάζωνος
κεφαλὴν τοῖς ταύτῃ ὠκημένοις ἐπέδειξεϊ καὶ ἄμφω
τὰ νήσω τῇ Ρωμαίων βασιλείᾳ ἐς φόρου ἀπαγω-
γὴν ἀνεσώσατο. ἐς δὲ Καισάρειαν τὴν ἐν Μαυ-
ριτανοῖς Βελισάριος ᾿Ιωάννην ξὺν λόχῳ πεζικῷ
οὗ δὴ αὐτὸς ἡγεῖτο ἔπεμψεν, ἣ ὁδῷ μὲν ἡμερῶν
τριάκοντα εὐζώνῳ ἀνδρὶ Καρχηδόνος διέχει, ἐς
Τάδειρά τε καὶ τὰς ἡλίου δυσμὰς 3 ἰόντι: κεῖται
δὲ ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ, μεγάλη τε καὶ πολυάνθρωπος
ἐκ παλαιοῦ οὖσα. ᾿Ιωάννην δὲ ἄλλον, τῶν οἰκείων
ὑπασπιστῶν ἕνα, ἐς τὸν ἐν Ταδείροις πορθμὸν
καὶ τὴν ἑτέραν τῶν Ἡρακλέους στηλῶν ἔπεμψε,
τὸ ἐκείνῃ φρούριον, ὃ Σέπτον καλοῦσι, καθέξοντα.
ἐς δὲ τὰς νήσους αἵπερ ἀγχοῦ εἰσι τῆς ὠκεανοῦ
ἐσβολῆς, "Π βουσά τε καὶ Μαϊορίκα καὶ Μινορίκα
ἐπιχωρίως καλούμεναι, ᾿Απολλινάριον ἔστειλεν,
ὃς ἐξ ᾿Ιταλίας μὲν ὥρμητο, μειράκιον δὲ dv ἔτι ἐς
Λιβύην ἀφῖκτο καὶ πολλοῖς χρήμασι πρὸς
Trdepixou τότε Βανδίλων ἡγουμένου δεδωρημένος,
ἐπεὶ παρελέλυτο τῆς ἀρχῆς ᾿Ιλδέριχος καὶ ἐν
φυλακῇ, ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐρρήθη,
εἴχετο, ἐς Ιουστινιανὸν βασιλέα ξὺν Λίβυσι
τοῖς ἄλλοις οἱ τὰ ᾿[Γλδερίχου ἔπρασσον, ἱκετεύσων
ἦλθε. στρατεύσας τε ξὺν τῷ Ῥωμαίων στόλῳ
ἐπὶ Τελίμερα καὶ Βανδίλους, ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς ἐν τῷ
πολέμῳ τῷδε καὶ πάντων μάλιστα ἐν Ῥρικαμάρῳ
ἐγένετο. καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἔργου Βελισάριος
τὰς νήσους οἱ τάσδε ἐπέτρεψε. μετὰ δὲ καὶ ἐς
1 ἐπέδειξε VO: ἀπέδειξε P.

2 ἡλίου δυσμὰς VO Theophanes: ἡρακλέους στήλας P.
3 ἀφῖκτο Dindorf : ἀφίκετο MSS,

248

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. ν. 3-10

times, and is not far from Sardinia. So he came to
Sardinia and displayed the head of Tzazon to the
inhabitants of the place, and he won back both the
islands and made them tributary to the Roman
domain. And to Caesarea! in Mauretania Belisarius
sent John with an infantry company which he usually
commanded himself; this place is distant from
Carthage a journey of thirty days for an unencumbered
traveller, as one goes towards Gadira and the west;
and it is situated upon the sea, having been a great
and populous city from ancient times. Another John,
one of his own guardsmen, he sent to Gadira on the
strait and by one of the Pillars of Heracles, to take pos-
session of the fort there which they call “ Septem.” 2
And to the islands which are near the strait where
the ocean flows in, called Ebusa and Majorica and
Minorica* by the natives, he sent Apollinarius, who
was a native of Italy, but had come while still a lad
to Libya. And he had been rewarded with great
sums of money by Ilderic, who was then leader ot
the Vandals, and after Ilderic had been removed from
the office and was in confinement, as has been told
in the previous narrative,! he came to the Emperor
Justinian with the other Libyans who were working
in the interest of Ilderic, in order to entreat his
favour as a suppliant. And he joined the Roman
expedition against Gelimer and the Vandals, and
proved himself a brave man in this war and most of
all at Tricamarum. And as a result of his deeds
there Belisarius entrusted to him these islands. And
later Belisarius sent an army also into Tripolis to

1 About twelve miles west of Algiers, originally Iol, now
Cherchel ; named after Augustus.

2 See III. i. 6 and note. 3 See III. i. 18.

4 Book III. ix. 9.

2
VOL. II, I 49

1ὅ

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

\ \ A
Τρίπολιν Iovédevtio te καὶ Ταττιμοὺθ πρὸς τῶν
lg
ἐκείνῃ Μαυρουσίων πιεζομένοις στράτευμα πέμ-
,
as τὴν Ῥωμαίων δύναμιν ταύτῃ ἐπέρρωσε.

/ ᾽ - Ἂ,
Στείλας δὲ καὶ ἐς Σικελίαν τινάς, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τὸ

,
ἐν Λιλυβαίῳ φρούριον ἅτε τῇ Βανδίλων ἀρχῇ
προσῆκον ἕξουσιν, ἀπεκρούσθη ἐνθένδε, Γότθων
ἥκιστα ἀξιούντων Σικελίας τινὰ ξυγχωρεῖν μοῖ-
ραν, ὡς οὐδὲν τὸ φρούριον τοῦτο Βανδίλοις
προσῆκον. ὁ δέ, ἐπεὶ ταῦτα ἤκουσε, πρὸς τοὺς
ἄρχοντας οἱ ταύτῃ ἦσαν ἔγραψε τάδε: “Λιλύβαιον
τὸ Βανδίλων φρούριον τῶν βασιλέως δούλων
ἀποστερεῖτε ἡμᾶς, οὐ δίκαια ποιοῦντες οὐδὲ ὑμῖν
αὐτοῖς ξύμφορα, καὶ ἄρχοντι τῷ ὑμετέρῳ οὔτι:
ἑκόντι καὶ μακρὰν ἀπολελειμμένῳ τῶν πρασσο-
μένων ἐκπολεμῶσαι βούλεσθε βασιλέα τὸν μέγαν,
οὗ τὴν εὔνοιαν πόνῳ πολλῷ κτησάμενος ἔχει.
Kaito. πῶς οὐκ ἂν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀνθρωπείου τρόπου
ποιεῖν δόξαιτε, εἰ Τελίμερα μὲν ἔναγχος ἔχειν
ξυνεχωρεῖτε τὸ φρούριον, βασιλέα δὲ τὸν τοῦ
Γελίμερος κύριον ἀφαιρεῖσθαι τὰ τοῦ δούλου
κτήματα ἔγνωτε; μὴ ὑμεῖς γε, ὦ βέλτιστοι. GAN
ἐνθυμεῖσθε, ὡς φιλία μὲν αἰτίας πολλὰς καλύ-
mre πέφυκεν, ἔχθρα δὲ οὐδὲ τῶν σμικροτάτων
ἀδικημάτων ἀνέχεται, ἀλλὰ διερευνᾶται μὲν
ἅπαντα ἄνωθεν, οὐ περιορᾷ δὲ πλουτοῦντας τοῖς
γε οὐδὲν προσήκουσι τοὺς πολεμίους. εἶτα

1 οὔτι Haury: οὔτοι V, οὔτε P, οὐκέτι Ο.

250

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. v. 10-15

Pudentius and Tattimuth,! who were being pressed
by the Moors there, and thus strengthened the
Roman power in that quarter.

He also sent some men to Sicily in order to take
the fortress in Lilybaeum, as belonging to the
Vandals’ kingdom,? but he was repulsed from there,
since the Goths by no means saw fit to yield any part
of Sicily, on the ground that this fortress did not
belong to the Vandals at all. And when Belisarius
heard this, he wrote to the commanders who were
there as follows : “ You are depriving us of Lilybaeum,
the fortress of the Vandals who are the slaves of the
emperor, and are not acting justly nor in a way to
benefit yourselves, and you wish to bring upon your
ruler, though he does not so will it and is far distant
from the scene of these actions, the hostility of the
great emperor, whose good-will he has, having won
it with great labour. And yet how could you but
seem to be acting contrary to the ways of men, it
you recently allowed Gelimer to hold the fortress, but
have decided to wrest from the emperor, Gelimer’s
master, the possessions of the slave? You, at least,
should not act thus, most excellent sirs. But reflect
that, while it is the nature of friendship to cover
over many faults, hostility does not brook even the
smallest misdeeds, but searches the past for every
offence, and allows not its enemy to grow rich on
what does not in the least belong to them.? Moreover,

1 See IIT. x. 23

2 Lilybaeum had been ceded to the Vandals by Theoderic
as dower of his sister Amalafrida on her marriage to Thrasa-
mund, the African king (III. viii. 13).

3 ἐς Friendship” and ‘‘hostility” refer to the present
relations between Justinian and the Gothsand what they may

become.

251

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

μάχεται ὑπὲρ ὧν τοὺς προγόνους ἠδικῆσθαί φησι"
καὶ ἢν μὲν σφαλῇ ἐν τῷ ,κινδύνῳ, ἀπώλεσε τῶν
ὑπαρχόντων οὐδέν, εὐημερήσασα δὲ μεταμανθάνειν
ποιεῖ τοὺς ἡσσημένους τὸ σύγγνωμον. ὑμεῖς οὖν
μήτε δράσητε ἡμᾶς μηδὲν περαιτέρω κακὸν μήτε
αὐτοὶ πάθητε, μήτε πολέμιον, κατεργάσησθε τῷ
Ῥότθων γένει “βασιλέα. τὸν μέγαν, ὃν ὑμῖν ἵλεων
εἶναι ἐν εὐχῇ ἐστιν. εὖ γὰρ ἴστε ὡς τοῦδε μετα-
ποιουμένοις ὑμῖν τοῦ φρουρίου ὁ πόλεμος ἐν ποσὶν
ἔσται οὐχ ὑπὲρ τοῦ Λιλυβαίου μόνον, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ
ἁπάντων ὧν οὐδὲν προσῆκον ὑμῖν εἶτα ἀντέχεσθε."
Τοσαῦτα μὲν ἡ ἐπιστολὴ ἐδήλου. Γότθοι δὲ
ἀνήνεγκάν τε ταῦτα ἐς τοῦ ᾿Αταλαρίχου τὴν
μητέρα καὶ πρὸς τῆς γυναικὸς ἐπιτεταγμένον
σφίσιν ἀπεκρίναντο ὧδε “Τὰ γράμματα ἃ
γέγραφας, ἄριστε Βελισάριε, παραίνεσιν μὲν
ἀληθῆ φέρει, ἐς ἄχλους δὲ ἀνθρώπων τινάς, οὐκ
εἰς τοὺς Τότθους ἡμᾶς ἥκουσαν. ἡμεῖς γὰρ οὐδὲν
τῶν βασιλέως ᾿Ιουστινιανοῦ λαβόντες ἔχομεν,
μή tote} οὕτω μανείημε." Σικελίαν δὲ ξύμπασαν
προσποιούμεθα ἡμετέραν οὖσαν, ἧς δὴ ἄκρα μία
τὸ ἐν Λιλυβαίῳ φρούριόν ἐστιν. εἰ δὲ Θευδέριχος
τὴν ἀδελφὴν τῷ Βανδίλων βασιλεῖ ξυνοικοῦσαν
τῶν τινι Σικελίας ἐμπορίων. ἐκέλευσε χρῆσθαι,
οὐδὲν τοῦτο «πρᾶγμα. οὐ γὰρ ἂν τοῦτο δικαιώ-
ματος ὑμῖν ὁτουοῦν ἀξίωσιν φέροι. σὺ μέντοι, ὧ
στρατηγέ, πράττοις ἂν τὰ δίκαια πρὸς ἡμᾶς. ἤν
γε τῶν ἐν ἡμῖν ἀντιλεγομένων τὴν διάλυσιν οὐχ
ὡς πολέμιος, ἀλλ᾽ ἅτε φίλος ποιεῖσθαι θέλοις."
διαφέρει Ἂ ὅτι οἱ μὲν φίλοι τὰ διάφορα ἐν τῆ

1 μή ποτε PO: μήτενν.
2 θέλοις P: θέλεις V, ἐθέλοις Ο.

252

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. v. 15-23

the enemy fights to avenge the wrongs which it says
have been done to its ancestors; and whereas, if
friendship thus turned to hostility fails in the struggle,
it suffers no loss of its own possessions, yet if it suc-
ceeds, it teaches the vanquished to take a new view
of the indulgence which has been shewn them in the
past. See to it, then, that you neither do us further
harm nor suffer harm yourselves, and do not make
the great emperor an enemy to the Gothic nation,
when it is your prayer that he be propitious toward
you. For be well assured that, if you lay claim to this
fortress, war will confront you immediately, and not
for Lilybaeum alone, but for all the possessions you
claim as yours,though not one of them belongs to you.”’

Such was the message of the letter. And the
Goths reported these things to the mother! of Ant-
alaric, and at her direction made the following reply:
“The letter which you have written, most excellent
Belisarius, carries sound admonition, but pertinent
to some other men, not to us the Goths. For there
is nothing of the Emperor Justinian’s which we have
taken and hold; may we never be so mad as to do
such a thing! The whole of Sicily we claim because
it is our own, and the fortress of Lilybaeum is one
of its promontories. And if Theoderic gave his
sister, who was the consort of the king of the
Vandals, one of the trading-ports of Sicily for her
use, this is nothing. For this fact could not afford
a basis for any claim on your part. But you, O
General, would be acting justly toward us, if you
should be willing to make the settlement of the
matters in dispute between us, not as an enemy, but
asa friend, And there is this difference, that friends

1 Amalasountha,

253

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ὃ , τα δὲ / 3 A fa ὃ id 4
Laity, οἱ δὲ πολέμιοι ἐν TH μάχῃ διακρίνειν πεφύ-
κασιν. ἡμεῖς μὲν οὖν ᾿Ιουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ περὶ
τούτων διαιτᾶν ἐπιτρέψομεν, ὅπη ἂν αὐτῷ δοκῇ
t 4 > \ if , δέ €
νόμιμά τε εἶναι Kal δίκαια. βοὐχόμεθᾶ é σε ὡς
βέλτιστα βουλεύσασθαι μᾶλλον ἢ ὡς ταχύτατα
καὶ τὴν παρὰ τοῦ σοῦ βασιλέως προσδέχεσθαι
γνῶσιν." 5. τοσαῦτα μὲν καὶ ἡ τῶν Γότθων γραφὴ
ἐδήλου. Βελισάριος δὲ ἀνενεγκὼν ἅπαντα ἐς
βασιλέα ἡσύχαζεν, ἕως αὐτῷ βασιλεὺς ἐπιστέλλοι
ὅσα ἂν αὐτῷ βουλομένῳ εἴη.

Papas δὲ τῇ προσεδρείᾳ ἤδη ἄχλως τε καὶ
χειμῶνος ὥρᾳ ἀχθόμενος, ἅ ἅμα δὲ καὶ οὐκ ἂν οἰό-
μενος οἵους τε εἶναι τοὺς ἐκείνῃ Μαυρουσίους
ἐμποδὼν σφίσι στήσεσθαι, τῇ ἐς Παπούαν ἀνα-
βάσει ξὺν προθυμίᾳ πολλῇ ἐπεχείρησεν. ἅπαντας
μὲν οὖν εὖ μάλα ἐξοπλίσας τοὺς ἑπομένους ἀνέ-
βαινε. βεβοηθηκότων δὲ τῶν Μαυρουσίων ἅ ἅτε ἐν
χωρίῳ. ἀνάντει τε καὶ λίαν δυσβάτῳ, ἡ κωλύμη ὃ
εὐπετῶς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀνιόντας ἐγίνετο. καρτερῶς δὲ
τοῦ Papa βιαζομένου τὴν ἄνοδον, δέκα "μὲν καὶ
ἑκατὸν τῶν ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ τούτῳ ἀπέ-
θανον, αὐτὸς δὲ ξὺν τοῖς ἐπιλοίποις ἀποκρουσθεὶς
ἀνεχώρησε, καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἀποπειράσασθαι μὲν
τῆς ἀνόδου, ἀντιστατοῦντος τοῦ πρώγματος, οὐκ-
έτι ἐτόλμα, φυλακὴν δὲ ΤΕ σ τον, ἐπ ΠΕΡΊ, ὡς
ἔνι μάλιστα, (τὰ ἕῳ cae ὅπως * οἱ πιεζόμενοι

- βᾶλλον added by Haury. 3. γνῶσιν PO: γνώμην V.
3 κωλύμη VO: λύμη P. 4 ὅπως : εἴπως PO Christ.

254

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. v. 23-vi. 3

are accustomed to settle their disagreements by
arbitration, but enemies by battle. We, therefore,
shall commit this matter to the Emperor Justinian, to
arbitrate! in whatever manner seems to him lawful
and just. And we desire that the decisions you
make shall be as wise as possible, rather than as
hasty as possible, and that you, therefore, await the
decision of your emperor.” Such was the message
of the letter of the Goths. And Belisarius, reporting
all to the emperor, remained quiet until the emperor
should send him word what his wish was.

Bout Pharas, having by this time become weary of
the siege for many reasons, and especially because of
the winter season, and at the same time thinking that
the Moors there would not be able to stand in his
way, undertook the ascent of Papua with great zeal.
Accordingly he armed all his followers very carefully
and began the ascent. But the Moors rushed to the
defence, and since they were on ground which was
steep and very hard to traverse, their efforts to hinder
those making the ascent were easily accomplished.
But Pharas fought hard to force the ascent, and one
hundred and ten of his men perished in this struggle,
and he himself with the remainder was beaten back
and retired; and as a result of this he did not dare
to attempt the ascent again, since the situation was
against him, but he established as careful a guard as

1 The correspondence between Queen Amalasountha and
Justinian is given in V. iii. 17.

255

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

A an €¢ 9: ts n > \ 3 ,
τῷ λιμῷ οἱ ἐν ἸΪαπούᾳ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐγχειρίσειαν,
καὶ οὔτε ἀποδιδράσκειν αὐτοῖς ἐνεδίδου οὔτε τι
τῶν ἔξωθεν ἐς αὐτοὺς φέρεσθαι. ἔνθα δὴ τῷ τε
Γελίμερι καὶ τοῖς ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀδελφιδοῖς τε καὶ
ἀνεψιαδοῖς οὖσι καὶ ἄλλοις ἴ εὖ γεγονόσι, ξυνέπεσε
κακοπαθείᾳ χρῆσθαι ἥν, ὅπως ποτὲ εἴποι τις, οὐκ
ἂν ὁμοίως τοῖς πράγμασι φράζοι. ἐθνῶν yap
ἁπάντων ὧν ἡμεῖς ἴσμεν ἁβρότατον μὲν τὸ τῶν
Βανδίλων, ταλαυπωρότατον δὲ τὸ Μαυρουσίων
τετύχηκεν εἶναι. οἱ μὲν yap,? ἐξ ὅτου Λιβύην
ἔσχον, βαλανείοις τε οἱ ξύμπαντες ἐπεχρῶντο ἐς
ἡμέραν ἑκάστην καὶ τραπέζῃ ἅπασιν εὐθηνούσῃ
ὅσα δὴ γῆ τε καὶ θάλασσα ἥδιστά τε καὶ ἄριστα
φέρει. ἐχρυσοφόρουν δὲ ὡς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον, καὶ

ηδικὴν ἐσθῆτα, ἣν νῦν Σηρικὴν καλοῦσιν, ἀμπ-
εχόμενοι, ἔν τε θεάτροις καὶ ἱπποδρομίοις καὶ τῇ
ἄλλῃ εὐπαθείᾳ, καὶ πάντων μάλιστα κυνηγεσίοις
τὰς διατριβὰς ἐποιοῦντο. καὶ σφίσιν ὀρχησταὶ
καὶ μῖμοι ἀκούσματά τε συχνὰ καὶ θεάματα ἣν,
ὅσα μουσικά τε καὶ ἄλλως ἀξιοθέατα ξυμβαίνει
ἐν ἀνθρώποις εἶναι. καὶ ὠκηντο μὲν αὐτῶν οἱ
πολλοὶ ἐν παραδείσοις, ὑδάτων καὶ δένδρων εὖ
ἔχουσι' ξυμπόσια δὲ ὅτι πλεῖστα ἐποίουν, καὶ
ἔργα τὰ ἀφροδίσια πάντα αὐτοῖς ἐν μελέτῃ πολλῇ
ἤσκητο. Μαυρούσιοι δὲ οἰκοῦσι μὲν ἐν πνιγηραῖς
καλύβαις, χειμῶνί τε καὶ θέρους ὥρᾳ καὶ ἄλλῳ
τῷ ξύμπαντι χρόνῳ, οὔτε χιόσιν οὔτε ἡλίου θέρμῃ
ἐνθένδε οὔτε ἄλλῳ ὁτῳοῦν ἀναγκαίῳ κακῷ ἐξιστά-

1 ἄλλοις Maltretus: ἄλλως MSS. Christ.
2 μὲν γὰρ P: μέντοι Vy μέν γε O.
8 αὐτῶν Hoeschel: αὐτοῖς MSS.

256

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. vi. 3-10

possible, in order that those on Papua, being pressed
by hunger, might surrender themselves; and he
neither permitted them to run away nor anything to
be brought in to them from outside. Then, indeed, it
came about that Gelimer and those about him, who
were nephews and cousins of his and other persons of
high birth, experienced a misery which no one could
describe, however eloquent he might be, in a way
which would equal the facts. For of all the nations
which we know that of the Vandals is the most
luxurious, and that of the Moors the most hardy.
For the Vandals, since the time when they gained
possession of Libya, used to indulge in baths, all
of them, every day, and enjoyed a table abound-
ing in all things, the sweetest and best that the
earth and sea produce. And they wore gold very
generally, and clothed themselves in the Medic
garments, which now they call “seric,’! and passed
their time, thus dressed, in theatres and hippodromes
and in other pleasureable pursuits, and above all else
in hunting. And they had dancers and mimes and
all other things to hear and see which are of a
musical nature or otherwise merit attention among
men. And the most of them dwelt in parks, which
were well supplied with water and trees; and they
had great numbers of banquets, and all manner of
sexual pleasures were in great vogue among them.
But the Moors live in stuffy huts? both in winter
and in summer and at every other time, never re-
moving from them either because of snow or the
heat of the sun or any other discomfort whatever

1 Tn Latin ser ica, ‘‘ silk,” as coming from the Chinese (Seres).
2 Cf. Thucydides’ description of the huts in which the
Athenians lived during the great plague.

257

1ὅ

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

μενοι. καθεύδουσι δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς κώδιον οἱ εὐ-
δαίμονες αὑτοῖς, ἂν οὕτω τύχοι, ὑποστρωννύντες.
ἱμάτια δὲ σφίσιν οὐ ξυμμεταβάλλειν ταῖς ὥραις
νόμος, ἀλλὰ τριβώνιόν τε ἁδρὸν καὶ χιτῶνα
τραχὺν ἐς καιρὸν ἅπαντα ἐνδιδύσκονται. ἔχουσι
δὲ οὔτε ἄρτον οὔτε οἶνον οὔτε ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἀγαθόν,
ἀλλὰ τὸν σῖτον, ἢ τὰς ὀλύρας τε καὶ κριθάς, οὔτε
ἕψοντες οὔτε ἐς ἄλευρα ἢ ἄλφιτα ἀλοῦντες
οὐδὲν ἀλλοιότερον ἢ τὰ ἄλλα Coa ἐσθίουσι.
τοιούτοις δὴ οὖσι τοῖς Μαυρουσίοις οἱ ἀμφὶ τὸν
Τελίμερα συχνὸν ξυνοικήσαντες χρόνον τήν τε
ξυνειθισμένην αὐτοῖς δίαιταν ἐς τοῦτο ταλαιπω-
ρίας μεταβαλόντες, ἐπειδὴ καὶ αὐτὰ σφᾶς τὰ
ἀναγκαῖα ἤδη ἐπιλελοίπει, οὐκέτι ἀντεῖχον, ἀλλὰ
καὶ τὸ τεθνάναι αὐτοῖς ἥδιστον καὶ τὸ δουλεύειν
ἥκιστα αἰσχρὸν ἐνομίζετο.

Ὧν δὴ Φάρας αἰσθόμενος γράφει πρὸς Γελί-
μερα τάδε: “Εἰμὶ μὲν καὶ αὐτὸς βάρβαρος καὶ
γραμμάτων τε καὶ λόγων οὔτε ἐθὰς οὔτε ἄλλως
ἔμπειρος γέγονα. ὅσα δέ μὲ ἄνθρωπον ὄντα
εἰδέναι ἀνάγκη, ἐς τῆς τῶν πραγμάτων φύσεως
ἐκμαθὼν ἔγραψα. τί ποτε ἄρα πεπονθώς, ὦ φίλε
Γελίμερ, οὐ σαυτὸν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ξύμπαν τὸ
σὸν γένος ἐς τὸ βάραθρον τοῦτο ἐμβέβληχκας,
ὅπως δηλαδὴ μὴ γένοιο δοῦλος; πάντως γάρ σε
καὶ νεανιεύεσθαι τοῦτο οἶμαι, καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν
προΐσχεσθαι, ὡς δὴ ἅπαντα ταύτης τὰ μοχθηρὰ
ἀνταλλάσσεσθαι ἄξιον. εἶτα νῦν Μαυρουσίων
τοῖς γε ἀτυχεστάτοις οὐκ οἴει δουλεύειν, ὃς τὴν
ἐλπίδα τοῦ σώξεσθαι, ἢν τὰ κράτιστα φέρῃ, ἐπ᾽
αὐτοῖς ἔχεις; καίτοι πῶς ἂν οὐχὶ τῷ παντὶ

1 ἀλοῦντες Herwerden : ἄγοντες MSS,

258

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. vi. 10-20

due to nature. And they sleep on the ground, the
prosperous among them, if it should so happen,
spreading a fleece under themselves. Moreover,
it is not customary among them to change their
clothing with the seasons, but they wear a thick
cloak and a rough shirt at all times. And they have
neither bread nor wine nor any other good thing, but
they take grain, either wheat or barley, and, without
boiling it or grinding it to flour or barley-meal, they
eat it in a manner not a whit different from that of
animals. Since the Moors, then, were of a such a
sort, the followers of Gelimer, after living with them
for a long time and changing their accustomed manner
of life to such a miserable existence, when at last even
the necessities of life had failed, held out no longer,
but death was thought by them most sweet and
slavery by no means disgraceful.

Now when this was learned by Pharas, he wrote to
Gelimer as follows: “I too am a barbarian and not
accustomed to writing and speaking, nor am I skilful
in these matters. But that which I am forced as a
man to know, having learned from the nature of
things, this I am writing you. What in the world
has happened to you, my dear Gelimer, that you
have cast, not yourself alone, but your whole family
besides, into this pit? Is it, forsooth, that you may
avoid becoming a slave? But this is assuredly
nothing but youthful folly, and making of ‘liberty’
a mere shibboleth, as though liberty were worth pos-
sessing at the price of all this misery! And, after all,
do you not consider that you are, even now, a slave
to the most wretched of the Moors, since your only
hope of being saved, if the best happens, is in them?
And yet why would it not be better in every way to

259

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἄμεινον εἴη δουλεύειν ἐν Ῥωμαίοις πτωχεύοντα ἢ
τυραννεῖν ἐν ἸΪαπούᾳ τε καὶ Μαυρουσίοις; πάν-
tos δέ cot καὶ τὸ ξυνδούλῳ Βελισαρίῳ εἶναι
ὑπερβολή τις ὕβρεως φαίνεται. ἄπαγε, ὦ βέλ-
tiote Γελίμερ. ἢ οὐ καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐξ εὐπατριδῶν
γεγονότες βασιλεῖ νῦν ὑπηρετεῖν αὐχοῦμεν; καὶ
μὴν λέγουσιν ᾿Ιουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ βουλομένῳ
εἶναι ἔς τε βουλὴν ἀνάγραπτόν σε ποιήσασθαι,
τιμῆς μεταλαχόντα τῆς ἀνωτάτω, ἣν δὴ πατρι-
κίων καλοῦσι, καὶ χώρᾳ πολλῇ τε καὶ ἀγαθῇ καὶ
χρήμασι μεγάλοις δωρήσασθαι, Βελισάριόν τε
ἐθέλειν ἀναδέχεσθαι πάντα ταῦτα ἔσεσθαί σοι,
πίστεις διδόντα. σὺ δὲ ὅσα μὲν ἡ τύχη μοχθηρὰ
ἤνεγκε, φέρειν γενναίως οἷός τε εἶ πάντα τὰ
ἐνθένδε ἀνθρώπῳ ye ὄντι ἀναγκαῖα εἶναι οἰόμενος.
ἢν δέ τινι ἀγαθῷ τὰ δυσχερῆ ταῦτα ξυγκεραν-
νύειν βεβούλευται, τοῦτο δὲ αὐτὸς ἐθελούσιος
δέξασθαι οὐκ ἂν ἀξιοίης; ἢ ἢ ον ὁμοίως τοῖς prav-
pois ἀναγκαῖά ye ἡμῖν καὶ τὰ παρὰ τῆς τύχης
ἀγαθὰ λογιστέον; ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν οὐδὲ τοῖς
σφόδρα ἀνοήτοις δοκεῖ. σοὶ δὲ νῦν μὲν βεβαπτισ-
μένῳ ταῖς ξυμφοραῖς, ἀξυνέτῳ, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, συμ-
βαίνει εἶναι" ἀθυμία γὰρ ἐκπλήξασα εἰς ἀβουλίαν
τρέπεσθαι πέφυκεν" ἣν δὲ φέρειν τὴν διάνοιαν
τὴν σαυτοῦ δύναιο καὶ μὴ πρὸς τύχην μεταβαλ-
λομένην ἀγανακτεῖν, παρέσται σοι αὐτίκα δὴ
μάλα τά τε ξύμφορα ἑλέσθαι, ἅπαντα καὶ τῶν
ἐπικειμένων ἀπηλλάχθαι κακῶν."

1 διδόντα VP: διδόντι Ο. 2 δὲ ΡΟ: 3H V.
260

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. vi. 20-26

be a slave among the Romans and beggared, than to
be monarch on Mount Papua with Moors as your
subjects? But of course it seems to you the very
height of disgrace even to be a fellow slave with
Belisarius! Away with the thought, most excellent
Gelimer. Are not we,! who also are born of noble
families, proud that we are now in the service of an
emperor? And indeed they say that it is the wish
of the Emperor Justinian to have you enrolled in the
senate, thus sharing in the highest honour and being
a patrician, as we term that rank, and to present you
with lands both spacious and good and with great
sums of money, and that Belisarius is willing to make
himself responsible for your having all these things,
and to give you pledges. Now as for all the miseries
which fortune has brought you, you are able to bear
with fortitude whatever comes from her, knowing
that you are but a man and that these things are
inevitable; but if fortune has purposed to temper
these adversities with some admixture of good, would
you of yourself refuse to accept this gladly? Or
should we consider that the good gifts of fortune are
not just as inevitable as are her undesirable gifts?
Yet such is not the opinion of even the utterly
senseless; but you, it would seem, have now lost
your good judgment, steeped as you are in misfor-
tunes. Indeed, discouragement is wont to confound
the mind and to be transformed to folly. If, however,
you can bear your own thoughts and refrain from
rebelling against fortune when she changes, it will
be possible at this very moment for you to choose
that which will be wholly to your advantage, and to
escape from the evils which hang over you.”

1 Pharas and the other Eruli.
261

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Tatra Τελίμερ τὰ γράμματα ἀναλεξάμενος
ἀποκλαύσας τε δεινῶς ἀντέγραψεν ὧδε: “ Καὶ τῆς
ξυμβουλῆς ἥν μοι ἐποιήσω πολλὴν ἔχω σοι χάριν
καὶ πολεμίῳ ἀδικοῦντι δουλεύειν οὐκ ἀνεκτὸν
οἶμαι, παρ᾽ οὗ ἂν δίκην εὐξαίμην λαβεῖν, εἴ μοι ὁ
θεὸς ἵλεως εἴη, ὅς γε οὐδὲν πώποτε ἄχαρι πρὲς
ἐμοῦ οὔτε ἔργῳ παθὼν οὔτε λόγῳ ἀκούσας πολέ-
μῳ μὲν αἰτίαν οὐκ ἔχοντι παρέσχετο σκῆψιν, ἐμὲ
δὲ ἐς τοῦτο μετήνεγκε τύχης, Βελισάριον οὐκ οἶδα
ὅθεν ἐπενεγκών. καίτοι καὶ αὐτῷ ἀνθρώπῳ γε
ὄντι, καὶ βασιλεῖ οὐδὲν ἀπεικὸς ξυμβήσεσθαί τι
ὧν οὐκ ἂν ἕλοιτο. ἐγὼ μέντοι περαιτέρω τι
γράφειν οὐκ ἔχω. ἀφείλετο γάρ pe τὴν ἔν-
νοιᾶν ἡ παροῦσα τύχη. ἀλλὰ χαῖρέ por, ὦ
φίλε Φάρα, καί μοι κιθάραν τε καὶ ἄρτον
ἕνα καὶ σπόγγον δεομένῳ πέμπε." ταῦτα ἐπεὶ
ἀπενεχθέντα ὁ Φάρας ἔγνω, χρόνον δή τινα διη-
πορεῖτο τῆς ἐπιστολῆς τὸ ἀκροτελεύτιον συμ-
βαλεῖν οὐκ ἔχων, ἕως οἱ ὁ ταύτην κομίσας ἔφρα-
σεν ὡς ἄρτου μὲν ἑνὸς δέοιτο Γελίμερ, ἐπιθυμῶν
ἐς θέαν τε αὐτοῦ ἀφικέσθαι καὶ βρῶσιν, ἐπεὶ ἐξ
οὗ ἐς Ἰ]απούαν ἀναβέβηκεν, οὐδένα που ἄρτον
ὠπτημένον εἶδε. σπόγγος δέ οἱ ἀναγκαῖος εἴη:
τοῖν γάρ οἱ ὀφθαλμοῖν ἅτερος, τραχυνόμενος τῇ
ἀλουσίᾳ, ἐς ἄγαν ἐπῆρται. κιθαριστῇ δὲ ἀγαθῷ
ὄντι ὠδή τις αὐτῷ ἐς ξυμφορὰν τὴν παροῦσαν
πεποίηται, ἣν δὴ πρὸς κιθάραν θρηνῆσαί τε καὶ
ἀποκλαῦσαι ἐπείγεται. ταῦτα ἀκούσας Φάρας
περιαλγήσας τε καὶ τύχην τὴν ἀνθρωπείαν ἀπο-
λοφυράμενος κατὰ τὰ γεγραμμένα ἐποίει καὶ

262

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. vi. 27-34

When Gelimer had read this letter and wept
bitterly over it, he wrote in reply as follows: “I am
both deeply grateful to you for the advice which you
have given me and I also think it unbearable to be a
slave to an enemy who wrongs me, from whom I
should pray God to exact justice, if He should be
propitious to me,—an enemy who, though he had
never experienced any harm from me either in deeds
which he suffered or in words which he heard,
provided a pretext for a war which was unprovoked,
and reduced me to this state of misfortune, bringing
Belisarius against me from I know not where. And
yet it is not at all unlikely that he also, since he is
but a man, though he be emperor too, may have
something befall him which he would not choose.
But as for me, I am not able to write further. For my
present misfortune has robbed me of my thoughts.
Farewell, then, dear Pharas, and send me a lyre and
one loaf of bread and a sponge,I pray you.” When
this reply was read by Pharas, he was at a loss for
some time, being unable to understand the final
words of the letter, until he who had brought the
letter explained that Gelimer desired one loaf
because he was eager to enjoy the sight of it and to
eat it, since from the time when he went up upon
Papua he had not seen a single baked loaf. A
sponge also was necessary for him; for one of his
eyes, becoming irritated by lack of washing, was
greatly swollen. And being a skilful harpist he had
composed an ode relating to his present misfortune,
which he was eager to chant to the accompaniment
of a lyre while he wept out his soul. When Pharas
heard this, he was deeply moved, and lamenting the
fortune of men, he did as was written and sent all

263

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

i 4 oe ? a , a
πάντα ἔπεμπεν ὅσων αὐτοῦ ἔχρῃζε Γελίμερ. τῆς
μέντοι προσεδρείας οὐδὲν μεθιεὶς ἐφύλασσε μᾶλ-
λον ἢ πρότερον.

VII

"HS δὲ a a , 9 Ψ ὃ) a
ἡ 0€ τριῶν μηνῶν χρόνος ἐν ταύτῃ δὴ TH
προσεδρείᾳ ἐτρίβη καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἐτελεύτα. καὶ
Γελίμερ ἐδεδίει, τοὺς πολιορκοῦντας ἐπ’ αὐτὸν
οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ἀναβήσεσθαι ὑποτοπάζων: καὶ
τῶν οἱ συγγενῶν παιδίων τὰ πλεῖστα σώματα
σκώληκας ἐν ταύτῃ δὴ τῇ ταλαιπωρίᾳ ἠφίει.
καὶ ἐν ἅπασι μὲν περιώδυνος ἦν, ἐς ἅπαντα δέ,
πλήν γε δὴ τοῦ θνήσκειν, δυσάρεστος, τῇ μέντοι
κακοπαθείᾳ παρὰ δόξαν ἀντεῖχεν, ἕως οἱ θέαμα
ἰδεῖν ξυνηνέχθη τοιόνδε. γυνή τις Μαυρουσία
σῖτον ὀλίγον ἀμωσγέπως ξυγκοψαμένη, μᾶξαν δὲ
ἐνθένδε βραχεῖαν κομιδῇ ποιησαμένη ἐς ξέουσαν
τὴν σποδιὰν τὴν ἐν τῇ ἐσχάρᾳ ἐνέβαλεν. οὕτω
γὰρ νόμος ἐν Μαυρουσίοις τοὺς ἄρτους ὀπτᾶσθαι.
παρὰ ταύτην δὴ τὴν ἐσχάραν δύο παῖδε καθη-
μένω καὶ τῷ λιμῷ ὑπεράγαν βιαξομένω, ἅτερος
μὲν αὐτῆς τῆς ἀνθρώπου υἱὸς ἣ τὴν μᾶξαν ἐμβε-
βλημένη ἐτύγχανεν, ὁ δὲ ἕτερος ΓΠελίμερος ἀδελ-
φιδοῦς ὦν, ἐβουλέσθην ταύτην δὴ τὴν μᾶξαν
ὡἁρπάσασθαι, ἐπειδὰν αὐτοῖς ῖ τάχιστα ὠπτῆσθαι
δοκῇ. τούτοιν τοῖν παίδοιν ὁ μὲν Βανδίλος προ-
τερήσας ἔφθασέ τε τὴν μᾶξαν ἁρπάσας καὶ ξέου-
σαν ἔτι ὡς μάλιστα σποδιᾶς τε ἀνάπλεων οὗσαν,
ὑπερβιαξζομένου αὐτὸν τοῦ λιμοῦ, ἐς τὸ στόμα
ἐμβαλόμενος ἤσθιεν, ὁ δὲ ἕτερος λαβόμενος αὐτοῦ
1 αὐτοῖς VP: αὐτῆ Ο.

264

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. vi. 34-vii. 5

the things which Gelimer desired of him. However
he relaxed the siege not a whit, but kept watch
more closely than before.

VII

Anp already a space of three months had been
spent in this siege and the winter was coming to an
end. And Gelimer was afraid, suspecting that his
besiegers would come up against him after no great
time ; and the bodies of most of the children who
were related to him! were discharging worms in this
time of misery. And though in everything he was
deeply distressed, and looked upon everything,—
except, indeed, death,—with dissatisfaction, he
nevertheless endured the suffering beyond all ex-
pectation, until it happened that he beheld a sight
such as the following. A certain Moorish woman
had managed somehow to crush a little corn, and
making of it a very tiny cake, threw it into the hot
ashes on the hearth. For thus it is the custom among
the Moors to bake their loaves. And beside this
hearth two children were sitting, in exceedingly great
distress by reason of their hunger, the one being the
son of the very woman who had thrown in the cake,
and the other a nephew of Gelimer ; and they were
eager to seize the cake as soon as it should seem to
them to be cooked. And of the two children the
Vanda) got ahead of the other and snatched the
cake first, and, though it was still exceedingly hot
and covered with ashes, hunger overpowered him,
and he threw it into his mouth and was eating it,
when the other seized him by the hair of the head

1 Cf. ch. vi. 4.
265

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

τῶν ἐν TH κεφαλῇ τριχῶν ἐπάταξέ Te κατὰ κόρρης
καὶ αὖθις ῥαπίσας ἠνάγκασε τὴν μᾶζαν ξὺν βίᾳ
πολλῇ ἀποβαλεῖν ἤδη ἐν τῇ φάρυγγι οὗσαν.
τοῦτο τὸ πάθος οὐκ ἐνεγκὼν Γελίμερ (παρηκο-
λούθει γὰρ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἅπασιν) ἐθηλύνθη τε τὴν
διάνοιαν καὶ πρὸς Φάραν ὡς τάχιστα ἔγραψε
τάδε: “Ei τινι καὶ ἄλλῳ τετύχηκε πώποτε τὰ
δεινὰ καρτερήσαντι ἀπ᾽ ἐναντίας ἰέναι τῶν πρόσ-
θεν αὐτῷ βεβουλευμένων, τοιοῦτον δή τινα καὶ
ἐμὲ νόμιζε εἶναι, ὦ βέλτιστε Φάρα. εἰσῆλθε γάρ
με ἡ σὴ ξυμβουλή, ἣν δὴ ἀλογῆσαι ἥκιστα βού-

> ἊΝ x > aA
λομαι. , OY Yap ἂν ἀντιτείνοιμι περαιτέρω τῇ
τύχῃ οὐδὲ πρὸς τὴν πεπρωμένην ξυγομαχοίην,
ἀλλ᾽ ἕψομαι αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα, ὅπη ἂν αὐτῇ ἐξη-
γεῖσθαι δοκῇ: ὅπως μέντοι τὰ πιστὰ λάβοιμι,
ἀναδέχεσθαι Βελισάριον βασιλέα ποιήσειν ἅπαν-
τα ὅσα μοι. ἔναγχος ὑπεδέξω. ἐγὼ γάρ, ἐπειδὰν
τάχιστα τὴν πίστιν δοίητε, ἐμαυτόν τε ὑμῖν
ἐγχειριῶ καὶ συγγενεῖς τούσδε καὶ Βανδίλους
ὅσοι ξὺν ἡμῖν ἐνταῦθά εἰσι."

Τοσαῦτα μὲν τῷ Γελίμερι ἐν τῇ ἐπιστολῇ τῇδε
ἐγέγραπτο. Φάρας δὲ ταῦτά τε Βελισαρίῳ καὶ
τὰ πρότερον γεγραμμένα σφίσι πρὸς ἀλλήλους
σημήνας ἐδεῖτο ὡς τάχιστά οἱ δηλῶσαι ὅ τι ἂν
αὐτῷ βουλομένῳ εἴη. Βελισάριος δὲ (καὶ γάρ οἱ
ἐν ἐπιθυμίᾳ μεγάλῃ ἣν ζῶντα Τελίμερα βασιλεῖ
ἀγαγεῖν), ἐπεὶ τάχιστα τὰ γράμματα ἀνελέξατο,!
περιχαρής τε ἐγεγόνει καὶ Κυπριανὸν φοιδεράτων
ἄρχοντα ἐς Παπούαν “ἐκέλευεν ἰέναι ξὺν ἄλλοις
τισιν, ὀρκοὺς τε αὑτοῖς ἐπέστελλε περὶ σωτη-
ρίας Τελίμερός τε καὶ τῶν ξὺν αὐτῷ διδόναι, καὶ

1 ἀνελέξατο PO: ἀνεδέξατο V.
266

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. vii. pet

and struck him over the temple and beat him again
and thus compelled him with great violence to cast
out the cake which was already in his throat. This
584 experience Gelimer could not endure (for he had
followed all from the beginning), and his spirit was
weakened and he wrote as quickly as possible to
Pharas as follows: “If it has ever happened to any
man, after manfully enduring terrible misfortunes,
to take a course contrary to that which he had
previously determined upon, consider me to be such
a one, O most excellent Pharas. For there has come
to my mind your advice, which I am far from wishing
to disregard. For I cannot resist fortune further
nor rebel against fate, but I shall follow straightway
wherever it seems to her best to lead; but let me
receive the pledges, that Belisarius guarantees that
the emperor will do everything which you recently
promised me. For I, indeed, as soon as you give
the pledges, shall put both myself into your hands
and these kinsmen of mine and the Vandals, as many
as are here with us.”

Such were the words written by Gelimer in this
letter. And Pharas, having signified this to Beli-
sarius, as well as what they had previously written
to each other, begged him to declare as quickly as
possible what his wish was. And Belisarius (since
he was greatly desirous of leading Gelimer alive to
the emperor), as soon as he had read the letter,
became overjoyed and commanded Cyprian, a leader
of foederati,! to go to Papua with certain others, and
directed them to give an oath concerning the safety
of Gelimer and of those with him, and to swear that

1 ἐς Auxiliaries” ; see Book III. xi. 3.

267

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

‘ a \ A 2 ‘
ὡς ἐπίτιμός τε παρὰ βασιλεῖ καὶ οὐδενὸς ἐνδεὴς
ie
εἴη. οἵπερ ἐπεὶ παρὰ τὸν Φάραν ἀφίκοντο, ἦλθον
a \ A yf
ξὺν αὐτῷ ἔς τι χωρίον παρὰ Tov τοῦ ὄρους πρό-
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πόδα, ἔνθα σφίσι Vedimep μετάπεμπτος ἦχθε καὶ
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τὰ πιστὰ λαβὼν ἧπερ éBovreTo ἐς Καρχηδόνα
σὺν αὐτοῖς ἧκεν. ἐτύγχανε δὲ Βελισάριος δια-
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Tap αὐτὸν εἰσῆλθε, γελῶν γέλωτα οὔτε φαῦλον
οὔτε κρύπτεσθαι ἱκανὸν ὄντα, τῶν τε αὐτὸν θεω-
μένων ἔνιοι μὲν τῇ τοῦ πάθους ὑπερβολῇ ἁπάντων
τε αὐτὸν ἐκστῆναι τῶν κατὰ φύσιν ὑπώπτευον
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καὶ παραπαίοντα ἤδη λόγῳ οὐδενὶ τὸν γέλωτα
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τε καὶ δέος πολὺ ἐμπεσόντα καὶ κακοπάθειαν τὴν
ἐν Ἰ]απούᾳ ὑποστάντα, καὶ νῦν ἐν αἰχμαλώτων
λόγῳ ἥκοντα, πάντων τε ταύτῃ τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς
τύχης ἀγαθῶν τε καὶ φλαύρων ἐν πείρᾳ γεγονότα,
γ, ἢ \ » ΠῚ ΄ ys ,
ἄλλου οὐδενὸς ἄξια τὰ ἀνθρώπινα ἢ γέλωτος
πολλοῦ οἴεσθαι εἶναι. περὶ μὲν οὖν τοῦ γέλωτος
, Ve
ὃν Τελίμερ ἐγέλα, λεγέτω ὥς πη ἕκαστος γινώ-
Ν > θ nw \ , ὍΝ Ν 3
σκει, καὶ ἐχθρὸς καὶ φίλος. Βελισάριος δὲ ἐς
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Ν fal
δόνι ἀνενεγκὼν ἤτει ξὺν αὐτῷ és Βυζάντιον ἀφι-
κέσθαι. ἅμα δὲ αὐτόν τε καὶ Βανδίλους ἅπαντας
οὐκ ἐν ἀτιμίᾳ ἐφύλασσε καὶ τὸν στόλον ἐν παρά-
σκευῇ ἐποιεῖτο.

268

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. vii. 11-17

he would be honoured before the emperor and would
lack nothing. And when these men had come to
‘Pharas, they went with him to a certain place by
the foot of the mountain, where Gelimer came at
their summons, and after receiving the pledges just
as he wished he came with them to Carthage. And
it happened that Belisarius was staying for a time in
the suburb of the city which they call Aclas.
Accordingly Gelimer came before him in that place,
laughing with such laughter as was neither moderate
nor the kind one could conceal, and some of those
who were looking at him suspected that by reason of
the extremity of his affliction he had changed entirely
from his natural state and that, already beside him-
self, he was laughing for no reason. But his friends
would have it that the man was in his sound mind,
and that because he had been born in a royal family,
and had ascended the throne, and had been clothed
with great power and immense wealth from child-
hood even to old age, and then being driven to
flight and plunged into great fear had undergone
the sufferings on Papua, and now had come as a
captive, having in this way had experience of all
the gifts of fortune, both good and evil, for this
reason, they believed, he thought that man’s lot was
worthy of nothing else than much laughter. Now
concerning this laughter of Gelimer’s, let each one
speak according to his judgment, both enemy and
friend. But Belisarius, reporting to the emperor
that Gelimer was a captive in Carthage, asked
permission to bring him to Byzantium with him.
‘At the same time he guarded both him and all the
Vandals in no dishonour and. proceeded to put the
fleet in readiness.

269

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

a \ 3
18 Πολλὰ μὲν οὖν καὶ ἄλλα ἐν τῷ παντὶ αἰῶνι
> 4 3 “ὃ > tal a 6 1 ὌΣΣΑΝ
ἤδη τε κρείσσω ἐλπίδος ἐς πεῖραν ἤλθεὶ καὶ ἀεὶ
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\ ’ 9 Uy a 9, ” bi a
Te yap λόγῳ ἀδύνατα δοκοῦντα εἶναι, ἔργῳ ἐπιτελῆ
4 \ \ if 3 4 t 6 ,
γίγνεται καὶ Ta τέως ἀδύνατα φανέντα πολλάκις,
20 εἶτα ἀποβάντα θαύματος ἄξια ἔδοξεν εἶναι: εἰ
A a td
μέντοι τοιαῦτα ἔργα πώποτε γεγενῆσθαι τετύχη-
a ’
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ie a
γονον καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν τὴν αὐτοῦ πλούτῳ τε
καὶ στρατιωτῶν δυνάμει ἀκμάξουσαν πρὸς πεντα-
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an y τ
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\ } A
πάντα πρὸς Βανδίλους διήνεγκαν. τοῦτο γὰρ
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9 δ > % ? Ν Ne er > / > /
αὐτὸ ἀγασθείη. ἐγὼ δὲ ὅθενπερ ἐξέβην ἐπάνειμι.

VIII

‘O μὲν οὖν Βανδιλικὸς πόλεμος ἐτελεύτα ὧδε.
ὁ δὲ φθόνος, οἷα ἐν μεγάλῃ εὐδαιμονίᾳ φιλεῖ γί-
γνεσθαι, ὠδαινενὃ ἤδη ἐς Βελισάριον, καίπερ αὐτῷ"
2 οὐδεμίαν παρέχοντα σκῆψιν. τῶν γὰρ ἀρχόν-
τῶν τινὲς διέβαλον αὐτὸν ἐς βασιλέα, τυραννίδα

1 ἤλθονν. 2 ἥξειν Ο.

3 ᾧδαινεν Haury: ὥδινεν MSS.

4 αὐτῷ VP: αὐτοῦ Ο.

δ παρέχοντᾳ P; παρέχοντι V, παρέχοντος Ο.

270

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. vii. 18-—viii. 2

Now many other things too great to be hoped for
have before now been experienced in the long course
of time, and they will continue as long as the for-
tunes of men are the same as they now are; for
those things which seem to reason impossible are
actually accomplished, and many times those things
which previously appeared impossible, when they
have befallen, have seemed to be worthy of wonder ;
but whether such events as these ever took place
before I am not able to say, wherein the fourth
descendant of Gizeric, and his kingdom at the
height of its wealth and military strength, were
completely undone in so short a time by five
thousand men coming in as invaders and having
not a place to cast anchor. For such was the
number of the horsemen who followed Belisarius,
and carried through the whole war against the
Vandals. For whether this happened by chance or
because of some kind of valour, one would justly
marvel at it. But I shall return to the point from
which I have strayed.

VIII

So the Vandalic war ended thus. But envy, as is
wont to happen in cases of great good fortune, was
already swelling against Belisarius, although he pro-
vided no pretext for it. For some of the officers
slandered him to the emperor, charging him, with-
out any grounds whatever, with seeking to set up a
kingdom for himself, a statement for which there

1 ge. there in Africa, as successor to the throne of the
Vandal kings.
271

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

αὐτῷ οὐδαμόθεν προσήκουσαν ἐπικαλοῦντες. Ba-
σιλεὺς δὲ ταῦτα μὲν ἐς τὸ πᾶν οὐκ ἐξήνεγκεν, ἢ
τὴν διαβολὴν ἐν ὀλυγωρίᾳ ποιησάμενος, ἢ καὶ
βέλτιον αὐτῷ ἐνομίσθη. Σολόμωνα δὲ πέμψας
αἵρεσιν Βελισαρίῳ παρέσχετο ἑλέσθαι ὁποτέραν
ἂν αὐτῷ βουλομένῳ εἴη, πότερα ξὺν Γελίμερί τε
καὶ Βανδίλοις ἐς Βυζάντιον ἥκειν, ἢ αὐτοῦ μένοντι
ἐκείνους στεῖλαι. ὁ δὲ (οὐ γὰρ ἔλαθον αὐτὸν οἱ
ἄρχοντες τὴν τυραννίδα ἐπενεγκόντες) ἐς Βυξάν-
τίον ἀφικέσθαι ἠπείγετο, ὅπως δὴ τήν τε αἰτίαν
ἐκλύσηται καὶ τοὺς διαβαλόντας μετελθεῖν δύνη-
ται. ὅτῳ δὲ τρόπῳ τὴν τῶν κατηγόρων πεῖραν
ἔμαθεν, ἐρῶν ἔρχομαι. ὅτε δὴ τὴν διαβολὴν
τήνδε ποιεῖσθαι οἱ διαβαλόντες ἤθελον, δείσαντες
μὴ σφίσιν ὁ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν μέλλων κομιεῖν βα-
σιλεῖ ἐν θαλάσσῃ ἀφανισθεὶς τὰ πρασσόμενα
διακωλύσῃ, ἐν δύο γραμματείοις τὴν τυραννίδα
γράψαντες, ἀγγέλους δύο ὡς βασιλέα ἐν ναυσὶ
δύο στέλλειν διενοοῦντο. τούτοιν ἅτερος μὲν λα-
θὼν ἔπλευσεν, ὁ δὲ ἕτερος ἐξ ὑποψίας δή τινος ἐν
Μανδρακίῳ ἥλω, καὶ τὰ γράμματα τοῖς λαβοῦσιν
αὐτὸν ἐγχειρίσας ἔκπυστα ἐποίει τὰ πρασσόμενα.
ταύτῃ! τε μαθὼν Βελισάριος ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθεῖν τὴν
βασιλέως, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, ἠπείγετο. ταῦτα μὲν
δὴ ἐν Καρχηδόνι ἐφέρετο τῇδε.

Μαυρούσιοι δὲ ὅσοι ἔν τε Βυζακίῳ καὶ Νου-
μιδίᾳ ᾧκηντο, ἐς ἀπόστασίν τε ἐξ αἰτίας οὐδεμιᾶς
εἶδον καὶ τὰς σπονδὰς διαλύσαντες χεῖρας ἀνταί-
pew ἐξαπιναίως Ῥωμαίοις ἔγνωσαν. καὶ τοῦτο
οὐκ ἀπὸ τρόπου τοῦ οἰκείου σφίσιν ἐπράσσετο.
ἔστι γὰρ ἐν Μαυρουσίοις οὔτε θεοῦ φόβος οὔτε ἀν-

1 ταύτῃ VP: ταῦτα Ο.
272

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. viii. 2-10

was no basis whatever. But the emperor did not
disclose these things to the world, either because he
paid no heed to the slander, or because this course
seemed better to him. But he sent Solomon and
gave Belisarius the opportunity to choose whichever
of two things he desired, either to come to Byzan-
tium with Gelimer and the Vandals, or to remain
there and send them. And Belisarius, since it did
not escape him that the officers were bringing against
him the charge of seeking supreme power, was eager
to get to Byzantium, in order that he might clear
himself of the charge and be able to proceed against
his slanderers. Now as to the manner in which he
learned of the attempt of his accusers, I shall
explain. When those who denounced him wished
to present this slander, fearing lest the man who
was to carry their letter to the emperor should be
lost at sea and thus put a stop to their proceedings,
they wrote the aforesaid accusation on two tablets,
purposing to send two messengers to the emperor in
two sbips. And one of these two sailed away with-
out being detected, but the second, on account of
some suspicion or other, was captured in Mandracium,
and putting the writing into the hands of his captors,
he made known what was being done. So Belisarius,
having learned in this way, was eager to come before
the emperor, as has been said. Such, then, was the
course of these events at Carthage.

But the Moors who dwelt in Byzacium and in
Numidia turned to revolt for no good reason, and
they decided to break the treaty and to rise suddenly
against the Romans. And this was not out of keeping
with their peculiar character. For there is among
the Moors neither fear of God nor respect for men.

273

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

θρώπων αἰδώς. μέλει yap αὐτοῖς οὔτε ὅρκων οὔτε
ὁμήρων, ἢν καὶ παῖδες ἢ ἀδελφοὶ τῶν ἐν σφίσιν
ἡγουμένων τύχωσιν ὄντες. οὐδὲ ἄλλῳ οὐδενὶ
εἰρήνη ἐν Μαυρουσίοις, ὅτε μὴ τῶν πολεμίων τῶν
κατ᾽ αὐτῶν δέει κρατύνεται. ὅτῳ δὲ αὐτοῖς αἵ
τε πρὸς Βελισάριον σπονδαὶ ἐγένοντο καὶ ὅτῳ
διελύθησαν τρόπῳ, ἐγὼ δηλώσω. ἡνίκα ὁ βασι-
λέως στόλος ἐπίδοξος ἐγεγόνει ὡς ἐς Λιβύην
ἀφίξεται, δείσαντες οἱ Μαυρούσιοι μή τι ἐνθένδε
κακὸν λάβωσι ταῖς ἐκ τῶν γυναικῶν μαντείαις
ἐχρῶντο. ἄνδρα γὰρ μαντεύεσθαι ἐν τῷ ἔθνει
τούτῳ οὐ θέμις, ἀλλὰ γυναῖκες σφίσι κάτοχοι ἐκ
δή τινος ἱερουργίας γινόμεναι προλέγουσι τὰ
ἐσόμενα, τῶν πάλαι χρηστηρίων οὐδενὸς ἧσσον.
τότε οὖν πυνθανομένοις αὐτοῖς, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, αἱ
γυναῖκες ἀνεῖλον, στρατὸν ἐξ ὑδάτων, Βανδίλων
κατάλυσιν, Μαυρουσίων φθοράν τε καὶ ἧτταν,
ὅτε Ῥωμαίοις ὁ στρατηγὸς ἀγένειος ἔλθοι. ταῦτα
ἀκούσαντες οἱ Μαυρούσιοι, ἐπεὶ τὸ βασιλέως
στράτευμα εἶδον ἐκ θαλάσσης ἧκον, ἐν δέει τε
μεγάλῳ ἐγένοντο καὶ ξυμμαχεῖν Βανδίλοις ἥκιστα
ἤθελον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐς Βελισάριον πέμψαντες καὶ τὴν
εἰρήνην, ὡς πρόσθεν δεδήλωται, κρατυνάμενοι
ἡσύχαζόν τε καὶ τὸ μέλλον ὅπη ἐκβήσεται
ἐκαραδόκουν. ἐπεὶ δὲ Βανδίλων τὰ πράγματα
ἤδη ἐς πέρας ἀφῖκτο, πέμπουσιν ἐς τὸ “Ῥωμαίων
στράτευμα, διερευνώμενοι εἴ τις αὐτοῖς ἐν ἀρχῇ
ἀγένειός ἐστιν. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἅπαντας πώγωνος ἑώρων
ἐμπιπλαμένους, οὐ χρόνον τὸν παρόντα τὸ μαν-
τεῖον σημαΐίνειν σφίσιν @ovTo, ἀλλὰ πολλαῖς
γενεαῖς ὕστερον, ταύτῃ τὸ λόγιον ἑρμηνεύοντες, ἡ
1 ὅτῳ Vi: ὅπως ΡΟ.

274

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. viii. 10-17

For they care not either for oaths or for hostages,
even though the hostages chance to be the children
or brothers of their leaders. Nor is peace maintained
among the Moors by any other means than by fear of
the enemies opposing them. Now I shall set forth
in what manner the treaty was made by them with
Belisarius and how it was broken. When it came to
be expected that the emperor’s expedition would
arrive in Libya, the Moors, fearing lest they should
receive some harm from it, consulted the oracles of
their women. For it is not lawful in this nation for a
man to utter oracles, but the women among them as
a result of some sacred rites become possessed and
foretell the future, no less than any of the ancient
oracles. So on that occasion, when they made
enquiry, as has been said, the women gave the
response : “There shall be a host from the waters,
the overthrow of the Vandals, destruction and defeat
of the Moors, when the general of the Romans shall
come unbearded.” When the Moors heard this,
since they saw that the emperor’s army had come
from the sea, they began to be in great fear and were
quite unwilling to fight in alliance with the Vandals,
but they sent to Belisarius and established peace, as
has been stated previously,’ and then remained quiet
and waited for the future, to see how it would fall
out. And when the power of the Vandals had now
come to an end, they sent to the Roman army,
investigating whether there was anyone unbearded
among them holding an office. And when they saw
all wearing full beards, they thought that the oracle
did not indicate the present time to them, but one
many generations later, interpreting the saying in
1 Book III. xxv. 2-4,

275

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

αὐτοὶ ἤθελον. αὐτίκα μὲν οὖν ἐς τὴν διάλυσιν
τῶν σπονδῶν ὥρμηντο, ἀλλὰ τὸ ἐκ Βελισαρίου
δέος αὐτοὺς διεκώλυεν. οὐ γάρ ποτε πολέμῳ
“Ῥωμαίων περιέσεσθαι, παρόντος γε αὐτοῦ, ἐν
ἐλπίδι εἶχον. ὡς δὲ τὴν ἄφοδον αὐτοῦ σὺν τοῖς
ὑπασπισταῖς τοῖς αὐτοῦ καὶ δορυφόροις ποιεῖσθαι
ἤκουσαν, ἤδη τε τὰς ναῦς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν τε καὶ Bap-
δίλων πληροῦσθαι ἐπύθοντο, τὰ ὅπλα ἐξαπιναίως
ἀράμενοι ἅπασαν κακοῦ ἰδέαν ἐς τοὺς AiBvas
ἐπεδείξαντο. of yap στρατιῶται ὀλίγοι τε ἐν
ἑκάστῃ ἐσχατιᾶς χώρᾳ καὶ ἔτι ἀπαράσκευοι
ὄντες, καταθέουσιν οὐκ ἂν εἶχον 1 πανταχόσε τοῖς
βαρβάροις ἀνθίστασθαι, οὐδὲ τὰς ἐπεκδρομὰς
συχνάς τε καὶ οὐκ ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανοῦς γινομένας.
διακωλύσειν. ἀλλ᾽ ἄνδρες μὲν οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ
ἐκτείνοντο, γυναῖκες δὲ σὺν παισὶν ἐν ἀνδραπόδων
λόγῳ ἐγίνοντο, τά τε χρήματα ἐκ πάσης ἐσχατιᾶς
ἤγετο καὶ φυγῆς ἡ χώρα ξύμπασα ὑπεπίμπλατο.
ταῦτα Βελισαρίῳ ἤδη που ἀναγομένῳ ἠγγέλλετο.
καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν ἀναστρέφειν οὐκέτι εἶχε, Σολόμωνι
δὲ διέπειν τὸ Λιβύης κράτος παρείχετο, ἀπολέξας
καὶ τῶν ὑπασπιστῶν τε καὶ δορυφόρων τῶν αὑτοῦ
μέρος τὸ πλεῖστον, ὥστε Σολόμωνι ἑπομένους
Μαυρουσίων ὅτι τάχιστα τοὺς ἐπαναστάντας
τῆς ἐς Ῥωμαίους ἀδικίας σὺν προθυμίᾳ πολλῇ
τίσασθαι. καὶ βασιλεὺς δὲ στρατιὰν ἄλλην
Σολόμωνι ἔπεμψε, ξὺν Θεοδώρῳ τε τῷ ἐκ Καππα-
᾿ . 9 ΄ x δῶ» , \
δοκίας καὶ ᾿Ιλδίγερι: ὃς δὴ ᾿Αντωνίνης γαμβρὸς
τῆς Βελισαρίου γυναικὸς ἣν. ἐπειδὴ δὲ τῶν ἐπὶ
Λιβύης χωρίων τοὺς φόρους οὐκέτι ἣν ἐν γραμ-
ματείοις τεταγμένους εὑρεῖν, ἧπερ αὐτοὺς ἀπε.
1 ἂν εἶχον Hoeschel in marg, : ἀντεῖχον MSS.
2476

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. viii. 17-25

that way which they themselves wished. Immed-
iately, therefore, they were eager to break the treaty,
but their fear of Belisarius prevented them. For
they had no hope that they would ever overcome
the Romans in war, at least with him present. But
when they heard that he was making his departure
together with his guards and spearmen, and that the
ships were already being filled with them and the
Vandals, they suddenly rose in arms and displayed
every manner of outrage upon the Libyans. For the
soldiers were both few in each place on the frontier
and still unprepared, so that they would not have
been able to stand against the barbarians as they
made inroads at every point, nor to prevent their
incursions, which took place frequently and not in an
open manner. But men were being killed indis-
criminately and women with their children were
being made slaves, and the wealth was being plund-
ered from every part of the frontier and the whole
country was being filled with fugitives. These things
were reported to Belisarius when he was just about
setting sail. And since it was now too late for him
to return himself, he entrusted Solomon with the
administration of Libya and he also chose out the
greatest part of his own guards and spearmen,
instructing them to follow Solomon and as quickly
as possible to punish with all zeal those of the Moors
who had risen in revolt and to exact vengeance for
the injury done the Romans. And the emperor sent
another army also to Solomon with Theodorus, the
Cappadocian, and Ildiger, who was the son-in-law of
Antonina, the wife of Belisarius. And since it was
no longer possible to find the revenues of the
districts of Libya set down in order in documents,

277

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

lA 3 a » ΄ € a Ψ
γράψαντο ἐν τοῖς ἄνω χρόνοις Ῥωμαῖοι, ἅτε
Γιζερίχου ἀναχαιτίσαντός τε καὶ διαφθείραντος
κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἅπαντα, Τρύφων τε καὶ Ἐστράτιος
πρὸς βασιλέως ἐστάλησαν, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τοὺς φόρους
αὐτοῖς τάξουσι κατὰ λόγον ἑκάστῳ. οἱ δὴ οὐ
μέτριοι Λίβυσιν οὐδὲ φορητοὶ ἔδοξαν εἶναι.

ΙΧ

Βελισάριος δὲ ἅμα ΤΓελίμερί τε καὶ Βανδίλοις
ἐς Βυζάντιον ἀφικόμενος γερῶν ἠξιώθη ἃ δὴ ἐν
τοῖς ἄνω χρόνοις Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοῖς τοῖς νίκας
τὰς μεγίστας καὶ λόγου πολλοῦ ἀξίας ἀναδησα-
μένοις διετετάχατο. χρόνος δὲ ἀμφὶ ἐνιαυτοὺς
ἑξακοσίους παρῳχήκει ἤδη ἐξ ὅτου ἐς ταῦτα τὰ

, IO \ 3 ay Ψ \ , \ =
γέρα οὐδεὶς ἐληλύθει, ὅτι μὴ Τίτος τε καὶ Tpai-
avos, καὶ ὅσοι ἄλλοι αὐτοκράτορες στρατηγή-
σαντες ἐπί τι βαρβαρικὸν ἔθνος ἐνίκησαν. τά
τε γὰρ λάφυρα ἐνδεικνύμενος καὶ τὰ τοῦ πολέμου
ἀνδράποδα ἐν μέσῃ πόλει ἐπόμπευσεν, ὃν δὴ
θρίαμβον καλοῦσι “Ῥωμαῖοι, οὐ τῷ παλαιῷ μέντοι
τρόπῳ, ἀλλὰ πεζῇ βαδίζων ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας τῆς
αὑτοῦ ἄχρι ἐς τὸν ἱππόδρομον κἀνταῦθα ἐκ

, 2 3 Ψ ) \ a 2 ,ὔ a
BarBidwr? αὖθις ἕως εἰς τὸν χῶρον ἀφίκετο οὗ
67) ὁ θρόνος ὁ βασίλειός ἐστιν. ἣν δὲ λάφυρα
μὲν ὅσα δὴ ὑπουργίᾳ τῇ βασιλέως ἀνεῖσθαι

1 ἅπαντα VO: ἅπαντας P.

2 ἐκ βαλβίδων Maltretus: ἐκ βανδίλων MSS,
ee ee ee
1 Examples of the Roman system have come to light in
Egyptian papyri ; cf. the declarations of personal property,
amoypapal, Pap. Lond., I., p. 79; Flinders Petrie Pap., Iil.,
p. 200, ed. Mahaffy and Smyly.

* Since a triumph was granted only to an imperator, after

278

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. viii. 25-ix. 4

as the Romans had recorded them in former times,}
inasmuch as Gizeric had upset and destroyed every-
thing in the beginning, Tryphon and Eustratius were
sent by the emperor, in order to assess the taxes for
the Libyans each according to his proportion. But
these men seemed to the Libyans neither moderate
nor endurable.

Be isarius, upon reaching Byzantium with Gelimer
and the Vandals, was counted worthy to receive
such honours, as in former times were assigned to
those generals of the Romans who had won the
greatest and most noteworthy victories. And a
period of about six hundred years had now passed
since anyone had attained these honours,? except,
indeed, Titus and Trajan, and such other emperors
as had led armies against some barbarian nation and
bad been victorious. For he displayed the spoils and
slaves from the war in the midst of the city and led
a procession which the Romans call a “triumph,”
not, however, in the ancient manner, but going
on foot from his own house to the hippodrome and
then again from the barriers until he reached the
place where the imperial throne is. And there
was booty,—first of all, whatever articles are wont
the establishment of the principate by Augustus all triumphs
were celebrated in the name of the emperor himself, the
victorious general receiving only the insignia triumphalia.
The first general to refuse a triumph was Agrippa, after his
campaign in Spain, about 550 years before Belisarius’
triumph in Constantinople.

’ The barriers (carceres), or starting-point for the racers,
were at the open end of the hippodrome, the imperial box at
the middle of the course at the right as one entered.

279

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

εἰώθει, θρόνοι te χρυσοῖ καὶ ὀχήματα οἷς δὴ
τὴν βασιλέως γυναῖκα ὀχεῖσθαι νόμος, καὶ κόσμος
πολὺς ἐς λίθων ἐντίμων ξυγκείμενος, ἐκπώματά
τε χρυσᾶ, καὶ τἄλλα ξύμπαντα ὅσα ἐς τὴν
βασιλέως θοίνην χρήσιμα. ἣν δὲ καὶ ἄργυρος
ἕλκων μυριάδας ταλάντων πολλὰς καὶ πάντων
τῶν βασιλικῶν κειμηλίων πάμπολύ τι χρῆμα
(ἅτε Γιζερίχου τὸ ἐν Ρώμῃ σεσυληκότος Uardé-
τιον, ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐρρήθη),
ἐν οἷς καὶ τὰ ᾿Ιουδαίων κειμήλια. ἦν, ἅπερ ὁ
Οὐεσπασιανοῦ Τίτος μετὰ τὴν Ἱεροσολύμων
ἅλωσιν ἐς Ρώμην ξὺν ἑτέροις τισὶν ἤνεγκε. καὶ
αὐτὰ τῶν τις ᾿Ιουδαίων ἰδὼν καὶ παραστὰς τῶν
βασιλέως γνωρίμων τινὶ “Tadra,” ἔφη, “τὰ.
χρήματα ἐς τὸ ἐν Βυζαντίῳ Παλάτιον ἐσκομί-
ζεσθαι ἀξύμφορον οἴομαι εἶναι. οὐ γὰρ οἷόν τε
αὐτὰ ἑτέρωθι εἶναι ἢ ἐν τῷ χώρῳ οὗ δὴ Σολομὼν
αὐτὰ πρότερον ὁ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων βασιλεὺς ἔθετο.
διὰ ταῦτα γὰρ καὶ Γιζέριχος τὰ Ῥωμαίων
βασίλεια εἷλε καὶ νῦν τὰ Βανδίλων ὁ “Ῥωμαίων
στρατός." ταῦτα ἐπεὶ ἀνενεχθέντα βασιλεὺς
ἤκουσεν, ἔδεισέ τε καὶ ξύμπαντα κατὰ τάχος ἐς
τῶν Χριστιανῶν τὰ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἱερὰ ἔπεμ-
ev. ἀνδράποδα δὲ ἣν τοῦ θριάμβου Γελίμερ
τε αὐτός, ἐσθῆτά πού τινα ἐπὶ τῶν ὥὦμων
ἀμπεχόμενος πορφυρᾶν, καὶ τὸ ξυγγενὲς ἅπαν,
Βανδίλων τε ὅσοι εὐμήκεις τε ἄγαν καὶ καλοὶ
τὰ σώματα ἦσαν. ὧς δὲ ἐν τῷ ἱπποδρόμῳ
Γελίμερ ἐγεγόνει καὶ τόν τε βασιλέα ἐπὶ βήματος
ὑψηλοῦ καθήμενον τόν τε δῆμον ἐφ᾽ ἑκάτερα

280

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. ix. 4-11

to be set apart for the royal service,—thrones of
gold and carriages in which it is customary for
a king’s consort to ride, and much jewelry made of
precious stones, and golden drinking cups, and
all the other things which are useful for the royal
table. And there was also silver weighing many
thousands of talents and all the royal treasure
amounting to an exceedingly great sum (for Gizeric
had despoiled the Palatium in Rome, as has been
said in the preceding narrative),! and among these
were the treasures of the Jews, which Titus, the son
of Vespasian, together with certain others, had brou ght
to Rome after the capture of Jerusalem. And one
of the Jews, seeing these things, approached one of
those known to the emperor and said: “These
treasures I think it inexpedient to carry into the
palace in Byzantium. Indeed, it is not possible for
them to be elsewhere than in the place where Solomon,
the king of the Jews, formerly placed them. For it
is because of these that Gizeric captured the palace
of the Romans, and that now the Roman army has
captured that the Vandals.” When this had been
brought to the ears of the Emperor, he became
afraid and quickly sent everything to the sanctuaries
of the Christians in Jerusalem. And there were
slaves in the triumph, among whom was Gelimer
himself, wearing some sort of a purple garment upon
his shoulders, and all his family, and as many of the
Vandals as were very tall and fair of body. And
when Gelimer reached the hippodrome and: saw the
emperor sitting upon a lofty seat and the people
standing on either side and realized as he looked

1 Of, Book ILI. v. 3; that was in a.p. 455. The spoliation
of Jerusalem by Titus had taken place in 4.D. 70.

VOL. II. ee.

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἑστῶτα εἶδε καὶ αὑτὸν οὗ ἣν κακοῦ περισκοπῶν
ἔγνω, οὔτε ἀπέκλαυσεν οὔτε ἀνώμωξεν, ἐπιλέγων
δὲ οὐκ ἐπαύσατο κατὰ τὴν Ἑβραίων γραφὴν
“Ματαιότης ματαιοτήτων, τὰ πάντα ματαιότης."
ἀφικόμενον δὲ αὐτὸν κατὰ τὸ βασιλέως βῆμα
τὴν πορφυρίδα περιελόντες, πρηνῆ πεσόντα
προσκυνεῖν ᾿Ιουστινιανὸν βασιλέα κατηνάγκασαν.
τοῦτο δὲ καὶ Βελισάριος ἐποίει ἅτε ἱκέτης βασι-
λέως σὺν αὐτῷ γεγονώς. βασιλεύς τε ᾽Ἰουστινι-
ανὸς καὶ ἡ βασιλὶς Θεοδώρα τοὺς ᾿Ιλδερίχου
παῖδάς τε καὶ ἐκγόνους πάντας τε τοὺς ἐκ τῆς
Βαλεντινιανοῦ βασιλέως ξυγγενείας χρήμασιν
ἱκανοῖς ἐδωρήσαντο, καὶ Τελίμερι χωρία οὐκ
εὐκαταφρόνητα ἐν Γαλατίᾳ δόντες ὁμοῦ τοῖς
ξυγγενέσιν ἐνταῦθα οἰκεῖν συνεχώρησαν. ἐς
πατρικίους μέντοι ἀνάγραπτος Γελίμερ ἥκιστα
ἐγεγόνει, ἐπεὶ οὐ μετατίθεσθαι " τῆς ᾿Αρείου δόξης
ἤθελεν.

Ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον Βελισαρίῳ καὶ ὁ θρίαμβος
kata δὴ τὸν παλαιὸν νόμον ξυνετελέσθη. ἐς
ὑπάτους γὰρ προελθόντι οἱ ξυνέπεσε φέρεσθαί
τε πρὸς τῶν αἰχμαλώτων καὶ ἐν τῷ δίφρῳ ὀχου-
μένῳ τῷ δήμῳ ῥιπτεῖν αὐτὰ δὴ ἐκεῖνα τοῦ
Βανδίλων πολέμου τὰ λάφυρα. τά τε γὰρ
ἀργυρώματα καὶ ζώνας χρυσᾶς καὶ ἄλλου
πλούτου Βανδιλικοῦ πολύ te χρῆμα ἐκ τῆς
Βελισαρίου ὑπατείας ὁ δῆμος ἥρπασε, καί τι
τῶν οὐκ εἰωθότων ἀνανεοῦσθαι τῷ χρόνῳ ἔδοξε.
ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτως ἐν Βυξαντίῳ ἔσχε.

1 Haury would read μεθίεσθαι “abandon.”

a ns a ee

1 Kcclesiastes, i. 2.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. ix. 11-16

about in what an evil plight he was, he neither wept
nor cried out, but ceased not saying over in the
words of the Hebrewscripture :! “ Vanity of vanities,
all is vanity.” And when he came before the
emperor's seat, they stripped off the purple garment,
and compelled him to fall prone on the ground and
do obeisance to the Emperor Justinian. This also
Belisarius did, as being a suppliant of the emperor
along with him. And the Emperor Justinian and the
Empress Theodora presented the children of Ilderic
and his offspring and all those of the family of the
Emperor Valentinian with sufficient sums of money,
and to Gelimer they gave lands not to be despised
in Galatia and permitted him to live there together
with his family. However, Gelimer was by no means
enrolled among the patricians, since he was unwilling
to change from the faith of Arius.

A little later the triumph? was celebrated by
Belisarius in the ancient manner also. For he had the
fortune to be advanced to the office of consul, and
therefore was borne aloft by the captives, and as he
was thus carried in his curule chair, he threw to the
populace those very spoils of the Vandalic war. For
the people carried off the silver plate and golden
girdles and a vast amount of the Vandals’ wealth of
other sorts as a result of Belisarius’ consulship, and
it seemed that after a long interval of disuse an old
custom was being revived.? These things, then,
took place in Byzantium in the manner described.

2 Not an actual ‘‘ triumph,” but a triumphal celebration

of his inauguration as consul.

8 The reference is to the old custom of distributing to the
populace largesses (congiaria) of money or valuables on the
occasion of events of interest to the imperial house, such as
the emperor’s assumption of the consular office, birthdays, ete.
The first largess of this kind was made by Julius Caesar. F
203

Jan, 1,
535 a.D.

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Σολόμων δὲ τὸ ἐν Λιβύῃ παραλαβὼν στρά-
τευμα, ἐπηρμένων μέν, ὡς προδεδήλωται, τῶν

αυρουσίων, φωρημένων δὲ τῶν ὅλων πραγμά-
τῶν, ἐν ἀπόρῳ εἶχεν 1) τὸ παρὸν θέσθαι. τούς τε
γὰρ στρατιώτας ἐν Βυξακίῳ καὶ Νουμιδίᾳ οἱ
βάρβαροι ἀνῃρηκέναι καὶ πάντα ἄγειν τε καὶ
φέρειν τὰ ἐκείνῃ ἠγγέλλοντο. μάλιστα δὲ αὐτόν
τε καὶ Καρχηδόνα πᾶσαν συνετάραξε τὰ ἐς
᾿Αὐγάν τε τὸν Μασσαγέτην καὶ Ῥουφῖνον τὸν
Θρᾷκα ἐν Βυζακίῳ ξυνενεχθέντα. ἄμφω γὰρ
λογίμω ἐς ἄγαν ἔν τε τῇ Βελισαρίου οἰκίᾳ ἤστην
καὶ τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατεύματι, ἅτερος μὲν αὐτοῖν
᾿Αιγὰν ἐν τοῖς Βελισαρίου δορυφόροις ταττόμενος,
ὁ δὲ ἕτερος ἅτε ἁπάντων εὐψυχότατος τὸ σημεῖον
τοῦ στρατηγοῦ ἐν ταῖς παρατάξεσιν εἰωθὼς
φέρειν, ὃν δὴ βανδοφόρον καλοῦσι “Ῥωμαῖοι.
τότε γὰρ τούτω τὼ ον ἱππικῶν καταλόγων
ἡγουμένω ἐν Βυξακίῳ, ἐπειδὴ τοὺς Μαυρουσίους
εἶδον τά τε ἐν ποσὶ ληιζομένους καὶ Λίβυας
ἅπαντας ἐν ἀνδραπόδων λόγῳ ποιησαμένους,
τηρήσαντες ἐν στενοχωρίᾳ ξὺν τοῖς σφίσιν ἑπο-
μένοις τοὺς τὴν λείαν παραπέμποντας, αὐτούς τε
κτείνουσι καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἀφαιροῦνται,
πάντας. ὡς δὲ οὗτος ὁ λόγος ἐς τῶν βαρβάρων
τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἧκε, Κουτζίναν τε καὶ ᾿Εσδιλάσαν
καὶ ᾿Ιουρφούθην καὶ Μεδισινίσσαν, οὐ μακρὰν
ταύτης δὴ τῆς στενοχωρίας ἀπέχοντας, χωροῦσιν
ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ περὶ δείλην ὀψίαν.

: ᾿ : :

Ρωμαῖοι δέ, κομιδῆ te ὀλίγοι ὄντες καὶ ἐν χώρῳ

284

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. x. 1-7

Anp Solomon took over the army in Libya; but in
view of the fact that the Moors had risen against
him, as has been told previously, and that every-
thing was in suspense, he was at a loss how to treat
the situation. For it was reported that the barbarians
had destroyed the soldiers in Byzacium and Numidia
and that they were pillaging and plundering every-
thing there. But what disturbed most of all both
him and all Carthage was the fate which befell Aigan,
the Massagete, and Rufinus, the Thracian,in Byzacium.
For both were men of great repute both in the
household of Belisarius and in the Roman army, one of
them, Aigan, being among the spearmen of Belisarius,
while the other, as the most courageous of all, was
accustomed to carry the standard of the general in
battle; such an officer the Romans call “ bandifer.” 1
Now at the time referred to these two men were
commanding detatchments of cavalry in Byzacium,
and when they saw the Moors plundering everything
before them and making all the Libyans captives, they
watched in a narrow pass with their followers for those
who were escorting the booty,and killed them and took
away all the captives. And when a report of this came
to the commanders of the barbarians, Coutzinas and
Esdilasas and Iourphouthes and Medisinissas, who
were not far away from this pass, they moved against
them with their whole army in the late afternoon.
And the Romans, being a very few men and shut off

1 Cf. Book IV. ii. 1.
285

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

στενῷ ἐς μέσον μυριάδων πολλῶν ἀπειλημμένοι,
ἀμύνεσθαι τοὺς ἐπιόντας οὐχ οἷοί τε ἦσαν. ἔνθα
γὰρ ἂν τραπεῖεν, ἀεὶ κατὰ νώτου ἐβάλλοντο.
τότε δὴ 'Ῥουφῖνός τε καὶ ᾿Αιγὰν ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν
ἐς πέτραν ἐγγύς που οὖσαν ἀναδραμόντες ἐνθένδε
τοὺς βαρβάρους ἠμύνοντο. ἕως μὲν οὖν τοῖς
τόξοις ἐχρῶντο, οὐκ ἐτόλμων σφίσιν ἐκ τοῦ
εὐθέος εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν οἱ πολέμιοι, ἀλλὰ τὰς
αἰχμὰς ἐσηκόντιζον: ἐπεὶ “δὲ τὰ βέλη ἅπαντα
σφᾶς ἤδη ἐπιλελοίπει, οἵ τε Μαυρούσιοι αὐτοῖς
ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθον καὶ αὐτοὶ τοῖς ξίφεσιν ἐκ τῶν
παρόντων ἠμύνοντο. τοῦ δὲ πλήθους τῶν βαρ-
βάρων βιαζομένου, ᾿Αιγὰν μὲν κρεουργηθεὶς τὸ
σῶμα ὅλον ἐνταῦθα ἔπεσε, ἱῬουφῖνον δὲ oi
πολέμιοι ἁρπάσαντες ἦγον. αὐτίκα δὲ τῶν ἀρ-
χόντων εἷς Μεδισινίσσας, δείσας μὴ διαφυγὼν
πράγματα σφίσιν αὖθις παρέχοι, τῆς τε κεφαλῆς
αὐτὸν ἀφαιρεῖται καὶ ταύτην ἐς τὰ οἰκεῖα λαβὼν
ταῖς γυναιξὶ ταῖς αὑτοῦ ἔδειξε, μεγέθους τε ὑπερ-
βολῇ καὶ τριχῶν πλήθει ἀξιοθέατον οὗσαν.
ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡμᾶς ὁ τῆς ἱστορίας λόγος ἐνταῦθα
ἤγαγεν, ἐπάναγκες εἰπεῖν ἄνωθεν ὅθεν τε τὰ
Μαυρουσίων ἔθνη ἐς Λιβύην ἦλθον καὶ ὅπως
ἐνταῦθα ὠκήσαντο.

Ἐπειδὴ ᾿Εβραῖοι ἐξ Αἰγύπτου ἀνεχώρησαν
καὶ ἄγχι τῶν ἸΤαλαιστίνης ὁρίων ἐγένοντο,
Μωσῆς μὲν σοφὸς ἀνήρ, ὃς αὐτοῖς τῆς ὁδοῦ
ἡγήσατο, θνήσκει, διαδέχεται δὲ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν
Ἰησοῦς ὁ τοῦ Ναυῆ παῖς, ὃς ἔς τε τὴν ΠἊαλαι-
στίνην τὸν λεὼν τοῦτον εἰσήγαγε καὶ ἀρετὴν ἐν
τῷ πολέμῳ κρείττω ἢ κατὰ ἀνθρώπου φύσιν
ἐπιδειξάμενος τὴν χώραν ἔσχε. καὶ τὰ ἔθνη
286

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. x. 7-14

in a narrow place in the midst of many thousands,
were not able to ward off their assailants. For
wherever they might turn, they were always shot at
from the rear. Then, indeed, Rufinus and Aigan with
some few men ran to the top of a rock which was near
by and from there defended themselves against the
barbarians. Now as long as they were using their
bows, the enemy did not dare come directly to a hand-
to-hand struggle with them, but they kept hurling
their javelins among them ; but when all the arrows of
the Romans were now exhausted, the Moors closed
with them, and they defended themselves with their
swords as well as the circumstances permitted. But
since they were overpowered by the multitude of the
barbarians, Aigan fell there with his whole body
hacked to pieces, and Rufinus was seized by the
enemy and led away. But straightway one of the
commanders, Medisinissas, fearing lest he should
escape and again make trouble for them, cut off his
head and taking it to his home shewed it to his wives,
for it was a remarkable sight on account of the
extraordinary size of the head and the abundance of
hair. And now, since the narration of the history
has brought me to this point, it is necessary to tell
from the beginning whence the nations of the Moors
came to Libya and how they settled there.

When the Hebrews had withdrawn from Egypt
and had come near the boundaries of Palestine,
Moses, a wise man, who was their leader on the
journey, died, and the leadership was passed on to
Joshua, the son of Nun, who led this people into
Palestine, and, by displaying a valour in war greater
than that natural to a man, gained possession of the
land. And after overthrowing all the nations he

287

1ὅ
16

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἅπαντα καταστρεψάμενος τὰς πόλεις εὐπετῶς
παρεστήσατο, ἀνίκητός τε παντάπασιν ἔδοξεν
εἶναι. τότε δὲ ἡ ἐπιθαλασσία χώρα ἐκ Σιδῶνος
μέχρι τῶν Αἰγύπτου ὁρίων Φοινίκη ξύμπασα
ὠνομάζετο. βασιλεὺς δὲ εἷς τὸ παλαιὸν αὐτῇ
ἐφειστήκει, ὥσπερ ἅπασιν ὁμολογεῖται οἱ Φοινί-
κων τὰ ἀρχαιότατα ἀνεγράψαντο. ἐνταῦθα
ῴκηντο ἔθνη πολυανθρωπότατα, Γεργεσαῖοί τε
καὶ ᾿Ιεβουσαῖοι καὶ ἄλλα ἄττα ὀνόματα ἔχοντα,
οἷς δὴ αὐτὰ ἡ τῶν “Ἢ βραίων ἱστορία καλεῖ. οὗτος
ὁ λεὼς ἐπεὶ ἄμαχόν τι χρῆμα τὸν ἐπηλύτην
στρατηγὸν εἶδον, ἐξ ἠθῶν τῶν πατρίων ἐξανα-
στάντες ἐπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου ὁμόρου οὔσης ἐχώρησαν.
ἔνθα χῶρον οὐδένα ἱκανὸν σφίσιν ἐνοικήσασθαι
εὑρόντες, ἐπεὶ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ πολυανθρωπία ἐκ
παλαιοῦ ἣν, ἐς Λιβύην ἐστάλησαν. πόλεις τε
οἰκήσαντες πολλὰς ξύμπασαν Λιβύην μέχρι στη-
λῶν τῶν “Ηρακλείων ἔσχον, ἐνταῦθά τε καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ
τῇ Φοινίκων φωνῇ χρώμενοι ᾧκηνται. ἐδείμαντο
δὲ καὶ φρούριον ἐν Νουμιδίᾳ, οὗ νῦν πόλις Τίγισίς
ἐστί τε καὶ ὀνομάξεται. ἔνθα στῆλαι δύο ἐκ
λίθων λευκῶν πεποιημέναι ἄγχι κρήνης εἰσὶ τῆς
μεγάλης, γράμματα Φοινικικὰ ἐγκεκολαμμένα
ἔχουσαι τῇ Φοινίκων γλώσσῃ λέγοντα ὧδε:
“Ἡμεῖς ἐσμεν οἱ φυγόντες ἀπὸ προσώπου Ἰησοῦ
τοῦ λῃστοῦ υἱοῦ Ναυῆ. ἦσαν δὲ καὶ ἄλλα
ἔθνη ἐν Λιβύῃ πρότερον ὠκημένα, of διὰ τὸ ἐκ
παλαιοῦ ἐνταῦθα ἱδρῦσθαι αὐτόχθονες εἶναι
ἐλέγοντο. καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ᾿Ανταῖον, τὸν αὐτῶν
βασιλέα, ὃς ἐν Κλιπέᾳ Ἡρακλεῖ ἐπάλαισε, τῆς

1 ἐπηλύτην στρατηγὸν P: ἐπηλύτων στρατὸν V, ἔπηλυν στρα-
τηγὸν Ο.

288

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. x. 14-24

easily won the cities, and he seemed to be altogether
invincible. Now at that time the whole country
‘along the sea from Sidon as far as the boundaries of
Egypt was called Phoenicia. And one king in
ancient times held sway over it, as is agreed by
all who have written the earliest accounts of the
Phoenicians. In that country there dwelt very
populous tribes, the Gergesites and the Jebusites
and some others with other names by which they are
called in the history of the Hebrews.1. Now when
these nations saw that the invading general was an
irresistible prodigy, they emigrated from their ances-
tral homes and made their way to Egypt, which
adjoined their country. And finding there no place
sufficient for them to dwell in, since there has been
a great population in Aegypt from ancient times,
they proceeded to Libya. And they established
numerous cities and took possession of the whole of
Libya as far as the Pillars of Heracles, and there
they have lived even up to my time, using the
Phoenician tongue. They also built a fortress in
Numidia, where now is the city called Tigisis. In
that place are two columns made of white stone near
by the great spring, having Phoenician letters cut in
them which say in the Phoenician tongue : “ We are
they who fled from before the face of Joshua, the
robber, the son of Nun.” There were also other nations
settled in Libya before the Moors, who on account of
having been established there from of old were said
to be children of the soil. And because of this they
said that Antaeus, their king, who wrestled with

‘ The Canaanites of the Old Testament.
289

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

γῆς υἱὸν ἔφασαν εἶναι. χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον καὶ
ὅσοι μετὰ Διδοῦς ἐκ Φοινίκης ἀνέστησαν ἅτε
πρὸς ξυγγενεῖς τοὺς ἐν Λιβύῃ φκημένους adt-
κοντο. οἱ δὴ αὐτοῖς Καρχηδόνα κτίσαι τε καὶ
ἔχειν ἐθελούσιοι ξυνεχώρησαν. “προϊόντος Oe
τοῦ χρόνου ἡ τῶν Καρχηδονίων δύναμις μεγάλη
ἐγίνετο καὶ πολυάνθρωπος. μάχης τε σφίσι
γενομένης πρὸς τοὺς ὁμόρους, οἱ πρότεροι, ὥσπερ
ἐρρήθη, ἐκ Ἰ]αλαιστίνης ἀφίκοντο καὶ τὰ νῦν
Μαυρούσιοι καλοῦνται, ἐκράτησάν τε αὐτῶν οἱ
Καρχηδόνιοι καὶ ὡς ἀπωτάτω οἰκεῖν Καρχηδόνος
ἠνάγκασαν. ἔπειτα δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι πάντων καθυ-
πέρτεροι τῷ πολέμῳ γενόμενοι Μαυρουσίους μὲν
ἐς τὰς ἐσχατιὰς τῆς ἐν Λιβύῃ οἰκουμένης χώρας
ἱδρύσαντο, Ἱζαρχηδονίους δὲ καὶ Λίβυας τοὺς
ἄλλους κατηκόους σφίσιν ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν
ἐποιήσαντο. ὕστερον δὲ οἱ Μαυρούσιοι πολλὰς
κατὰ Βανδίλων νίκας ἀνελόμενοι Μαυριτανίαν
τε τὴν νῦν καλουμένην ἐς Τ᾽ αδείρων μέχρι τῶν
Καισαρείας ὁρίων τείνουσαν καὶ Λιβύης τῆς
ἄλλης τὰ πλεῖστα ἔσχον. τὰ μὲν δὴ τῆς Μαυ-
ρουσίων ἐν Λιβύῃ ἐνοικήσεως ταύτῃ πη ἔσχε.

Σολόμων δὲ τὰ ἐς “Poudivoy καὶ "Auyay Evvev-
εχθέντα ἀκούσας τόν τε πόλεμον ἐν παρασκευῇ
ἐποιεῖτο καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Μαυρουσίων ἄρχοντας
ἔγραψε τάδε: “Ἤδη μὲν καὶ ἄλλοις ἀνθρώπων
SS ee θέλομεν Cee Ἂμ

1 4.e., Clypea, or Aspis, now Kalibia, on the Carthaginian
coast.

290

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. x. 24-xi. 2

Heracles in Clipea,! was a son of the earth. And in
later times those who removed from Phoenicia with
Dido came to the inhabitants of Libya as to kinsmen.
And they willingly allowed them to found and hold
Carthage. But as time went on Carthage became a
powerful and populous city. And a battle took place
between them and their neighbours, who, as has
been said, had come from Palestine before them
and are called Moors at the present time, and the
Carthaginians defeated them and compelled them to
live a very great distance away from Carthage. Later
on the Romans gained the supremacy over all of them
in war, and settled the Moors at the extremity of the
inhabited land of Libya, and made the Carthaginians
and the other Libyans subject and tributary to
themselves. And after this the Moors won many
victories over the Vandals and gained possession of
the land now called Mauretania, extending from
Gadira as far as the boundaries of Caesarea,? as well
as the most of Libya which remained. Such, then,
is the story of the settlement of the Moors in
Libya.

Now when Solomon heard what had _ befallen
Rufinus and Aigan, he made ready for war and wrote
as follows to the commanders of the Moors: “ Other
men than you have even before this had the ill

2 i.e, from Tangier, opposite Cadiz, to Algiers. On
Caesarea see IV. v. 5 and note.
291

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

τισὶν ἀπονενοῆσθαί τε Kal ἀπολωλέναι τετύχη-
κεν, οἱ οὐδενὶ πρότερον τεκμηριῶσαι ἔσχον ὅπη
ποτὲ αὐτοῖς τὰ τῆς ἀπονοίας ἐκβήσεται. ὑμεῖς
δέ, οἷς τὸ παράδειγμα ἐγγύθεν ἐκ τῶν συνοίκων
ὑμῖν Βανδίλων ἐστί, τί ποτε dpa παθόντες χεῖράς
τε ἀνταίρειν ἔγνωτε βασιλεῖ τῷ μεγάλῳ καὶ τὴν
ὑμῶν αὐτῶν σωτηρίαν προέσθαι, καὶ ταῦτα
ὅρκους τε τοὺς δεινοτάτους ἐν γράμμασι δόντες
καὶ τοὺς παῖδας τοὺς ὑμετέρους τῶν ὡμολογη-
μένων ἐνέχυρα παρασχόμενοι; ἢ ἐπίδειξίν τινα
ἐγνώκατε ποιεῖσθαι, ὡς ὑμῖν οὔτε θεοῦ οὔτε
πίστεως οὔτε τῆς ξυγγενείας αὐτῆς οὔτε τῆς
σωτηρίας οὔτε ἄλλου ὁτουοῦν ἐστί τις λόγος;
καίτοι, εἰ τὰ ἐς τὸ θεῖον ὑμῖν οὕτως ἤσκηται, τίνι
ξυμμάχῳ πιστεύοντες ἐπὶ τὸν Ρωμαίων βασιλέα
χωρεῖτε; εἰ δὲ τοὺς παῖδας ἀπολοῦντες στρατεύ-
εσθε, τί ποτέ ἐστιν ὑπὲρ ὅτου κινδυνεύειν βεβού-
λησθε; ἀλλ᾽ εἰ μὲν ἤδη τις εἰσῆλθεν ὑμᾶς τῶν
φθασάντων μετάμελος, γράψατε ὅπως ὑμῖν εὖ τὰ
πεπραγμένα θησόμεθα: εἰ δὲ τὰ τῆς ἀπονοίας
ὑμῖν οὔπω λελώφηκε, δέξασθε Ῥωμαϊκὸν πόλεμον
μετὰ τῶν ὅρκων οἷς ἐλωβήσασθε καὶ τῆς ἐς τοὺς
παῖδας τοὺς ὑμετέρους ἀδικίας ὑμῖν προσιόντα."

Τοσαῦτα μὲν Σολόμων ἔγραψεν. οἱ δὲ Μαυρού-
gor ἀπεκρίναντο ὧδε: “ Βελισάριος μὲν ἐπαγγε-
λίαις μεγάλαις ἡμᾶς περιελθὼν ἔπεισε βασιλέως
Ἰουστινιανοῦ κατηκόους εἶναι: Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ τῶν
ἀγαθῶν ἡμῖν οὐδενὸς μεταδόντες λιμῷ πιεζο-
μένους ἠξίουν φίλους τε ἡμᾶς καὶ ξυμμάχους
292

HISTORY OF. THE WARS, IV. xi. 2-9

fortune to lose their senses and to be destroyed, men
who had no means of judging beforehand how their
folly would turn out. _ But as for you, who have the
example near at hand in your neighbours, the
Vandals, what in the world has happened to you that
you have decided to raise your hands against the
great emperor and throw away your own security,
and that too when you have given the most dread
oaths in writing and have handed over your children
as pledges to the agreement? Is it that you have
determined to make a kind of display of the fact
that you have no consideration either for God or for
good faith or for kinship itself or for safety or for any
other thing at all? And yet, if such is your practice
in matters which concern the divine, in what ally do
you put your trust in marching against the emperor
of the Romans? And if you are taking the field to
the destruction of your children, what in the world is
it in behalf of which you have decided to endanger
yourselves? But if any repentance has by now
entered your hearts for what has already taken
place, write to us, that we may satisfactorily arrange
with you touching what has already been done;
but if your madness has not yet abated, expect a
Roman war, which will come upon you together with
the oaths which you have violated and the wrong
which you are doing to your own children.”

Such was the letter which Solomon wrote. And
the Moors replied as follows : “ Belisarius deluded us
with great promises and by this means persuaded us
to become subjects of the Emperor Justinian ; but
the Romans, while giving us no share in any good
thing, expected to have us, though pinched with

293

10
ll

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἔχειν. ἢ ὥστε εἰκότως ἂν μᾶλλον ὑμῖν ἢ Μαυρου-
σίοις τὸ μὴ πιστοῖς καλεῖσθαι προσήκει. λύουσι
γὰρ τὰς σπονδὰς ody ὅσοι ἀδικούμενοι ἐκ τοῦ
ἐμφανοῦς τῶν πέλας κατηγοροῦντες ἀφίστανται,
ἀλλ᾽ ὅσοι ὑποσπόνδους ἔχειν ἀξιοῦντές τινας εἶτα
βιάξονται. καὶ τὸν θεὸν πολέμιον σφίσι ποιοῦν-
ται οὐχ οἱ ἂν τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν κομιούμενοι
ἐφ᾽ ἑτέρους χωροῖεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσοι τῶν ἀλλοτρίων
ἐπιβατεύοντες ἐς κίνδυνον πολέμου καθίστανται.
παίδων μέντοι ἕνεκεν ὑμῖν μελήσει, οἷς μίαν
ἄγεσθαι γυναῖκα ἀνάγκη: ἡμᾶς γάρ, οἷς καὶ
κατὰ πεντήκοντα, ἂν οὕτω τύχῃ, συνοικοῦσι γυν-
αἴκες, παίδων οὐκ ἄν ποτε ἐπιλίποι γονή."

Ῥαῦτα ἀναλεξαμένῳ Σολόμωνι τὸ στράτευμα
ὅλον ἐπὶ Μαυρουσίους ἐπάγειν ἔδοξε. διαθέμενός
τε τὰ ἐν Καρχηδόνι πράγματα, παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ
ἐς Βυξάκιον ἤει. γενόμενος δὲ ἐς Μάμμης τὸ
χωρίον, ἔνθα δὴ οἱ τέτταρες τῶν Μαυρουσίων
ἄρχοντες ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο ὧν ὀλίγῳ πρότερον
ἐπεμνήσθην, χαράκωμα ἐποιήσατο. ὄρη δέ εἰσιν
ἐνταῦθα ὑψηλὰ καὶ χωρίον ὁμαλὲς περὶ τὸν πρό-
ποδα τῶν ὀρῶν, ἔνθα οἱ βάρβαροι παρασκευα-
σάμενοι ἐς τὴν μάχην ἐποιοῦντο τὴν παράταξιν
ὧδε. κύκλον ἐκ τῶν καμήλων ταξάμενοι, ὅπερ
καὶ τὸν Καβάωνα ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις εἰρ-
γάσθαι ἐρρήθη, κατὰ δυοκαίδεκα μάλιστα τοῦ
μετώπου βάθος ἐποίουν. καὶ γυναῖκας μὲν ξὺν
τοῖς παισὶ κατέθεντο τοῦ κύκλου ἐντός" (τοῖς γὰρ
Μαυρουσίοις καὶ γυναῖκας ὀλίγας ξὺν τοῖς παι-

2 χυχην : τύχοι ΡΟ.
294

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xi. 9-18

hunger, as their friends and allies. Therefore it is
more fitting that you should be called faithless than
that the Moors should be. For the men who break
treaties are not those who, when manifestly wronged,
bring accusation against their neighbours and turn
away from them, but those who expect to keep
others in faithful alliance with them and then do
them violence. And men make God their enemy,
not when they march against others in order to
recover their own possessions, but when they get
themselves into danger of war by encroaching upon
the possessions of others. And as for children, that
will be your concern, who are not permitted to marry
more than one wife; but with us, who have, it may
be, fifty wives living with each of us, offspring of
children can never fail.”

When Solomon had read this letter, he decided to
lead his whole army against the Moors. So after
arranging matters in Carthage, he proceeded with
all his troops to Byzacium. And when he reached
the place which is called Mammes,! where the four
Moorish commanders, whom I have mentioned a
little before,2 were encamped, he made a stockade
for himself. Now there are lofty mountains there,
and a level space near the foothills of the mountains,
where the barbarians had made preparations for the
battle and arranged their fighting order as follows.
They formed a circle of their camels, just as, in the
previous narrative,? I have said Cabaon did, making
the front about twelve deep. And they placed the
women with the children within the circle; (for
among the Moors it is customary to take also a few

1 «¢Qn the borders of Mauretania” according to Procopius,

De aedificiis, vi. 6. 18.
2 Chap. x. 6. 3 Book ΠῚ. viii. 25, 26.

295

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

alv! ἐς παράταξιν ἐπάγεσθαι νόμος, αἵπερ αὐτοῖς
χαρακώματά τε καὶ καλύβας ποιοῦσι, καὶ ἵππο-
κομοῦσιν ἐμπείρως, καὶ τῶν τε καμήλων τῆς τε
τροφῆς ἐπιμελοῦνται: καὶ θήγουσαι τὰ τῶν ὅπλων
σιδήρια πολλοὺς σφίσι παραιροῦνται τῶν ἐν ταῖς
παρατάξεσι πόνων") αὐτοὶ δὲ πεζοὶ ἐς μέσους
τῶν καμήλων τοὺς πόδας ἵσταντο, ἀσπίδας τε καὶ
ξίφη ἔχοντες καὶ δοράτια, οἷς ἀκοντίζειν εἰώθασι.
τινὲς δὲ αὐτῶν ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσιν ἔχοντες τοὺς ἵππους
ἡσύχαζον. Σολόμων δὲ τὸ μὲν ἥμισυ τοῦ Μαυ-
ρουσίων κύκλου ὃ πρὸς τῷ ὄρει ἐτύγχανεν ὃν
ἀφῆκεν, οὐδένα ἐνταῦθα καταστησάμενος. ἔδεισε
γὰρ μὴ κατιόντες τε οἱ ἐν τῷ ὄρει πολέμιοι καὶ οἱ
ἐν τῷ κύκλῳ ἐπιστρεφόμενοι ἀμφιβόλους ἐν τῇ
παρατάξει τοὺς ἐκείνῃ ταττομένους ποιήσωνται.
ἐς δὲ τοῦ κύκλου τὸ λειπόμενον ὅλον ἀντιτάξας
τὸ στράτευμα, ἐπειδὴ αὐτῶν τοὺς πολλοὺς εἶδε
πεφοβημένους τε καὶ ἀθαρσοῦντας, διὰ τὰ ἐς
"Auydv τε καὶ Ῥουφῖνον ξυνενεχθέντα, βουλό-
μενος ὑπόμνησιν ποιήσασθαι αὐτοῖς τοῦ θαρσεῖν
ἔλεξε τάδε: “”Avdpes οἱ Βελισαρίῳ ξυστρατευσά-
μενοι, μηδεὶς ὑμᾶς τῶν ἀνδρῶν τῶνδε φόβος
εἰσίτω, μηδέ, εἰ Μαυρούσιοι κατὰ μυριάδας πέντε
συνειλεγμένοι Ῥωμαίων ἤδη πεντακοσίων ἐκρά-
τησαν, τοῦτο ὑμῖν ἐν παραδείγματος μοίρᾳ γινέ-
σθω. ἀλλ᾽ ἀναμνήσθητε μὲν τῆς ἀρετῆς τῆς
ὑμετέρας, ἐκλογίζεσθε δὲ ὡς Βανδίλοι μὲν Μαυ-
ρουσίων ἐκράτουν, ὑμεῖς δὲ Βανδώλων ἀκονιτὶ
κύριοι τῷ πολέμῳ γεγένησθε, καὶ ὡς τοὺς τῶν
μειζόνων κεκρατηκότας περὶ" τῶν καταδεεστέρων

Christ would bracket ξὺν τοῖς παισίν.
® περὶ MSS. : παρὰ Hoeschel in marg., Dindorf.

296

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xi. 18-24

women, with their children, to battle, and these make
the stockades and huts for them and tend the horses
skilfully, and have charge of the camels and the food ;
they also sharpen the iron weapons and take upon
themselves many of the tasks in connection with the
preparation for battle); and the men themselves took
their stand on foot in between the legs of the
camels, having shields and swords and small spears
which they are accustomed to hurl like javelins.
And some of them with their horses remained
quietly among the mountains. But Solomon dis-
regarded one half of the circle of the Moors, which
was towards the mountain, placing no one there.
For he feared lest the enemy on the mountain
should come down and those in the circle should
turn about and thus make the men drawn up there
exposed to attack on both sides in the battle. But
against the remainder of the circle he drew up his
whole army, and since he saw the most of them
frightened and without courage, on account of what
had befallen Aigan and Rufinus, and wishing to
admonish them to be of good cheer, he spoke as
follows : “ Men.who have campaigned with Belisarius,
let no fear of these men enter your minds, and, if
Moors gathered to the number of fifty thousand have
already defeated five hundred Romans, let not this
stand for you as an example. But call to mind
our own valour, and consider that while the Vandals
defeated the Moors, you have become masters of the
Vandals in war without any effort, and that it is not
right that those who have conquered the greater

297

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

πεφοβῆσθαι οὐ δίκαιον. καίτοι πάντων ἀνθρώ-
Tov ἐς ἀγῶνα πολέμου φαυλότατον εἶναι δοκεῖ τὸ
Μαυρουσίων ἔθνος. γυμνοί τε γὰρ οἱ πλεῖστοί
εἰσι καὶ αὐτῶν ὅσοι ἀσπίδας ἔχουσι, βραχείας τε
ταύτας καὶ οὐκ εὖ πεποιημένας οὐδὲ ἀπωθεῖσθαι
τὰ προσιόντα δυναμένας προβέβληνται. καὶ τὰ
δύο ταῦτα δοράτια ἀπορρίψαντες, ἢν μή τι δρά-
σωσιν, αὐτόματοι ἐς φυγὴν τρέπονται. ὥστε
πάρεστιν ὑμῖν τὴν πρώτην φυλαξαμένοις τῶν
βαρβάρων ὁρμὴν ἀνελέσθαι οὐδενὶ πόνῳ τὸ τοῦ
πολέμου κράτος. τῆς δὲ ὑμετέρας ὁπλίσεως ἡλί-
κὸν πρὸς τοὺς ἐναντίους τὸ διαλλάσσον ἐστὶν
ὁρᾶτε δήπου. καὶ τούτων ἔξω, ψυχῶν μὲν ἀρετὴ
καὶ σωμάτων ἀλκὴ καὶ πολέμων ἐμπειρία καὶ τὸ
θαρσεῖν, διὰ τὸ πάντας! ἤδη νενικηκέναι τοὺς
πολεμίους, ὑμῖν πρόσεστιν: οἱ δὲ Μαυρούσιοι
τούτων ἁπάντων ἐστερημένοι μόνῳ τῷ σφῶν αὐ-
τῶν ὁμίλῳ πιστεύουσι. ῥᾷον δὲ ὀλίγοι ὡς ἄριστα
παρεσκευασμένοι πλῆθος οὐκ ἀγαθῶν τὰ πολέμια
νικῶσιν ἀνθρώπων ἢ πρὸς αὐτῶν ἡσσῶνται. τῷ
μὲν γὰρ ἀγαθῷ στρατιώτῃ τὸ θαρσεῖν ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτῷ
πάρεστι, τῷ δὲ ἀνάνδρῳ τὸ τῶν συντεταγμένων
πλῆθος ἐς ἐπισφαλῆ στενοχωρίαν ὡς τὰ πολλὰ
περιίσταται. καὶ μὴν καὶ καμήλων τῶνδε ὑμᾶς
ὑπερφρονεῖν ἄξιον, αὶ οὔτε ἀμύνειν τοῖς πολεμίοις
οἷαί τέ εἰσι καὶ πληγεῖσαι, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, μείξονος
ταραχῆς τε καὶ ἀταξίας αἴτιαι τούτοις γενήσον-
ται. καὶ τὸ προπετὲς ὃ διὰ τὸ πρότερον εὐημερῆ-
σαι οἱ πολέμιοι κέκτηνται, ὑμῖν συναγωνιεῖσθαι
ξυμβήσεται. τόλμα γὰρ τῇ μὲν δυνάμει ξυμμε-

1 πάντας PO: πάντως V.

298

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xi. 24-35

should be terrified before those who are inferior.
And indeed of all men the Moorish nation seems to
be the most poorly equipped for war's struggle.
For the most of them have no armour at all, and those
who have shields to hold before themselves have only
small ones which are not well made and are not able
to turn aside what strikes against them. And after
they have thrown those two small spears, if they do
not accomplish anything, they turn of their own
accord to flight. So that it is possible for you, after
guarding against the first attack of the barbarians,
to win the victory with no trouble at all. But as to
your equipment of arms, you see, of course, how
great is the difference between it and that of your
opponents. And apart from this, both valour of
heart and strength of body and experience in war
and confidence because you have already conquered
all your enemies,—all these advantages you have ;
but the Moors, being deprived of all these things,
put their trust only in their own great throng. And
it is easier for a few who are most excellently
prepared to conquer a multitude of men not good at
warfare than it is for the multitude to defeat them.
For while the good soldier has his confidence in
himself, the cowardly man generally finds that the
very number of those arrayed with him produces
a want of room that is full of peril. Furthermore,
you are warranted in despising these camels, which
cannot fight for the enemy, and when struck by our
missiles will, in all probability, become the cause of
considerable confusion and disorder amung them.
And the eagerness for battle which the enemy have
acquired on account of their former success will be
your ally in the fight. For daring, when it is kept

299

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

τρουμένη τάχα τι καὶ τοὺς αὐτῇ χρωμένους ὀνή-
cel, ὑπεραίρουσα δὲ ταύτην ἐς κίνδυνον ἄγει. ὧν
ἐνθυμούμενοι καὶ τῶν πολεμίων καταφρονοῦντες
σιγήν τε καὶ κόσμον ἀσκεῖτε' τούτων γὰρ ἐπιμε-
λούμενοι ῥᾷόν τε καὶ ἀπονώτερον τῆς τῶν βαρβά-
ρων ἀκοσμίας κρατήσομεν." ταῦτα μὲν Σολόμων
εἶπεν.

Οἱ δὲ τῶν Μαυρουσίων ἄρχοντες ἐπειδὴ καὶ αὖ-
τοὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους καταπεπληγμένους τὴν τῶν
Ῥωμαίων εὐκοσμίαν εἶδον, βουλόμενοι αὐτῶν τὸ
πλῆθος ἐπὶ τὸ θαρσεῖν αὖθις ἀντικαθιστάναε,
τοιάδε παρεκελεύσαντο" “Ὥς μὲν ἀνθρώπεια Ῥω-
μαῖοι σώματα ἔχουσι καὶ οἷα σιδήρῳ πλησσόμενα
εἴκειν μεμαθήκαμεν, ὦ ξυστρατιῶται, οἷς αὐτῶν.
ἔναγχος τοὺς πάντων ἀρίστους πὴ μὲν καταχω-
σθέντας τοῖς δόρασι τοῖς ἡμετέροις ἐκτείναμεν, πὴ
δὲ ἁρπάσαντες δορυαλώτους ἡμῶν αὐτῶν πεποιή-
μεθα. τούτων δὲ τοιούτων ὄντων, ὡς καὶ νῦν
αὐτῶν τῷ πλήθει παρὰ πολὺ προέχειν αὐχοῦμεν,
ὁρᾶν πάρεστι. καὶ μὴν καὶ ὑπὲρ τῶν μεγίστων
ἡμῖν ὁ ἀγών ἐστιν, ἢ Λιβύης πάσης κυρίοις εἶναι,
ἢ τοῖς ἀλαζόσι τοῖσδε δουλεύειν. ὥστε ἡμῖν ἀν-
ἄγκη ὡς μάλιστα ἐν τῷ παρόντι avdpayabiverbar.
οἷς γὰρ ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων ὁ κίνδυνος, μὴ οὐχὶ εὐψυ-
χοτώτοις εἰναι ἀξύμφορον. τῆς δὲ τῶν πολεμίων
ὁπλίσεως ὑπερφρονεῖν ἡμᾶς προσήκει. ἤν τε γὰρ
πεζῇ! ἐφ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἴωσιν, οὐκ εὐσταλεῖς ἔσονται,
ἀλλ᾽ ἡσσηθήσονται τοῦ Μαυρουσίων τάχους, καὶ
τὴν ἵππον αὐτοῖς ἥ τε τῶν καμήλων ὄψις ἐκπλήξ-
aga καὶ τὸν ἄλλον τοῦ πολέμου θόρυβον ἡ τού-
τῶν. κραυγὴ ὑπερηχοῦσα εἰς ἀταξίαν, ὥς γε τὸ

1 πεζῇ Ῥ: οἱ πεζοί V, πεζοί Ο.

300

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xi. 35-42

commensurate with one’s power, will perhaps be of
some benefit even to those who make use of it, but
when it exceeds one’s power it leads into danger.
Bearing these things in mind and despising the
enemy, observe silence and order; for by taking
thought for these things we shall win the victory
over the disorder of the barbarians more easily and
with less labour.” Thus spoke Solomon.

And the commanders of the Moors also, seeing the
barbarians terrified at the orderly array of the Romans,
and wishing to recall their host to confidence again,
exhorted them in this wise: “That the Romans
have human bodies, the kind that yield when struck
with iron, we have been taught, O fellow-soldiers,
by those of them whom we have recently met, the
best of them all, some of whom we have overwhelmed
with our spears and killed, and the others we have
seized and made our prisoners of war. And not only
is this so, but it is now possible to see also that we
boast great superiority over them in numbers. And,
furthermore, the struggle for us involves the very
greatest things, either to be masters of all Libya or to
be slaves to these braggarts. It is therefore necessary
for us to be in the highest degree brave men at the
present time. For it is not expedient that those
whose all is at stake should be other than exceedingly
courageous. And it behoves us to despise the equip-
ment of arms which the enemy have. For if they
come on foot against us, they will not be able to
move rapidly, but will be worsted by the agility of
the Moors, and their cavalry will be terrified both by
the sight of the camels, and by the noise they make,
which, rising above the general tumult of battle, will,

201

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

εἰκός, καταστήσεται. καὶ τὴν ἐς Bavdirovs νίκην
εἴ τις ἐκλογιζόμενος μὴ ἀνταγωνίστους αὐτοὺς
οἴεται εἶναι, γνώμης ἁμαρτάνει. ἡ μὲν γὰρ τοῦ
πολέμου ῥοπὴ τῇ τοῦ στρατηγοῦντος ἀρετῇ ἢ
τύχῃ κρίνεσθαι πέφυκε: Βελισάριον δέ, ὃς τῆς
Βανδίλων ἐπικρατήσεως αἴτιος] γέγονεν, ἐκποδὼν
νῦν ἡμῖν ἑστηκέναι πεποίηκε τὸ δαιμόνιον. ἄλλως
τε καὶ ἡμεῖς Βανδίλους πολλάκις νενικηκότες,
περιελόντες τε τὴν αὐτῶν δύναμιν, ἑτοιμότερόν τε
καὶ ἀπονώτερον Ῥωμαίοις τὸ κατ᾽ αὐτῶν πεποιή-
μεθα κράτος. καὶ νῦν δὲ πολεμίων τῶνδε κρατή-
σειν, ἢν ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ ἀνδραγαθίξησθε, ἐλπίδα
ἔχομεν."

Τοσαῦτα καὶ οἱ Μαυρουσίων ἄρχοντες παρα-
κελευσάμενοι τῆς ξυμβολῆς ἦρχον. καὶ τὰ μὲν
πρῶτα πολλὴ ἀκοσμία ἐς τὸ “Ῥωμαίων στράτευμα
ἐγεγόνει. οἱ γὰρ ἵπποι αὐτοῖς τῇ τε κραυγῇ
καὶ τῇ ὄψει τῶν καμήλων ἀχθόμενοι ἀνεχαιτί.
ζοντό τε καὶ ἀπορριπτοῦντες τοὺς ἐπιβάτας
οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ οἱ πλεῖστοι ἔφευγον. καὶ ἐν τούτῳ
ἐπεκδρομὰς ποιούμενοι οἱ Μαυρούσιοι καὶ τὰ
δοράτια ὅσα σφίσιν ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν ἣν ἀκοντί-
ἕξοντες, θορύβου τε αὐτῶν ἐμπίπλασθαι τὸ στρά-
τευμα ἐποίουν καὶ οὔτε ἀμυνομένους οὔτε ἐν τάξει
μένοντας ἔπλησσον. ὕστερον δὲ Σολόμων, κατιδὼν
τὰ “πρασσόμενα, ἐκ τε τοῦ ἵππου ἀποθρώσκει
πρῶτος καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας ἐς τοῦτο ἐνάγει.
καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἀπέβησαν, τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἐνετέλλετο
ἡσυχάζουσι καὶ τὰς ἀσπίδας προβαλλομένοις
δεχομένοις τε τὰ παρὰ τῶν πολεμίων πεμπόμενα
ἐν τῇ τάξει μένειν: αὐτὸς δὲ στρατιώτας οὐχ

1 αἴτιος : αἰτιώτατος PO,

302

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xi. 42-51

in all likelihood, throw them into disorder. And if
anyone by taking into consideration the victory of
the Romans over the Vandals thinks them not to be
withstood, he is mistaken in his judgment. For the
scales of war are, in the nature of the case, turned
by the valour of the commander or by fortune ; and
Belisarius, who was responsible for their gaining the
mastery over the Vandals, has now, thanks to Heaven,
been removed out of our way. And, besides, we too
have many times conquered the Vandals and stripped
them of their power, and have thus made the victory
over them a more feasible and an easier task for
the Romans. And now we have reason to hope to
conquer this enemy also if you shew yourselves brave
men in the struggle.”

After the officers of the Moors had delivered this
exhortation, they began the engagement. And at
first there arose great disorder in the Roman army.
For their horses were offended by the noise made by
the camels and by the sight of them, and reared up
and threw off their riders and the most of them fled in
complete disorder. And in the meantime the Moors
were making sallies and hurling all the small spears
which they had in their hands, thus causing the
Roman army to be filled with tumult, and they were
hitting them with their missiles while they were un-
able either to defend themselves or to remain in
position. But after this, Solomon, observing what was
happening, leaped down from his horse himself first
and caused all the others to do the same. And when
they had dismounted, he commanded the others to
stand still, and, holding their shields before them and
receiving the missiles sent by the enemy, to remain
in their position ; but he himself, leading forward not

393

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἧσσον ἢ πεντακοσίους ἐπαγόμενος ἐς τὴν τοῦ
κύκλου ἐπέσκηψε μοῖραν. οὺς δὴ τὰ ξίφη
ἀνελομένους ἐκέλευε τὰς καμήλους αἱ ταύτῃ
εἱστήκεσαν κτείνειν. τότε Μαυρούσιοι μὲν ὅσοι
ἐκείνῃ ἐτετάχατο ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμηντο, οἱ δὲ ξὺν τῷ
Σολόμωνι κτείνουσι καμήλους ἀμφὶ διακοσίας,
αὐτίκα τε ὁ κύκλος, ἐπεὶ αἱ κάμηλοι ἔπεσον,
ἐσβατὸς Ῥωμαίοις ἐγένετο. καὶ αὐτοὶ μὲν δρόμῳ
ἐς τὸ τοῦ κύκλου μέσον ἐχώρουν, ἔνθα αἱ Μαυ.
ρουσίων γυναῖκες ἐκάθηντο: οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι
ἐκπεπληγμένοι ἐς τὸ ὄρος ὅπερ ἄγχιστα ἣν
ἀποχωροῦσι, φεύγοντάς τε αὐτοὺς ξὺν πάσῃ
κοσμίῳ ἐπισπόμενοι Ῥωμαῖοι ἔκτεινον. καὶ
λέγονται Μαυρουσίων μύριοι ἐν τούτῳ τῷ πόνῳ
ἀποθανεῖν: γυναῖκές τε πᾶσαι ξὺν τοῖς παισὶν
ἐν ἀνδραπόδων λόγῳ ἐγένοντο. καὶ καμήλους
οἱ στρατιῶται πάσας, ὅσας οὐκ ἔκτειναν, ἐληί-
σᾶντο. οὕτω τε Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν ξὺν πάσῃ τῇ
λείᾳ ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἤεσαν, τὴν ἐπινίκιον ἑορτὴν
ἀξοντες.1

XII

Οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι χρώμενοι θυμῷ πανδημεὶ
ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους αὖθις, οὐδένα σφῶν ἀπολιπόν-
τες, ἐστράτευσαν, καὶ καταθεῖν τὰ ἐν Βυζακίῳ
χωρία ἤρξαντο, οὐδεμιᾶς ἡλικίας τῶν σφίσι
παραπιπτόντων φειδόμενοι. ἄρτι τε Σολόμωνι
ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἐληλακότι βάρβαροι πλήθει με-

if 3 ΄ 5 ,ὕ \ ,
yaro ἐς Βυζάκιον ἐληλυθέναι καὶ ληίζεσθαι
πάντα τὰ ἐκείνῃ ἠγγέλλοντο. ἄρας οὖν κατὰ

1 ἄξοντες PO: ἄγοντες V Theophanes,
304

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xi. 51-xii. 2

less than five hundred men, made an attack upon
the other portion of the circle.1_ These men he com-
manded to draw their swords and kill the camels
which stood at that point. Then the Moors who were
stationed there beat a hasty retreat, and the men
under Solomon killed about two hundred camels,
and straightway, when the camels fell, the circle be-
came accessible to the Romans. And they advanced
on the run into the middle of the circle where the
women of the Moors were sitting; meanwhile the
barbarians in consternation withdrew to the moun-
tain which was close by, and as they fled in complete
disorder the Romans followed behind and killed
them. And it is said that ten thousand of the Moors
perished in this encounter, while all the women
together with the children were made slaves. And
the soldiers secured as booty all the camels which
they had not killed. Thus the Romans with all
their plunder went to Carthage to celebrate the
festival of triumph.

XII

Bur the barbarians, being moved with anger, once
more took the field in a body against the Romans,
leaving behind not one of their number, and they
began to overrun the country in Byzacium, sparing
none of any age of those who fell in their way. And
when Solomon had just marched into Carthage it was
reported that the barbarians with a great host had
come into Byzacium and were plundering everything
there. He therefore departed quickly with his

1 The side toward the mountains ; cf. § 20.

305

‘PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

τάχος παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἤει. γενό-
μενος δὲ ἐν Βουργάωνι, ἔνθα οἱ πολέμιοι ἐστρα-
τοπεδεύσαντο, ἡμέρας μέν τινας ἀντεκάθητο,
ὅπως, ἐπειδὰν τάχιστα ἐν τῷ ὁμαλεῖ γένωνται
οἱ Μαυρούσιοι, τῆς ξυμβολῆς ἄρχοι. ὡς δὲ
ἐκεῖνοι ἐν τῷ ὄρει ἔμενον, διεῖπέ τε ὡς ἐς μάχην
καὶ διεκόσμει τὸ στράτευμα, οἱ δὲ Μαυρούσιοι
ἐς μὲν τὸ πεδίον ἥκιστα Ῥωμαίοις τὸ λοιπὸν ἐς
μάχην ἰέναι διενοοῦντο (ἤδη γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἄμαχόν
τι δέος ἐσήει), ἐν δὲ τῷ ὄρει ἤλπιξον ῥᾷον αὐτῶν
περιέσεσθαι τῷ πολέμῳ. ἔστι δὲ τὸ ὄρος ὁ
Βουργάων ἐπὶ πλεῖστον μὲν ἀπότομον καὶ τὰ
πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον δεινῶς ἄβατον, τὰ δὲ πρὸς
ἐσπέραν εὐέφοδόν τε καὶ ὑπτίως ἔχον. καὶ
σκοπέλω ὑψηλὼ δύο ἀνέχετον νάπην τινὰ ἐν
μέσῳ σφῶν ἐργαζομένω, στενὴν μὲν κομιδῆ, ἐς
βάθος δέ τι ἄφατον κατατείνουσαν. οἱ δὲ βάρ-
βαροι τὴν μὲν ἄκραν τοῦ ὄρους ἀπέλιπον ἀνδρῶν
ἔρημον, οὐδὲν ἐνθένδε πολέμιον οἰόμενοι σφίσιν
ἔσεσθαι: ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὸν ἀμφὶ τὸν πρόποδα
χῶρον ἔλιπον οὗ δὴ εὐπρόσοδος ὁ Βουργάων ἣν.
κατὰ δὲ τὰ μέσα στρατοπεδευσάμενοι ἔμενον,
ὅπως, ἢν οἱ πολέμιοι ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἀνιόντες μάχης
ἄρξωσιν, αὐτοὶ ἤδη ὕπερθεν ἐκείνων γενόμενοι
κατὰ κορυφὴν βάλλωσιν. ἦσαν δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐν
τῷ ὄρει καὶ ἵπποι πολλοὶ ἢ ἐς φυγὴν παρε-
σκευάσμένοι, ἢ ἐς τὴν δίωξιν, ἣν τῆς μάχης
κρατήσωσι.

Σολόμων δέ, ἐπεὶ εἶδε τοὺς Μαυρουσίους οὐκέτι
ἐν τῷ ὁμαλεῖ ἐθέλοντας διαμάχεσθαι, καὶ ἅμα τῇ
προσεδρείᾳ τὸ Ῥωμαίων στράτευμα ἐν χωρίῳ

1 ἄφατον VO: ἄβατον Ῥ,
306

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV, xii, 2-10

whole army and marched against them. And when
he reached Bourgaon, where the enemy were
encamped, he remained some days in camp over
against them, in order that, as soon as the Moors
should get on level ground, he might begin the
battle. But since they remained on the mountain,
he marshalled his army and arrayed it for battle ;
the Moors, however, had no intention of ever again
engaging in battle with the Romans in level country
(for already an irresistible fear had come over them),
but on the mountain they hoped to overcome them
more easily. Now Mt. Bourgaon is for the most
part precipitous and on the side toward the east
extremely difficult to ascend, but on the west it is
easily accessible and rises in an even slope. And
there are two lofty peaks which rise up, forming
between them a sort of vale, very narrow, but of
incredible depth. Now the barbarians left the peak
of the mountain unoccupied, thinking that on this
side no hostile movement would be made against
them; and they left equally unprotected the space
about the foot of the mountain where Bourgaon was
easy of access. But at the middle of the ascent they
made their camp and remained there, in order that,
if the enemy should ascend and begin battle with
them, they might at the outset, being on higher
ground, shoot down upon their heads. They also
had on the mountain many horses, prepared either
for flight or for the pursuit, if they should win the
battle.

Now when Solomon saw that the Moors were
unwilling to fight another battle on the level ground,
and also that the Roman army was opposed to making

297

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἐρήμῳ ἤχθετο, ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐν

ουργάωνι ἠπείγετο. ἰδὼν δὲ τοὺς στρατιώτας
καταπεπληγμένους τῷ τῶν ἐναντίων ὁμίλῳ πολυ-
πλασίῳ ἢ ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ μάχῃ γεγενημένῳ, Evy-
καλέσας τὸ πλῆθος ἔλεξε τοιάδε: ““ Τὸ μὲν δέος ᾧ
πρὸς ὑμᾶς οἱ πολέμιοι χρῶνται, οὐχ ἑτέρου του
κατηγόρου δεῖται, ἀλλ᾽’ αὐτεπάγγελτον ἐξελή-
Aeyxtat τὴν οἴκοθεν ἐπαγόμενον μαρτυρίαν.
ὁρᾶτε γὰρ δή που τοὺς ἐναντίους εἰς τόσας μὲν
καὶ τόσας μυριάδας συνειλεγμένους, οὐ τολμῶν-
τας δὲ ἡμῖν εἰς τὸ πεδίον καταβαίνοντας ξυμ-
βαλεῖν, οὐδὲ πιστεύειν ἐπὶ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἔχοντας,
ἀλλ᾽ εἰς τὴν τοῦ χωρίου τούτου δυσκολίαν κατα-
φυγόντας. ὥστε ὑμῖν οὐδέ τι ἐγκελεύεσθαι ἔν γε
τῷ παρόντι ἐπάναγκες. οἷς γὰρ τὰ πρώγματα
καὶ ἡ τῶν πολεμίων ἀσθένεια τὸ θαρσεῖν
δίδωσιν, οὐδὲν οἶμαι τῆς ἐκ τῶν λόγων ὠφελείας
προσδεῖ. τοσοῦτον δὲ ὑπομνῆσαι ὑμᾶς δεήσει
ὡς, ἢν μετὰ εὐψυχίας καὶ τήνδε τὴν ξυμ-
βολὴν διενέγκωμεν, λελείψεται ἡμῖν, Βανδίλων
τε νενικημένων καὶ Μαυρουσίων εἰς ταὐτὸ τύχης
ἐληλακότων, τῶν Λιβύης ἀγαθῶν ἀπόνασθαι πάν-
των, οὐδὲν ὅ τι καὶ πολέμιον ἐννοεῖν ἔχουσιν.
ὅπως δὲ μὴ κατὰ κορυφὴν ὑμᾶς οἱ πολέμιοι
βάλλωσι, μηδέ τι ἐκ τοῦ χωρίου ἡμῖν γίγνοιτο
βλάβος, ἐγὼ προνοήσω."

Τοσαῦτα παρακελευσάμενος Σολόμων, Θεό-
δωρον ἐκέλευεν, ὃς τῶν ἐξκουβιτώρων ἡγεῖτο

eee

1 In the late Empire the eacubitores, 300 in number,
constituted the select guard of the palace. Their com.
mander, comes excubitorum, held high rank at court; οὗ,

308

HISTORY OF THE WARS, LV. xii. 10-17

a siege in a desert place, he was eager to come to
an encounter with the enemy on Bourgaon. But
inasmuch as he saw that the soldiers were stricken
with terror because of the multitude of their
opponents, which was many times greater than it
had been in the previous battle, he called together
the army and spoke as follows: “The fear which the
enemy feel toward you needs no other arraignment,
but voluntarily pleads guilty, bringing forward, as it
does, the testimony of its own witnesses. For you
see, surely, our opponents gathered in so many tens
and tens of thousands, but not daring to come down
to the plain and engage with us, unable to feel con-
fidence even in their own selves, but taking refuge
in the difficulty of this place. It is therefore not
even necessary to address any exhortation to you, at
the present time at least. For those to whom both
the circumstances and the weakness of the enemy
give courage, need not, I think, the additional
assistance of words. But of this one thing it will
be needful to remind you, that if we fight out this
engagement also with brave hearts, it will remain
for us, having defeated the Vandals and reduced the
Moors to the same fortune, to enjoy all the good
things of Libya, having no thought whatever of an
enemy in our minds. But as to preventing the
enemy from shooting down upon our heads, and
providing that no harm come to us from the nature
of the place, I myself shall make provision.”

After making this exhortation Solomon commanded
Theodorus, who led the “ excubitores!” (for thus the

VIII. xxi. 1, where we are told that Belisarius held this
position, and Arcana 6. 10, where Justin, afterwards
emperor, is mentioned.

309

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

(οὕτω yap τοὺς φύλακας Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσι),
πεζοὺς χιλίους ἐπαγαγόμενον ἀμφὶ δείλην ὀψίαν
ἔχοντά τε καὶ τῶν σημείων τινὰ ἐς τὰ πρὸς ἀνί-
σχοντα ἥλιον τοῦ Βουργάωνος λάθρα ἀναβῆναι,
οὗ μάλιστα δύσοδόν τε τὸ ὄρος καὶ σχεδόν τι
ἀπόρευτον ἣν, ἐπιστείλας ὥστε, ἐπειδὰν ἄγχι ἐς
τὸν τοῦ ὄρους κολωνὸν ἵκωνται, ἐνταῦθα ἡσυχά-
ξοντας τὸ λοιπὸν διανυκτερεύειν, ἅμα τε ἡλίῳ
ἀνίσχοντι καθύπερθεν φαινομένους τῶν πολεμίων
καὶ τὰ σημεῖα ἐνδεικνυμένους βάλλειν. ὁ δὲ
κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίει. καὶ ἐπεὶ πόρρω ἦν τῶν
νυκτῶν, διὰ τοῦ κρημνώδους ἐγγὺς τοῦ σκοπέλου
ἀφικόμενοι μὴ ὅτι Μαυρουσίους, ἀλλὰ καὶ
Ῥωμαίους ἅπαντας ἔλαθον: ἐς προφυλακὴν
γὰρ τῷ λόγῳ ἐστέλλοντο, μή τις ἔξωθεν ἐς τὸ
στρατόπεδον κακουργήσων ἴοι. ὄρθρου δὲ βαθέος
Σολόμων παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ κατὰ τοῦ Βουργάωνος
τὰ ἔσχατα ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἀνέβαινε καὶ
ἐπειδὴ πρωὶ ἐγεγόνει ἐγγύς τε οἱ πολέμιοι καθ-
εωρῶντο, οὐκέτι γυμνήν, ὥσπερ τὸ πρότερον, οἱ
στρατιῶται τὴν τοῦ ὄρους ὑπερβολὴν ὁρῶντες,
ἀλλὰ ἀνδρῶν τε ἀνάπλεων καὶ σημεῖα Ῥωμαϊκὰ
ἐνδεικνυμένων (ἤδη γὰρ καὶ ὑπέφαινέϑ τι ἡμέρας)
διηποροῦντο. ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν χειρῶν οἱ ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ
ἦρχον, οἵ σε “Ῥωμαῖοι τὸ στράτευμα οἰκεῖον
εἰναι καὶ οἱ βάρβαροι ἐν μέσῳ τῶν πολεμίων
γεγονέναι ἠσθάνοντο, βαλλόμενοι δὲ ἑκατέρωθεν,
καὶ οὐ παρὸν σφίσι τοὺς πολεμίους ἀμύνεσθαι, ἐς
ἀλκὴν μὲν οὐκέτι ἔβλεπον, ἐς φυγὴν δὲ αὐτίκα
1 προφυλακὴν V: πρὸς φυλακὴν P, φυλακὴν Ο.

3 ἀνέβαινε PO: ἀνέφαινε V.

ὃ ὑπέφαινέ Ο : ὑπερέφαινε V, ὑπερφαίνει Ῥ,

310

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xii. 17-21

Romans call their guards), to take with him a thousand
infantrymen toward the end of the afternoon and
with some of the standards to go up secretly on the
east side of Bourgaon, where the mountain is most
difficult of ascent and, one might say, impracticable,
commanding him that, when they arrived near the
erest of the mountain, they should remain quietly
there and pass the rest of the night, and that at
sunrise they should appear above the enemy and dis-
playing the standards commence to shoot. And Theo-
dorus did as directed. And when it was well on in
the night, they climbed up the precipitous slope and
reached a point near the peak without being noticed
either by the Moors or even by any of the Romans;
for they were being sent out, it was said, as an
advance guard, to prevent anyone from coming to
the camp from the outside to do mischief. And
at early dawn Solomon with the whole army went
up against the enemy to the outskirts of Bourgaon.
And when morning had come and the enemy were
seen near at hand, the soldiers were completely at
a loss, seeing the summit of the mountain no longer
unoccupied, as formerly, but covered with men who
were displaying Roman standards; for already some
daylight was beginning to shew. But when those on
the peak began their attack, the Romans perceived
that the army was their own and the barbarians that
they had been placed between their enemy’s forces,
and being shot at from both sides and having no
opportunity to ward off the enemy, they thought no
more of resistance but turned, all of them, to a

311

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ξύμπαντες ὥρμηντο. οὔτε δὲ ἐς τοῦ Βουργάωνος
τὴν ὑπερβολὴν ἀναδραμεῖν ἔχοντες, πρὸς τῶν
πολεμίων καταχομένην, οὔτε ἐς τὸ ὁμαλὲς διὰ τοῦ
πρόποδός πη ἰέναι, ἐνθένδε σφίσιν ἐπικειμένων
τῶν ἐναντίων, ἔς τε τὴν νάπην καὶ ἐς τῶν σκοπέ-
λων τὸν ἕτερον δρόμῳ πολλῷ ἤεσαν, οἱ μὲν αὐτοῖς
ἵπποις, οἱ δὲ καὶ πεζῇ. ἅτε δὲ ὅμιλος πολὺς ἐν
φόβῳ καὶ θορύβῳ μεγάλῳ φεύγοντες, σφᾶς τε
αὐτοὺς ἔκτεινον καὶ ἐς “τὴν νάπην βαθεῖαν κομιδῆ
οὖσαν ἐσπίπτοντες ἀεὶ οἱ πρῶτοι ἔθνησκον, τοῖς
μέντοι ὄπισθεν i ἰοῦσιν οὐ παρείχοντο τοῦ κακοῦ
αἴσθησιν. ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν τεθνεώτων ἵππων τε καὶ
ἀνθρώπων ἡ ἡ νάπη ἔμπλεως γενομένη διάβασιν ἐκ
τοῦ Βουργάωνος ἐ ἐς ὄρος ἐποίει τὸ ἕτερον, ἐνταῦθα
ἐσώζοντο οἱ ὑπολειπόμενοι, διὰ τῶν σωμάτων τὴν
πορείαν ποιούμενοι. ἀπέθανον δὲ ἐν τούτῳ τῷ
πόνῳ Μαυρουσίων μὲν μυριάδες πέντε, ὡς αὐτῶν
ἰσχυρίξοντο οἱ περιόντες, “Ῥωμαίων δὲ τὸ παρά-
πᾶν οὐδείς, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ πληγήν τινα ἔλαβεν ἢ
πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἢ τύχης αὐτῷ »ξυμβάσης
τινός, ἀλλ᾽ ἀκραιφνεῖς πάντες τῆς νίκης ἀπώ-
vavTo ταύτης. διέφυγον δὲ καὶ οἱ τῶν βαρβάρων
ἡγούμενοι πάντες, πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι ᾿Εσδιλάσας
πίστεις λαβὼν Ῥωμαίοις αὑτὸν ἐνεχείρισε. γυν-
αἰκῶν μέντοι καὶ παίδων λείαν τοσαύτην τὸ
πλῆθος Ῥωμαῖοι εἷλον ὥστε προβάτου τιμῆς
παῖδα Μαυρούσιον τοῖς ὠνεῖσθαι βουλομένοις
ἀπέδοντο. καὶ τότε Μαυρουσίων τοὺς ὑπολειπο-
μένους γυναικῶν τῶν σφετέρων τὸ λόγιον ἐσήει,
ὡς ἄρα τὸ γένος αὐτοῖς πρὸς ἀνδρὸς ἀγενείου
ὀλεῖται.
Τ᾿ πῃ ἰέναι VO: προϊέναι Ῥ,

312

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xii. 21-28

hasty flight. And since they could neither run up
to the top of Bourgaon, which was held by the
enemy, nor go to the plain anywhere over the lower
slopes of the mountain, since their opponents were
pressing upon them from that side, they went with
a great rush to the vale and the unoccupied peak,
some even with their horses, others on foot. But
since they were a numerous throng fleeing in great
fear and confusion, they kept killing each other,
and as they rushed into the vale, which was
exceedingly deep, those who were first were being
killed constantly, but their plight could not be
perceived by those who were coming up behind.
And when the vale became full of dead horses and
men, and the bodies made a passage from Bourgaon
to the other mountain, then the remainder were
saved by making the crossing over the bodies. _And
there perished in this struggle, among the Moors
fifty thousand, as was declared by those of them who
survived, but among the Romans no one at all, nor
indeed did anyone receive even a wound, either at the
hand of the enemy or by any accident happening to ~
him, but they all enjoyed this victory unscathed.
All of the leaders of the barbarians also made their
escape, except Esdilasas, who received pledges and
surrendered himself to the Romans. 80. great,
however, was the multitude of women and children
whom the Romans seized as booty, that they would
sella Moorish boy for the price of a sheep to any
who wished to buy. And then the remainder of
the Moors recalled the saying of their women, to
the effect that their nation would be destroyed by a
beardless man.1

“1 Of. chap. viii. 14. Procopius has explained in III. xi. 6
that Solomon was a eunuch. ce,

VOL. II. L

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

To μὲν οὖν “Ῥωμαίων στράτευμα ξύν τε
τῇ λείᾳ καὶ τῷ ᾿Εσδιλάσᾳ ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἐσή-
Navvov τῶν δὲ βαρβάρων ᾿ὅσοις μὴ ἀπολωλέναι
ξυμβέβηκεν, ἐν Βυζξακίῳ μὲν ἱδρῦσθαι ἀδύνατα
ἐδόκει εἶναι, ὅπως μὴ ὀλίγοι ὄντες πρὸς Λιβύων
τῶν σφίσιν ὁμόρων βιάξωνται, ξὺν δὲ ἄρχουσι
τοῖς σφετέροις εἰς Νουμιδίαν ἀφικόμενοι ἱκέται
γίνονται. Ἰαύδα, ὃς τῶν ἐν Αὐρασίῳ Μαυρουσίων
ἦρχε. μόνοι δὲ Μαυρουσίων ἐν Bufaxio διέμειναν
ὧν ἡγεῖτο ᾿Αντάλας, ὃς 59 ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ
τὴν ἐς “Ῥωμαίους πίστιν φυλάξας κακῶν ἀπαθὴς
ξὺν τοῖς ὑπηκόοις τοῖς αὑτοῦ ἔμεινεν.

XIII

Ἔν ᾧ δὲ ταῦτα ἐν Βυζακίῳ ἐγένετο, ἐν τούτῳ
᾿Ιαύδας ὃς τῶν ἐν Αὐρασίῳ Μαυρουσίων. ἦρχε,
πλέον ἢ τρισμυρίους ἄνδρας μαχίμους ἐπαγό-
μένος ἐληίξζετο τὰ ἐπὶ Νουμιδίας χωρία, ἠνδρα-
πόδιξέ τε τῶν Λιβύων πολλούς. ,ἐτύγχανε δὲ
᾿Αλθίας ἐν Κεντουρίαις τῶν ἐκείνῃ φρουρίων
φυλακὴν ἔχων' ὃς τῶν αἰχμαλώτων τινὰς ἀφε-
λέσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχων ξὺν
Οὔννοις τοῖς αὐτῷ ἑπομένοις, ἑβδομήκοντα μάλ-
tora οὖσιν, ἔξω τοῦ φρουρίου ἐγένετο. λογισά-
μενός. Te ὡς οὐχ οἷός τέ ἐστι πλήθει Μαυρουσίων
τοσούτῳ ξὺν ἀνδράσιν ἑβδομήκοντα ἐς χεῖρας
ἰέναι, στενοχωρίαν καταλαβεῖν τινα ἤθελεν, ὅ ὅπως
ἂν δι αὐτῆς ὁδῷ ὦ ἰόντων τῶν πολεμίων τῶν τινὰς
αἰχμαλώτων ἀναρπάσαϊ δυνατὸς εἴη. καὶ (οὐ
γώρ ἐστι τοιαύτη. τις ἐνταῦθα ὁδός, ἐπεὶ πεδία

314

HISTORY OF THE ‘WARS, IV. xii. 29—xiii. 4

So the Roman army, together with its booty and
with Esdilasas, marched into Carthage ; and those of
the barbarians who had not perished decided that it -
was impossible to settle in Byzacium, lest they, being
few, should be treated with violence by the Libyans
who were their neighbours, and with their leaders
they went into Numidia and made _ themselves
suppliants of Iaudas, who ruled the Moors in
Aurasium.! And the only Moors who remained in
Byzacium were those led by Antalas, who during
this time had kept faith with the Romans and
together with his subjects had remained unharmed.

XIII

- But during the time when these things were
happening in Byzacium, Iaudas, who ruled the Moors
in Aurasium, bringing more than thirty thousand
fighting men, was plundering the country of Numidia
and enslaving many of the Libyans. Now it so
happened that Althias? in Centuriae was keeping
guard over the forts there; and he, being. eager
to take from the enemy some of their captives, went
outside the fort. with the Huns who were under his
command, to the number of about seventy. And
reasoning that he was not able to cope with such a
great multitude of Moors with only seventy men, he
wished to occupy some narrow pass, so that, while
the enemy were marching through it, he might be
able to snatch up some of the captives. And since
there are no such roads there, because flat: plains

1 See III. viii. 5.

2 A comes foederatorum, mentioned in III. xi. 6.

515,

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ὕπτια πανταχῆ τῶν ἐκείνῃ χωρίων ἐστὶν) ἐπενόει
τάδε.

Πόλις ἔστι που πλησίον Τίγισις ὄνομα,
τότε μὲν ἀτείχιστος οὖσα, κρήνην δὲ μεγάλην
τινὰ ἐν στενοχωρίᾳ πολλῇ ἔχουσα. ταύτην
᾿Αλθίας τὴν κρήνην καταλαβεῖν ἔγνω, λογισάς
μενος ὡς δίψῃ ἀναγκαζόμενοι ἐνταῦθα πάντως *
ἀφίξονται οἱ πολέμιοι" ἄλλο γὰρ ὕδωρ ἄγχιστά
πη ὡς ἥκιστά ἐστι. πᾶσι μὲν οὖν τὸ τοῦ
πλήθους ἐκλογιξομένοις πδρόλρνον ἔδοξε μανιώ-
ons αὐτοῦ ἡ ἔννοια εἶναι. δὲ Μαυρούσιοι
κόπῳ τε πολλῷ καὶ πνίγει δος θέρους ὥρᾳ
ὡμιληκότες, δίψῃ τε, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἀπ᾽’ αὐτοῦ
μεγίστῃ ἐχόμενοι, παρὰ τὴν κρήνην δρόμῳ πολλῷ
ἦλθον, οὐδὲν ἐναντίωμα ἐν νῷ ἔχοντες. ἐπειδὴ
δὲ τὸ ὕδωρ πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἐχόμενον εὗρον,
ἀπορούμενοι ξύμπαντες ἔστησαν, τοῦ πλείστου
τῆς ἰσχύος ἤδη δαπανηθέντος σφίσι τῇ τοῦ
ὕδατος ἐπιθυμίᾳ. διὸ δὴ ᾿Ιαύδας τῷ ᾿Αλθίᾳ εἰς
λόγους ἥκων τὸ τριτημόριόν οἱ δώσειν ὡμολόγει
τῆς λείας, ἐ ἐφ᾽ ᾧ δὴ Μαυρούσιοι πίωσιν ἅπαντες.
ὁ δὲ τὸν μὲν λόγον ἐνδέχεσθαι οὐδαμῇ ἤθελε,
μονομαχεῖν δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑπὲρ τούτων ἠξίου.
τοῦ δὲ ‘lavéa ταύτην δὴ δεξαμένου τὴν πρό-
κλησιν, ξυνέκειτο ἡσσηθέντος, ἂν οὕτω τύχῃ, τοῦ
᾿Αλθία Μαυρουσίους πιεῖν. ἔχαιρέ τε ἅπας ὁ
τῶν Μαυρουσίων στρατός, εὐέλπιδες ὄντες, ἐπεὶ
᾿Αλθίας μὲν ἰσχνός τε ἣν καὶ οὐ μέγας τὸ σῶμα,
᾿Ιαύδας δὲ κάλλιστός τε ἣν καὶ ᾿μαχιμώτατος
Μαυρουσίων ἁπάντων. ἄμφω μὲν οὖν ἱππεῖς
ἐτύγχανον ὄντες. ὁ δὲ Ἰαύδας τὸ δοράτιον ἠκόν-

Δ πάντως PO: wos V.

316

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xiiis 4-14

extend in every direction, he devised the following
plan.

There is a city not far distant, named Tigisis, then
an unwalled place, but having a great spring at a
place which was very closely shut in. Althias there-
fore decided to take possession of this spring, reason- .
ing that the enemy, compelled by thirst, would surely
come there ; for there is no other water at all close
by. Now it seemed to all upon considering the dis-
parity of the armies that his plan was insane. But
the Moors came up feeling very much wearied and
greatly oppressed by the heat in the summer
weather, and naturally almost overcome by an in-
tense thirst, and they made for the spring with a
great rush, having no thought of meeting any ob-
stacle. But when they found the water held by
the enemy, they all halted, at a loss what to do, the
greatest part of their strength having been already
expended because of their desire for water. Iaudas
therefore had a parley with Althias and agreed to
give him the third part of the booty, on condition
that the Moors should all drink. But Althias was
by no means willing to accept the proposal, but
demanded that he fight with him in single combat
for the booty. And this challenge being accepted
by Iaudas, it was agreed that if it so fell out that
Althias was overcame, the Moors should drink. And
the whole Moorish army was rejoiced, being in good
hope, since Althias was lean and not tall of body,
while Iaudas was the finest and most warlike of all
the Moors. Now both of them were, as it happened,
mounted. And Iaudas hurled his spear first, but as

311]

- :PROCOPIUS -OF ‘CAESAREA

τίσε “πρῶτος, -οὗπερ ᾿Αλθίας ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἰόντος
χειρὶ λαβέσθαι τῇ δεξιᾷ παρὰ δόξαν ἰσχύδας:
᾿Ἰαύδαν τε καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους κατέπληξε.. τῇ δὲ
λαιᾷ χειρὶ τὸ τόξον ἐντείνας αὐτίκα, ἐπεὶ ἀμφι-
δέξιος ἦν, τὸν ᾿Ιαύδα ἵππον βαλὼν ἔκτεινε.
πεσόντος τε αὐτοῦ ἵππον ἕτερον τῷ ἄρχοντι
Μαυρούσιοι ἧγον; ἐφ᾽ ὃν ἀναθορὼν ᾿Ιαύδας
εὐθὺς ἔφυγε: καί οἱ κόσμῳ οὐδενὶ ὁ τῶν Μαυρου-
σίων στρατὸς εἵπετο. ὅ τε ᾿Αλθίας τούς τε
αἰχμαλώτους καὶ τὴν λείαν ἀφελόμενος ξύμπασαν.
ὄνομα. μέγα ἐκ: τοῦ ἔργου «τούτου ἀνὰ πᾶσαν
Διβύην. ἔσχε. - ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τῇδε ἐχώρησε.

- Σολόμων. δὲ. ἐν Καρχηδόνι ὀλίγον. τινὰ διατρί-:
ψας χρόνον; ἐπί τε ὄρος τὸ Αὐράσιον καὶ ᾿Ιαύδαν
ἐπῆγε τὸ στράτευμα, ἐπενεγκὼν αὐτῷ ὅτι, ἡνίκα ὁ
“Ῥωμαίων στρατὸς τὴν ἐν Bulaxio ἀσχολίαν εἶχε,
πολλὰ ἐχηίσᾶτο τῶν ἐν Νουμιδίᾳ χωρίων. καὶ.
ἣν δὲ οὕτως. ὥρμων δὲ Σολόμωνα ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ταύδαν
Μαυρουσίων ἄρχοντες ἕτεροι, Μασσωνᾶς τε καὶ
ρταΐας, τῆς σφετέρας ἔχθρας ἕνεκα: Maccavas
μέν, ὅτι οἱ τὸν πατέρα Μεφανίαν κηδεστὴς ὧν.
᾿Ιαύδας δόλῳ ἔκτεινεν, ὁ δὲ ἕτερος, ὅτι ξὺν τῷ
Μαστίνᾳ, ὃς τῶν ἐν Μαυριτανίᾳ βαρβάρων, ἡγεῖ-
το, ἐξελάσαι αὐτόν τε καὶ Maupovaious ὧν ἦρχεν
ἐκ τῆς. χώρας ἐβούλευσεν, ἔνθα δὴ ἐκ παλαιοῦ
ᾧκηντο. ὁ μὲν οὖν Ῥωμαίων στρατός, ἡγουμένου
αὐτοῖς Σολόμωνος, καὶ Μαυρουσίων. ὅσοι σφίσιν
ἐς ξυμμαχίαν ἧχλθον, ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο ἐς ποτα-
μὸν ᾿Αβίγαν, ὃς τὸ .Αὐράσιον παραρρέων ἀρδεύει
τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία. τῷ δὲ ᾿Ιαύδᾳ ἐς μὲν τὸ πεδίον
τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀντιτάξασθαι ἀξύμφορον εἶναι

1 Μαυρούσιοι Maltretus: μαυρουσίων MSS.

318

HISTORY OF THE WARS, ΙΝ. xiii. 14-21

it was coming toward him Althias succeeded with
amazing skill in catching it with his right hand, thus
filling Iaudas and the enemy with consternation. .

And with his left hand he drew his bow instantly, for

he was ambidextrous, and hit and killed the horse of -
faudas. And as he fell, the Moors brought another
horse for their commander, upon which Iaudas leaped
and straightway fled; and the Moorish army followed
him in complete disorder. And Althias, by thus
taking from them the captives and the whole of the
booty, won a great name in consequence of this deed
throughout all Libya. Such, then, was the course
of these events.

And Solomon, after delaying a short time in
Carthage, led his army toward Mt. Aurasium and
Iaudas, alleging against him that, while the Roman
army was occupied in Byzacium, he had plundered
many of the places in Numidia. And this was true.
Solomon was also urged on against Iaudas by the
other commanders of the Moors, Massonas and
Ortaias, because of their personal enmity ; Massonas,
because his father Mephanias, who was the father-
in-law of Iaudas, had been treacherously slain by
him, and Ortaias, because Iaudas, together with
Mastiras, who ruled over the barbarians in Maure-
tania, had purposed to drive him and all the Moors
whom he ruled from the land where they had dwelt
from of old. So the Roman army, under the leader-
ship of Solomon, and those of the Moors who came
into alliance with them, made their camp on the
river. Abigas, which flows along by Aurasium and
waters. the land there. But to Iaudas it seemed in-
expedient to array himself against the enemy in the

319

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἐφαίνετο, τὰ δὲ ἐν Αὐρασίῳ ἐξηρτύετο ὅπη οἱ
ἐδόκει τοῖς ἐπιοῦσιν ὡς δυσκολώτατα ἔσεσθαι.
τοῦτο δὲ τὸ ὄρος ἡμερῶν μὲν ὁδῷ δέκα καὶ τριῶν
μάλιστα Καρχηδόνος διέχει, μέγιστον δὲ ἅπάν-
τῶν ἐστὶν ὧν ἡμεῖς ἴσμεν. ἡμερῶν γὰρ τριῶν
ἐνταῦθα εὐζώνῳ ἀνδρὶ περίοδός ἐστι. καὶ τῷ μὲν
ἐς αὐτὸ ἰέναι βουλομένῳ δύσοδόν τέ ἐστι καὶ δει-
νῶς ἄγριον, ἄνω δὲ ἥκοντι καὶ ἐν τῷ ὁμαλεῖ γενο-
μένῳ πεδία τε φαίνεται καὶ κρῆναι πολλαὶ ποτα-
μούς Te ποιοῦσαι καὶ παραδείσων πολύ TL χρῆμα
θαυμάσιον οἷον. καὶ ὅ τε σῖτος ὃς ἐνταῦθα φύε--
ται ἥ τε ὀπώρα ἑκάστη διπλασία τὸ μέγεθός
ἐστιν ἢ ἐν τῇ ἄλλῃ ἁπάσῃ Λιβύῃ γίνεσθαι πέφυ-
κεν. ἔστι δὲ καὶ φρούρια ἐνταῦθά πη ἀπημελη-
μένα, τῷ μὴ δοκεῖν ἀναγκαῖα τοῖς ταύτῃ ὠκημένοις
εἶναι. ἐξ ὅτου γὰρ τὸ Αὐράσιον Μαυρούσιοι Βαν-
δίλους ἀφείλοντο, οὐδείς πω ἐς αὐτὸ πολέμιος
ἦλθεν οὐδὲ ἐς δέος τοὺς βαρβάρους κατέστησεν,
ἀλλὰ καὶ πόλιν Ταμούγαδιν, ἣ πρὸς τῷ ὄρει ἐν
ἀρχῇ τοῦ πεδίου πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον πολυ-
άνθρωπος οὖσα ᾧκητο, ἔρημον ἀνθρώπων οἱ Mav-
ρούσιοι ποιησάμενοι ἐς ἔδαφος καθεῖλον, ὅπως μὴ
ἐνταῦθα ἢ δυνατὰ ἐνστρατοπεδεύσασθαι τοῖς πο-
λεμίοις, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ κατὰ πρόφασιν τῆς πόλεως
ἄγχι ἐς τὸ ὄρος ἰέναι. εἶχον δὲ οἱ ταύτῃ Μαυ-
ρούσιοι καὶ τὴν πρὸς ἑσπέραν τοῦ Αὐρασίου χώ-
ραν, “πολλήν τε καὶ ἀγαθὴν οὖσαν. καὶ τούτων
ἐπέκεινα Μαυρουσίων ἔθνη ἕτερα ῴκηντο, ὧν
ἦρχεν ρταΐας, ὃς Σολόμωνί τε καὶ Ῥωμαίοις,
ὡς ἔμπροσθεν ἐρρήθη, ξύμμαχος ἦλθε. τούτου
τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐγὼ Χέγοντος ἤκουσα ὡς ὑπὲρ τὴν
χώραν ἧς αὐτὸς ἄρχοι, οὐδένες ἀνθρώπων οἰκοῦ-
320

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xiii. 21--29

plain, but he made his preparations on Aurasium in
such a way as seemed to him would offer most difficulty
to his assailants. This mountain is about thirteen
days’ journey distant from Carthage, and the largest
of all known to us. For its circuit is a three days’
journey for an unencumbered traveller. And_ for
one wishing to go upon it the mountain is difficult
of access and extremely wild, but as one ascends and
reaches the level ground plains are seen and many
springs which form rivers and a great number of
altogether wonderful parks. And the grain which
grows here, and every kind of fruit, is double the
size of that produced in all the rest of Libya. And
there are fortresses also on this mountain, which are
neglected, by reason of the fact that they do not
seem necessary to the inhabitants. For since the
time when the Moors wrested Aurasium from the
Vandals,! not a single enemy had until now ever
come there or so much as caused the barbarians to be
afraid that they would come, but even the populous
city of Tamougadis, situated against the mountain on
the east at the beginning of the plain, was emptied
of its population by the Moors and razed to the
ground, in order that the enemy should not only not
be able to encamp there, but should not even have
the city as an excuse for coming near the mountain.
And the Moors of that place held also the land to
the west of Aurasium, a tract both extensive and
fertile. And beyond these dwelt other nations of
the Moors, who were ruled by Ortaias, who had
come, as was stated above, as an ally to Solomon and
the Romans. And I have heard this man say that
beyond the country which he ruled there was no

1 Book III. viii. 5.
321

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

σιν, ἀλλὰ γῆ ἔρημος ἐπὶ πλεῖστον. διήκει, ταύτης
τε ἐπέκεινα ἄνθρωποί εἰσιν οὐχ ὥσπερ οἱ Μαυ-
ρούσιοι μελανόχροοι, ἀλλὰ λευκοί “τε χίαν τὰ
σώματα, καὶ τὰς κόμας ξανθοί. ταῦτα μὲν: δὴ
ὧδέ πη ἔχει.

Σολόμων δὲ Μαυρουσίων τε τοὺς ξυμμάχους
δωρησάμενος χρήμασι “μεγάλοις καὶ πολλὰ πα-
ρακελευσάμενος ! παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐς ὄρος τὸ
Αὐράσιον ὡς ἐς μάχην διατεταγμένος ἀνέβαινεν,
οἰόμενος. ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τοῖς τε πολεμίοις διὰ
μάχης ἰέναι καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν διακρίνεσθαι, ὅ ὅπη ἂν
ῇ βουλομένῃ τῇ τύχῃ. οὐ γὰρ οὖν οὐδὲ τροφάς,
ὅτι μὴ ὀλίγας, σφίσι τε καὶ τοῖς ἵπποις τοῖς
σφετέροις οἱ στρατιῶται ἐπήγοντο. πορευθέντες
δὲ ἐν δυσχωρίᾳ πολλῇ πεντήκοντα μάλιστα στα-
δίους ηὐλίσαντο. τοσαύτην τε ὁδὸν ἐς ἡμέραν
ἑκάστην ἀνύοντες ἑβδομαῖοι ἀφικνοῦνται ἐ ἐς χῶρον
ἔνθα φρούριόν τε παλαιὸν ἣν καὶ ποταμός τις
ἀένναος. Ὄρος ᾿Ασπίδος τῇ σφετέρᾳ γλώσσῃ
καλοῦσι Λατῖνοι τὸν χῶρον. ἐνταῦθα σφίσι
στρατοπεδεύεσθαι ,7γγέλλοντο, οἱ πολέμιοι, καὶ
ἐπειδὴ ἐν τῷ χωρίῳ τούτῳ ἐγένοντο πολέμιόν Te
οὐδὲν ἀπήντα, στρατοπεδευσάμενοι καὶ ὡς ἐς. μά-
χὴν παρασκευασάμενοι αὐτοῦ ἔμενον, ἡ ἡμερῶν τε
αὐτοῖς ἐνταῦθα τριῶν. χρόνος ἐτρίβη. ὡς δὲ οἵ τε
πολέμιοι τὸ παράπαν σφίσιν ἐκποδὼν ἵσταντο
καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐπελελοίπει, ἐνθύμιον Σολόμωνί
τε καὶ τῇ στρατιᾷ πάσῃ ἐγένετο, ὡς dpa τις πρὸς
Μαυρουσίων τῶν ξυμμάχων ἐπιβουλὴ ἐ ἐς αὐτοὺς
γίνοιτο' οἵ γε, καίπερ οὐκ ἀμελετήτως τῆς “ἐν
Αὐρασίῳ πορείας ἔχοντες, ἐπιστάμενοί τε, ὡς τὸ

1 παρακελευσάμενος PO: παρασκευασάμενος V.

222

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xiii. 29-36

habitation of men, but desert land extending to a
great distance, and that beyond that there are men,
not black-skinned like the Moors, but very white in
body and fair-haired. So much, then, for these things.

And Solomon, after bribing the Moorish allies with
great sums of money and earnestly exhorting them,
began the ascent of Mt. Aurasium with the whole
armyarrayed as for battle, thinking that on that day he
would do battle with the enemy and just as he was
have the matter out with them according as fortune
should wish. Accordingly the soldiers did not even
take with them any food, except a little, for them-
selves and their horses. And after proceeding over
very rough ground for about fifty stades, they made
a bivouac. And covering a similar distance each day
they came on the seventh day to a place where there
was an ancient fortress and an ever-flowing stream.
The place is called “Shield Mountain” by the
Romans in their own tongue.!_ Now it was reported
to them that the enemy were encamped there, and
when they reached this place and encountered no
enemy, they made camp and, preparing themselves
for battle, remained there; and three days’ time was
spent by them in that place. And since the enemy
kept altogether out of their way, and their provisions
had failed, the thought came to Solomon and to the
whole army that there had been some plot against
them on the part of the Moors who were their allies ;
for these Moors were not unacquainted with the
conditions of travel on Aurasium, and understood,

1 j,¢. Clypea. Not the place mentioned in. IV. x. 24.

323

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

εἰκός, ὅσα τοῖς πολεμίοις βεβουλευμένα ἐτύγχα-
νεν, ἐς ἑκάστην μὲν αὐτοῖς ἡμέραν λάθρα ἐπειγό-
μενοι, ὥσπερ ἐλέγετο, πολλάκις δὲ καὶ κατα-
σκοπῆς ἕνεκα ἐς αὐτοὺς πρὸς Ῥωμαίων σταλέντες,
οὐδὲν ἀγγεῖλαι ὑγιὲς ἔγνωσαν, ὅπως δὴ μὴ προ-
μαθόντες τροφάς τε σφίσιν ἐς χρόνον πλείω ἔχον-
τες ἐς ὄρος τὸ Αὐράσιον ἀναβαίνοιεν καὶ τὰ ἄλλα
παρασκευάσαιντο ὅπη ἄριστα ἔσεσθαι ἔμελλεν.
ὅλως δὲ ἐνέδραν σφίσι πρὸς ἀνδρῶν ξυμμάχων
γεγενῆσθαι ὑποτοπήσαντες ἐς δέος ἦλθον, Χογι-
ζόμενοι ὡς ἄπιστοι λέγονται εἶναι Μαυρούσιοι
φύσει, ἄλλως τε ἡνίκα Ῥωμαίοις ἢ ἄλλοις τισὶ
ξυμμαχοῦντες ἐπὶ Μαυρουσίους στρατεύονται͵
ὧν δὴ ἐνθυμηθέντες, ἅμα δὲ καὶ λεμῷ πιεζόμενοι,
ἐνθένδε τε κατὰ τάχος ἀναχωροῦσιν ἄπρακτοι καὶ
ἐς τὸ πεδίον ἀφικόμενοι χαράκωμα ἐποιήσαντο.
Μετὰ δὲ Σολόμων τοῦ στρατοῦ μοῖράν τινα
φυλακῆς ἕνεκα ἐν Νουμιδίᾳ καταστησάμενος (χει-
μὼν γὰρ ἤδη ἦν) ξὺν τοῖς ἐπιλοίποις ἐς Καρχη-
δόνα ἤει. ἔνθα δὴ ἕκαστα διεῖπέ τε καὶ διεκόσμει,
ὅπως ἅμα ἦρι ἀρχομένῳ πλείονι παρασκευῇ καί,
ἢν δύνηται, ξυμμάχων Μαυρουσίων ἐκτὸς ἐπὶ τὸ
Αὐράσιον αὖθις στρατεύοι. ἅμα δὲ καὶ στρατη-
γούς τε καὶ στρατιὰν ἄλλην καὶ νηῶν στόλον ἐπὶ
Μαυρουσίους ἐξηρτύετο οἱ ἐν Σαρδοῖ τῇ νήσω
i ay αὕτη ae ἡ νῆσος oe, a μέν Pats ae
ἄλλως εὐδαίμων, ἐς τὰς δύο μάλιστα τῆς Σικελίας
κατατείνουσα μοίρας (ἡμερῶν γὰρ ὁδὸν εἴκοσιν
εὐζώνῳ ἀνδρὶ τὸ τῆς γῆς περίμετρον ἔχει), Ῥώμης

324

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xiii. 36-42

probably, what had been decided upon by the enemy ;
they were stealthily going out to meet them each
day, it was said, and had also frequently been sent
to their country by the Romans to reconnoitre, and
had decided to make nothing but false reports, in
‘order, no doubt, that the Romans, with no prior
knowledge of conditions, might make the ascent of
Mt. Aurasium without supplies for a longer time or
without preparing themselves otherwise in the way
which would be best. -And, all things considered,
the Romans were suspicious that an ambush had
been set for them by men who were their allies and
began to be afraid, reasoning that the Moors are
said to be by nature untrustworthy at all times and
especially whenever they march as allies with. the
Romans or any others against Moors. So, remem-
bering these things, and at the same time being
pinched by hunger, they withdrew from there with
all speed without accomplishing anything, and, upon
reaching the plain, constructed a stockade. :
After this Solomon established a part of the army
in Numidia to serve as a guard and with the
remainder went to Carthage, since it was already
winter. There he arranged and set everything in
order, so that at the beginning of spring he might
again march against Aurasium with a larger equip-
ment and, if possible, without Moors as allies. At
the same time he prepared generals and another
army and a fleet of ships for an expedition against
the Moors who dwell in the island of Sardinia; for
this island is a large one and flourishing besides,
being about two thirds as large as Sicily (for the
perimeter of the island makes a journey of twenty
days for an unencumbered traveller) ; and lying, as

325

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA ©

τε καὶ Καρχηδόνος ἐν μέσῳ κειμένη πρὸς Mav-
ρουσίων τῶν ταύτῃ φκημένων πιέζεται. Βανδίλοι
γὰρ τὸ παλαιὸν ἐς τούτους τοὺς βαρβάρους ὀργῇ
χρώμενοι ὀλίγους δή τινας σὺν ταῖς γυναιξὶν ἐς
Σαρδὼ πέμψαντες ἐνταῦθα εἷρξαν. χρόνου δὲ.
προϊόντος τὰ ὄρη καταλαμβάνουσιν ἃ Kapava-
λεὼς ἐγγύς πού ἐστι, τὰ μὲν πρῶτα λῃστείας ἐκ
τοῦ ἀφανοῦς «ἐς τοὺς περιοίκους ποιούμενοι, ἐπεὶ
δὲ οὐχ ἧσσον ἐγένοντο ἢ τρισχίλιοι, καὶ ἐς τοὐμ-
φανὲς καταθέοντες, λανθάνειν τε ἥκιστα ἀξιοῦντες
ἅπαντα ἐληίζοντο τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία, Βαρβαρικῖνοι
πρὸς τῶν ἐπιχωρίων καλούμενοι. ἐπὶ τούτους δὴ
τοὺς Μαυρουσίους ὁ Σολόμων ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χει-
μῶνι τὸν στόλον ἡτοίμαζε. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐν'

AtBin ἐφέρετο τῇδε.
iw, XIV

Ἔν δὲ Ἰταλίᾳ κατὰ τοὺς χρόνους τοὺς αὐτοὺς
τάδε γενέσθαι τετύχηκε. Βελισάριος ἐπὶ Θευδᾶ-
τόν τὲ καὶ τὸ Γότθων ἔθμος πρὸς ᾿Ιουστινιανοῦ
βασιλέως ἐστέλλετο, καταπλεύσας δὲ ἐς Σικε-
λίαν" ταύτην δὴ τὴν νῆσον πόνῳ οὐδενὶ ἔσχεν.
ὅντινα δὲ τρόπον, ἐν τοῖς ὄπισθέν μοι λόγοις λελέξ-
εται, ὅτε μὲ ὁ λόγος ἐς τῶν ᾿Ιταλικῶν πραγμά-
τῶν τὴν ἱστορίαν ἄγει. νῦν γάρ μοι οὐκ ἀπὸ
τρόπου ἔδοξεν εἶναι ξύμπαντα ἀναγραψάμενον τὰ
ἐν Λιβύῃ ξυνενεχθέντα οὕτω δὴ ἐπὶ τὸν λόγον
τὸν ἀμφὶ ᾿Ιταλίαν τε καὶ Γότθους ἰέναι.

Tov μὲν οὖν χειμῶνα τοῦτον Βελισάριος μὲν ἐν

1 ἀφανοῦς VO: ἐμφανοῦς Ῥ,
3 ἐς σικελίαν PO: ἐν cixeAla V.

326

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xiii. 42-xiv. 4

it does, between Rome and Carthage, it was oppressed
by the Moors who dwelt there. For the Vandals in
ancient times, being enraged against these barbarians,
sent some few of them with their wives to Sardinia
and confined them there. But as time went on they
seized the mountains which are near Caranalis, at
first making plundering expeditions secretly upon
those who dwelt round about, but when they became
no less than three thousand, they even made their
raids openly, and with no desire for concealment
plundered all the country there, being called Bar-
baricini! by the natives. It was against these bar-
barians, therefore, that Solomon was preparing the
fleet during that winter. Such, then, was the course
of events in Libya

XIV

Anp in Italy during these same times the following
events took place. Belisarius was sent against ~
Theodatus and the Gothic nation by the Emperor
Justinian, and sailing to Sicily he secured this island
with no trouble. And the manner in which this was
done will be told in the following pages, when the
history leads me to the narration. of the events in
Italy. For it has not seemed to me out of order
first to. record. all the events which happened in
Libya and after that to turn to the portion of the
history touching Italy and the Goths.

_ During this winter Belisarius remained in Syracuse

1 The region in the interior of Sardinia called Barbargia
or Barbagia still preserves this name. But. Procopius’
explanation of the origin of the barbarian settlers there has
not been generally accepted.

327

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Συρακούσαις, Σολόμων δὲ ἐν Καρχηδόνι διέτριψε.
καὶ τέρας ἐν τῷδε τῷ ἔτει ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι δει-
νότατον. ὁ γὰρ ἥλιος ἀκτίνων χωρὶς τὴν αἴγλην,
ὥσπερ ἡ σελήνη, ἐς τοῦτον δὴ τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ἅπαν-
τὰ ἠφίει, ἐκλείποντί τε ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐῴκει, τὴν
ἀμαρυγὴν τὴν αὑτοῦ οὐ καθαρὰν οὐδὲ ἧπερ εἰώθει
ποιούμενος. ἐξ οὗ τε ξυμβῆναι τοῦτο τετύχηκεν,
οὔτε πόλεμος οὔτε λοιμὸς οὔτε TL ἄλλο ἐς θάνα-
τον φέρον τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἀπέλιπε. χρόνος δὲ
ἣν ὅτε δέκατον ἔτος ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς τὴν βασιλείαν
εἶχεν.

“A δὲ ἦρι ἀρχομένῳ, ὅτε of X ὶ
μα ἦρι ἀρχομένῳ, ὅτε οἱ Χριστιανοὶ
ἑορτὴν ἦγον ἣν δὴ Ι]ασχαλίαν καλοῦσι, στρα-
τιώταις στάσις ἐν Λιβύῃ ἐνέπεσεν. ἣ ὅπως τε

ἐφύη καὶ ἐς ὅ τι ἐτελεύτησεν, ἐρῶν ἔρχομαι.
᾿Ἐπειδὴ Βανδίλοι ἡσσήθησαν τῇ μάχῃ, ὥσπερ
μοι ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται, οἱ “Ῥωμαίων στρατιῶται
τὰς αὐτῶν παῖδάς τε καὶ γυναῖκας ἐν γαμετῶν
ἐποιήσαντο λόγῳ. ἡ δὲ αὐτῶν ἑκάστη τὸν ἄνδρα
ἐνῆγε, τῶν χωρίων τῆς κτήσεως μεταποιεῖσθαι
ὧν αὐτὴ πρότερον κυρία ἐτύγχανεν οὖσα, οὐχ
ὅσιον λέγουσα εἶναι, εἰ Βανδίλοις μὲν ξυνοικοῦσαι
τούτων ἀπώναντο, τοῖς δὲ αὐτοὺς νενικηκόσιν ἐς
γάμον ἐλθοῦσαι οὕτω δὴ τῶν σφίσιν ὑπαρχόντων
στερήσονται. ταῦτα δὲ οἱ στρατιῶται ἐν νῷ
ἔχοντες Σολόμωνι εἴκειν οὐκ ῴοντο χρῆναι τὰ
Βανδίλων χωρία ἔς τε τὸ δημόσιον καὶ ἐς τὸν
βασιλέως οἶκον ἐθέλοντι ἀναγράψασθὰι, φάσκοντί
τε ὡς τὰ μὲν ἀνδράποδα καὶ τὰ ἄλλα πάντα
χρήματα τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐς λάφυρα ἰέναι οὐκ
ἀπεικὸς εἰναι, γῆν μέντοι αὐτὴν βασιλεῖ τε καὶ
1 στρατιώταις : στρατιωτῶν PO,

328

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xiv. 4-10

and Solomon in Carthage. And it came about during
this year that a most dread portent took place. For
the sun gave forth its light without brightness, like
the moon, during this whole year, and it seemed
exceedingly like the sun in eclipse, for the beams it
shed were not clear nor such as it is accustomed to
shed. And from the time when this thing happened
men were free neither from war nor pestilence nor
any other thing leading to death. And it was the
time when Justinian was in the tenth year of his
reign.

At the opening of spring, when the Christians
were celebrating the feast. which they call Easter,
there arose a mutiny among the soldiers in Libya.
I shall now tell how it arose and to what end it came.

After the Vandals had been defeated in the battle,
as I. have told previously,! the Roman soldiers took
their daughters and wives and made them their
own by lawful marriage. And each one of these
women kept urging her husband to lay claim to the
possession of the lands which she had owned
previously, saying that it was not right or fitting if,
while living with the Vandals, they had enjoyed these
lands, but after entering into marriage with the con-
querors of the Vandals they were then to be deprived
of their possessions. And having these things in
mind, the soldiers did not think that they were
bound to yield the lands of the Vandals to Solomon,
who wished to register them as belonging to the
commonwealth and to the emperor's house and said
that while it was not unreasonable that the slaves
and all other things of value should go as booty to
the soldiers, the land itself belonged to the emperor

1 Book ILI. xviii. 7 ff.
329

586-537 a.D

586 A.D.

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῇ προσήκειν, ἥπερ αὐτοὺς
ἐξέθρεψέ τε καὶ στρατιώτας “καλεῖσθαί τε. καὶ
εἶναι πεποίηκεν, οὐκ ἐφ᾽ ᾧ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς τὰ
χωρία κεκτήσονται ὅσα av’ βαρβάρους ἐπι-
βατεύοντας τῆς “Ῥωμαίων βασιλείας ἀφέλοιντο,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ᾧ ἐς τὸ δημόσιον ταῦτα ἰέναι, ὅθεν σφίσι
τε ξυμβαίνει καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασι τὰς σιτήσεις
κομίζεσθαι. αὕτη μὲν τῆς στάσεως αἰτία ξυνέ-
πεσε μία. καὶ ἑτέραν δέ τινα ξυνηνέχθη γενέσθαι
τοιάνδε, ἣ ᾿ οὐδέν τι ἧσσον, εἰ μὴ καὶ μᾶλλον,
ἅπαντα turrapdéas τὰ ἐν. Λιβύῃ πράγματα
ἴσχυσεν. ἐν τῷ “Ρωμαίων στρατοπέδῳ τῆς
᾿Αρείου δόξης οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ χιλίους στρατιώτας
εἶναι ξυνέπεσεν' ὧν δὴ οἱ πολλοὶ βάρβαροι ἢ ἦσαν
καὶ αὐτῶν τινες ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Βρούλων ἔθνους. τούτους
δὴ οἱ τῶν Βανδίλων ἱερεῖς ἐς τὴν στάσιν τὰ
μάλιστα ὥρμων. οὐ γὰρ σφίσιν ἦν δυνατὰ τῷ
θεῷ ἐξοσιοῦσθαι τὰ εἰωθότα, Gra drrenédewvto
καὶ μυστηρίων καὶ ἱερῶν ἁπάντων. οὐ γὰρ᾽ εἴα
βασιλεὺς ᾿Ιουστινιανὸς ἄνδρα Χριστιανὸν οὐ
μεταλαχόντα δόξης ὀρθῆς ἢ βαπτίσματι ἢ ἢ ἄλλῳ
τῳ μυστηρίῳ χρῆσθαι. μάλιστα δὲ αὐτοὺς ἡ.
Πασχαλία ἑορτὴ ξυνετάραξε, καθ᾽ ἣν οὐχ οἷοί
τε ἐγίνοντο τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν παιδία τῷ θείῳ
βαπτίζειν λουτρῷ, ἢ ἄλλο τι ἐργάζεσθαι ἐς
ταύτην δὴ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἄγον. ὥσπερ δὲ οὐχ ἱκανὰ
ταῦτα τῷ δαιμονίῳ διαφθεῖραι τὰ. Ῥωμαίων
πράγματα ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχοντι, ξυνέπεσέ τι καὶ
ἄλλο τοῖς τὴν στάσιν μελετῶσιν ἐφόδιον. τοὺς
γὰρ Βανδίλους, ods Βεχλισάριος ἐς Βυζάντιον

ge!

1 TV. iv. 30 and note,
330

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xiv. 10-17

and the empire of the Romans, which had nourished
them and caused them to be called soldiers and to
be such, not in order to win for themselves such land
as they should wrest from the barbarians who were
trespassing on the Roman empire, but that this land
might come to the commonwealth, from which both
they and all others secured their maintenance. This
was one cause of the mutiny. And there was a
second, concurrent, cause also, which was no less,
perhaps even more, effective in throwing all Libya
into confusion. It was as follows: In the Roman
army there were, as it happened, not less than one
thousand soldiers of the Arian faith; and the most
of these were barbarians, some of these being of the
Erulian! nation. Now these men were urged on to
the mutiny by the priests of the Vandals with the
greatest zeal. For it was not possible for them to
worship God in their accustomed way, but they were
excluded both from all sacraments and from all
sacred rites. For the Emperor Justinian did not
allow any Christian who did not espouse the ortho-
dox faith to receive baptism or any other sacrament.
But most of all they were agitated by the feast of
Easter, during which they found themselves unable
to baptize 2 their own children with the sacred water,
or.do anything else pertaining to this feast. And as
if these things were not sufficient for Heaven, in its
eagerness to ruin the fortunes of the Romans, it so
fell out that still another thing provided an occasion
for those who were planning the mutiny. For the
Vandals whom Belisarius took to Byzantium were

2 Baptism was administered only during the fifty days
between Easter and Pentecost. Justinian had forbidden the

baptism of Arians.

331

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἤνεγκε, κατεστήσατο βασιλεὺς ἐς καταλόγδυς
ἱππικοὺς πέντε, ὅπως ἐν πόλεσι ταῖς ἑῴαις τὸν
ἅπαντα ἱδρύσωνται χρόνον" ods καὶ ᾿Τουστινιανοὺς
Βανδίλους καλέσας ἐκέλευσε ξὺν ναυσὶν ἐς τὴν
ἕω κομίζεσθαι. τούτων δὴ τῶν Βανδίλων στρὰ-
τιωτῶν οἱ μὲν πλεῖστοι ἐς τὴν ἕω ἀφίκοντο καὶ
τοὺς καταλόγους πληροῦντες ἐς Ods διατετάχαται,
ἄχρι τοῦδε ἐπὶ Πέρσας στρατεύονται: οἱ δὲ
ἄλλοι, ἀμφὶ τετρακοσίους ὄντές, ἐπεὶ ἐν Λέσβῳ
ἐγένοντο, κεκολπτωμένων σφίσι τῶν ἱστίων τοὺς
ναύτας βιασάμενοι Ἰ]ελοποννήσῳ προσέσχον.
ἐνθένδε τε ἀπάραντες ἐς Λιβύην κατέπλευσαν ἐν
χωρίῳ ἐρήμῳ, οὗ δὴ τὰς ναῦς ἀπολιπόντες Kal,
συσκευασάμενοιϊ ἐς τὸ ὄρος τὸ Αὐράσιον καὶ
és ‘Mavpitaviay ἀνέβησαν. οἷς δὴ ἐπηρμένοι
οἱ στρατιῶται οἷς ἦν ἐν ἐπιμελείᾳ ἡ στάσις, ἔτι
μᾶλλον ξυνίσταντο ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς. καὶ λόγοι
τὲ πολλοὶ περὶ τούτου καὶ ὅρκοι ἤδη ἐν τῷ
στρατοπέδῳ ἐγίνοντο. ἐπειδή te τὴν ἑορτὴν
ἄγειν ἔμελλον, ἀχθόμενοι τῇ κωλύμῃ τῶν ἱερῶν
οἱ ᾿Αρειανοὶ σφόδρα ἐνέκειντο.
ἜἜδοξέ τε αὐτῶν τοῖς κορυφαίοις ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τῇ
ῷ ἐεβῷ ΤΊ
πρώτῃ. τῆς ἑορτῆς ἡμέρᾳ, ἣν μεγάλην καλοῦσι,
Σολόμωνα κτεῖναι. καὶ ἔλαθόν γε οὐδενὸς τοῦτο
δὴ ἐξενεγκόντος τὸ βούλευμα. ἅτε γὰρ πολλῶν
ὄντων τῶν τὰ δεινὰ βουλευομένων ὁ λόγος περι-
φερόμενος ἐς δυσμενῆ οὐδένα ἐξέπιπτε, ταύτῃ τε
λανθάνειν ἐξίσχυσαν, ἐπεὶ καὶ Σολόμωνος οἱ
πολλοὶ δορυφόροι τε καὶ ὑπασπισταὶ καὶ τῶν

1 συσκευασάμενοι Ῥ : ξυγκελευσάμενοι Ο.

332

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xiv. 17-23

placed by the emperor in five cavalry squadrons, in
order that they might be settled permanently in the
cities of the East ; he also called them the “ Vandals
of Justinian,’ and ordered them to betake them-
selves in ships to the East. Now the majority of
these Vandal soldiers reached the East, and, filling
up the squadrons to which they had been assigned,
they have been fighting against the Persians up to
the present time; but the remainder, about four
hundred in number, after reaching Lesbos, waiting
until the sails were bellied with the wind, forced the
sailors to submission and sailed on till they reached
the Peloponnesus. And setting sail from there, they
came to land in Libya at a desert place, where they
abandoned the ships, and, after equipping them-
selves, went up to Mt. Aurasium and Mauretania.
Elated by their accession, the soldiers who were
planning the mutiny formed a still closer conspiracy
among themselves. And there was much talk about
this in the camp and oaths were already being
taken. And when the rest were about to celebrate
the Easter festival, the Arians, being vexed by their
exclusion from the sacred rites, purposed to attack
them vigorously.

And it seemed best to their leading men to kill
Solomon in the sanctuary on the first day of the
feast, which they call the great day. And they were
fortunate enough not to be found out, since no one
disclosed this plan. For though there were many
who shared in the horrible plot, no word of it was
divulged to any hostile person as the orders were
passed around, aud thus they succeeded completely
in escaping detection, for even the spearmen and
guards of Solomon for the most part and the

333

March 23,
536 A.D.

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

οἰκετῶν οἱ πλεῖστοι. ἐξ ταύτην δὴ τὴν στάσιν
ξυνετετάχατο τῇ τῶν χωρίων ἐπιθυμίᾳ. ἡμέρας
δὲ ἤδη τῆς κυρίας παρούσης Σολόμων μὲν ἐν τῷ
ἱερῷ ἐκάθητο, μακρὰν τῶν αὑτοῦ ἀπολελειμμένος 1
κακῶν. ἐσελθόντες δὲ οἷς τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον
κτεῖναι ἐδέδοκτο, νεύμασί τε ἀλλήλοις ἐγκελευ-
σάμενοι, τῶν ξιφῶν ἥπτοντο, ἔδρασαν μέντοι
οὐδέν, ἢ τὰ τελούμενα τηνικαῦτα ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ.
αἰσχυνόμενοι, ἢ διὰ τὴν τοῦ στρατηγοῦ δόξαν
ἐρυθριῶντες, ἢ καί τι θεῖον αὐτοὺς διεκώλυσεν.

᾿Επειδὴ δὲ τά τε ἱερὰ ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἤσκητο
ἤδη καὶ οἴκαδε ἐκομίζοντο ἕκαστοι, ἀλλήλους
ἠτιῶντο οἱ στασιῶται ἅτε μαλθακοὺς οὐκ ἐν δέοντι
γεγενημένους, καὶ αὖθις ἀπετίθεντο ἐς τὴν ἐπι-
odcay τὸ βούλευμα. ὁμοίως δὲ. καὶ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ
διαγεγονότες ἄπρακτοι ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἀνεχώρησαν,
ἔς τε τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐλθόντες ἀλλήλοις ἐκ τοῦ
ἐμφανοῦς ἐλοιδοροῦντο, αὐτός τε ἕκαστος μαλ-
ϑακόν τε τὸν πέλας καὶ τῆς ἑταιρίας διαλυτὴν
ἀποκαλῶν τὴν ἐς Σολόμωνα αἰδῶ ὀνειδίζειν οὐκ
ἀπηξίου. διὸ δὴ οὐκέτι ἀκίνδυνον σφίσιν @OVTO
ἔσεσθαι τὴν ἐν Καρχηδόνι διατριβὴν ἅτε ἐς τὸ
πᾶν ἐξενεγκόντες τὸ βούλευμα. οἱ μὲν οὖν πολλοὶ
τῆς πόλεως ἔξω κατὰ τάχος γενόμενοι τά τε
χωρία ἐληίζοντο καὶ Λίβυσιν. οἷς ἂν ἐντύχοιεν
ὡς. πολεμίοις ἐχρῶντο" οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι ἐν τῇ πόλει
διαμείναντες οὐ παρεῖχον αἴσθησιν ἧς εἶχον
αὐτοὶ γνώμης, ἀλλ᾽’ ἀγνοεῖν τὰ βεβουλευμένα
προσεποιοῦντο.

1 τῶν αὑτοῦ ἀπολελειμμένος: VP: ἀπολελειμμένος τῶν οἰκείων Ὁ.

334

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xiv; 23-29

majority of his domestics had become associated
with this mutiny because of their desire for the
lands. And when the appointed day had now
come, Solomon was sitting in thé sanctuary, utterly
ignorant of his own misfortune. And those who had —
decided to kill the man went in, and, urging one
another with nods, they put their hands to their
swords, but they did nothing nevertheless, either
because they were filled with awe of the rites then
being performed in the sanctuary, or because the
fame of the general caused them to be ashamed, or
perhaps also:'some divine power prevented them.

And when the rites on that day had been completely
performed and all were betaking themselves home-
ward, the conspirators began to blame one another .
with having turned soft-hearted at no fitting time,
and they postponed the plot for a second attempt on

the following day. And on the next day they acted ..

in the same manner and departed from the sanctuary
without doing anything, and entering the market

place, they reviled each other openly, and every ..

single man of them called the next one soft-hearted
and a demoralizer of the band, not hesitating to
censure strongly the respect felt for Solomon. For
this reason, indeed, they thought that they could
no longer without danger remain in Carthage,
inasmuch as they had disclosed their plot to the
whole city. The most of them, accordingly, went
out of the city quickly and began to plunder the
lands and to treat as enemies al] the Libyans whom
they met ; but the rest remained in the city, giving
no indication of what their own intentions were but
pretending ignorance of the plot which had been
formed.’

335

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Σολόμων δὲ ἀκούσας ὅσα πρὸς τῶν στρατιωτῶν
ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ ἐπράσσετο, ἐς θόρυβόν Te πολὺν
ἐμπεσὼν τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει ἐγκελευόμενος οὐκ ἀνίει
ἐς εὔνοιαν τὴν βασιλέως παρακαλῶν. οἱ δὲ κατ᾽
ἀρχὰς μὲν ἐνδέχεσθαι τοὺς λόγους ἐδόκουν, ἡμέρᾳ
δὲ τῇ πέμπτῃ, ἐπεὶ τοὺς ἐξεληλυθότας ἐν βεβαίῳ
τυραννεῖν ἤκουσαν, ἐς τὸν ἱππόδρομον ξυλλε-
γέντες ἔς τε Σολόμωνα καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἄρχοντας
ἀνέδην ὕβριζον. ἔνθα δὴ πρὸς Σολόμωνος σταλεὶς
Θεόδωρος ὁ Καππαδόκης παρηγορεῖν τε καὶ τι-
θασσεύειν αὐτοὺς ἐνεχείρει, οὐδὲν τι ἐπαΐοντας
τῶν λεγομένων. ἣν δὲ τις Θεοδώρῳ τούτῳ δυσ-
péverd τε καὶ ἐπιβουλῆς ὑποψία ἐς Σολόμωνα.
διὸ δὴ οἱ στασιῶται στρατηγόν τε αὐτὸν σφίσιν.
αὐτίκα τῇ βοῇ ἐψηφίσαντο, καὶ ξὺν αὐτῷ σιδηρο-
φοροῦντες καὶ θορύβῳ πολλῷ χρώμενοι ἐς τὸ
Παλάτιον κατὰ τάχος ἧκον. ἔνθα δὴ Θεόδωρον
μὲν ἕτερον," ὃς τῶν φυλάκων ἡγεῖτο, κτείνουσιν,
ἄνδρα τῆς τε ἄλλης ἀρετῆς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἥκοντα
καὶ διαφερόντως ἀγαθὸν τὰ πολέμια. ἐπεὶ δὲ
τοῦ φόνου τούτου ἐγεύσαντο, ἅπαντα ἤδη τὸν
ἐν ποσὶν ἔκτεινον, εἴτε Λίβυν. εἴτε Ῥωμαῖον,
Σολόμωνι γνώριμον εἴτε χρήματα ἐν χερσὶν
ἔχοντα, ἐνθένδε τε ἐς τὸ ληίζεσθαι ἀπεχώρησαν,
ἀναβαίνοντες δὲ ἐς τὰς οἰκίας ἔνθα δὴ μὴ στρα-
τιῶται ἠμύνοντο, ἅπαντα τὰ τιμιώτατα ἥρπαζον,
ἄχρι νύξ τε ἐπυγενομένη καὶ μέθη τὸν πόνον
διαδεξαμένη κατέπαυσε.

Σολόμων δὲ ἐς τὸ ἱερόν, ὅ ἐστι μέγα ἐν Παλατίῳ,

1 σιδηροφοροῦντες VO Theophanes : δορυφοροῦντες Ῥ.

2 μὲν ἕτερον Maltretus in marg. : μὲν πρότερον VP, πρότερον
A
μὲν O.

336

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xiv. 30-37

But Solomon, upon hearing what was being done
by the soldiers in the country, became greatly dis-
turbed, and ceased not exhorting those in the city
and urging them to loyalty toward the emperor.
And they at first seemed to receive his words with
favour, but on the fifth day, when they heard that
those who had gone out were secure in their power,
they gathered in the hippodrome and _ insulted
Solomon and the other commanders without restraint.
And Theodorus, the Cappadocian, being sent there
by Solomon, attempted to dissuade them and win
them by kind words, but they listened to nothing of
what was said. Now this Theodorus had a certain
hostility against Solomon and was suspected of
plotting against him. For this reason the mutineers
straightway elected him general over them by ac-
clamation, and with him they went with all speed
to the palace carrying weapons and raising a great
tumult, There they killed another Theodorus, who
was commander of the guards, a man of the greatest
excellence in every respect and an especially capable
warrior. And when they had tasted this blood, they
began immediately to kill everyone they met, whether
Libyan or Roman, if he were known to Solomon or
had money in his hands; and then they turned to
plundering, going up into the houses which had no
soldiers to defend them and seizing all the most
valuable things, until the coming of night, and
drunkenness following their toil, made them cease.

And Solomon succeeded in escaping unnoticed

337

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

\ a ᾿ n
καταφυγὼν ἔλαθεν, ἔνθα δὴ καὶ Μαρτῖνος αὐτῷ
3 \ / 2 ΤΑ as 6 3 \ δὲ ς n a
ἀμφὶ δείχην ὀψίαν ἦλθεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ οἱ στασιῶται
πάντες ἐκάθευδον, ἐξελθόντες ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἐς τὴν

an /
Θεοδώρου τοῦ ἐκ Καππαδοκίας οἰκίαν ἦλθον, ὃς
αὐτοὺς δειπνῆσαί τε οὔ τι πιροθυμουμένους ἠνάγ-
/

Kage, Kal ἐς τὸν λιμένα διακομίσας ἐς λέμβον
\ / 3 , ἃ Se) fo /
νεὼς δή τινος ἐσεκόμισεν, ὃς δὴ ἐνταῦθα Maprive
παρεσκευασμένος ἐτύγχανεν. εἵποντο δὲ ΤΙροκό-.

‘ a ld
mos τε, ὃς τάδε ξυνέγραψε, καὶ τῆς Σολόμωνος
οἰκίας ἄνδρες πέντε μάλιστα. σταδίους τε τριακο-
/
σίους ἀνύσαντες ἀφίκοντο ἐς Micovav τὸ Kapyn-
δονίων ἐπίνειον, καὶ ἐπεὶ ἐγένοντο ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ,
> τ / Samet 4 - λ ,
αὐτίκα Σολόμων ἐκέλευε Μαρτῖνον ἐς Νουμιδίαν
\ , fal
παρὰ «Βαλεριανόν te καὶ τῶν ξυναρχόντων τοὺς
ἄλλους ἰέναι, πειρᾶσθαί τε, εἴ πως δύναιτο αὐτῶν
lal / a
ἕκαστος τῶν τινας. γνωρίμων στρατιωτῶν ἢ χρή-
μασιν ἢ τρόπῳ ἑτέρῳ τῳ ὑπελθὼν ἐς εὔνοιαν τὴν
βασιλέως μεταγαγεῖν. καὶ πρὸς Θεόδωρον γράμ-
/
ματα ἔπεμπε, Καρχηδόνος te ἐπιστέλλων ἐπί.
- \ Ν x nd iva A > a a
μελεῖσθαι καὶ τὰ ἄλλα διέπειν ὅπη dv αὐτῷ δοκῇ
Ne τῷ > \ \ Γ i \
δυνατὰ εἶναι, αὐτὸς δὲ ξὺν IIpoxorriw παρὰ Βελι-
- 7 =
σάριον ἐς Συρακούσας ἀφίκετο. ἅπαντά te αὐτῷ
> 7 a > 7 / f ᾽ lal ε
ἀγγείλας ὅσα ἐν Λιβύῃ γενέσθαι ξυνέπεσεν, ἐδεῖτο
ΐ 2 a
κατὰ τάχος ἰέναι τε ἐς Kapynddva καὶ βασιλεῖ
a Ν a a rn ῖ
ἀμῦναι πάσχοντι πρὸς στρατιωτῶν τῶν αὐτοῦ τὰ
{ / fal
ἀνόσια. καὶ Σολόμων μὲν ταῦτα ἐποίει.

Οἱ δὲ στασιῶται τὰ ἐν Καρχηδόνι ἅπαντα
λ la μ᾿ \ B we λλ ΙΝ δί
ηισάμένοι ἐς Te τὸ Βούλλης ξυλλεγέντες πεδίον
1 στασιῶται PO: στρατιῶται V.

338

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xiv. 37-xv. 1

into the great sanctuary which is in the palace, and
Martinus joined him there in the late afternoon.
And when all the mutineers were sleeping, they
went out from the sanctuary and entered the house
of Theodorus, the Cappadocian, who compelled them
to dine although they had no desire to do so, and
conveyed them to the harbour and put them on the
skiff of a certain ship, which happened to have been
made ready there by Martinus. And Procopius also,
who wrote this history, was with them, and about
five men of the house of Solomon. And after ac-
complishing: three hundred stades they reached
Misuas, the ship-yard of Carthage, and, since they
had reached safety, Solomon straightway commanded
Martinus to go into Numidia to Valerian and the
others who shared his command, and endeavour to ©
bring it about that each one of them, if it were in
any way possible, should appeal to some of the soldiers
known to him, either with money or by other means, -
and bring them back to loyalty toward the emperor.
And he sent a letter to Theodorus, charging him to
take care of Carthage and to handle the other matters
as should seem possible to him, and he himself with
Procopius went to Belisarius at Syracuse. And after
reporting everything to him which had taken place
in Libya, he begged him to come with all speed to
Carthage and defend the emperor, who was suffering
unhcly treatment at the hands of his own soldiers
Solomon, then, was thus engaged.

“Bur the mutineers, after plundering everything
in Carthage, gathered in the plain of Boulla, and

339

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

lol , 4
Στότξαν, τῶν Μαρτίνου δορυφόρων eva, τύραννον
aA fi
σφίσιν εἵλοντο, ἄνδρα θυμοειδῆ καὶ δραστήριον,
ἐφ’ ᾧ τοὺς βασιλέως ἄρχοντας ἐξελάσαντες
΄ €
Λιβύης πάσης" κρατήσουσιν. ὁ δὲ ἅπαν ἐξοπ-
7
λίσας τὸ στράτευμα, és ὀκτακισχιλίους μάλιστα
n \ ῇ
ξυνιόν, ἐπὶ Καρχηδόνα ἐπῆγεν, ὡς τὴν πόλιν
/
αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα παραστησόμενος οὐδενὶ πόνῳ.
” a Ne oe , ft ? Le
ἔπεμπε δὲ καὶ ἐς Βανδίλους τούς τε ἐκ Βυζαντίου
σὺν ταῖς ναυσὶν ἀποδράντας καὶ ὅσοι οὐχ εἵποντο
Βελισαρίῳ τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς, ἢ διαλαθόντες, ἢ ὅτι οἱ
ἧς a / 2 ΄
Βανδίλους τηνικαῦτα παραπέμποντες ἐν λόγῳ
αὐτοὺς ovdevi ἐποιήσαντο. ἦσαν δὲ οὐχ ἧσσον
ἢ χίλιοι, οὗ οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν τῷ Στότξᾳ ἐς τὸ
Ls Ν᾿ / 4 3 ψ' /
στρατόπεδον ξὺν προθυμίᾳ ἦλθον. ἀφίκετο δέ
οἱ καὶ δούλων πολύς τις ὅμιλος. καὶ ἐπειδὴ
ϑιξ 4 fe > 7 Ψ ε ,
ἐγένοντο Καρχηδόνος ἐγγύς, ἔπεμψεν ὁ Στότξας,
κελεύων οἱ ὡς τάχιστα παραδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν,
ἐφ᾽ ᾧ κακῶν ἀπαθεῖς μείνωσιν. οἱ δὲ ἐν Καρχη-
14 ΄ fal
Sov καὶ Θεόδωρος, πρὸς ταῦτα ἄντικρυς ἀπει-
, a € , 4 if
πόντες, βασιλεῖ ὡμολόγουν Καρχηδόνα φυλάσ-
σειν. πέμψαντές τε παρ᾽ αὐτὸν ᾿Ιωσήφιον, τῶν
/ na
τε βασιλέως φυλάκων γραμματέα οὐκ ἀφανῆ
’ a
γεγονότα καὶ τῆς Βελισαρίου οἰκίας ὄντα, κατὰ
y , \
χρείαν δέ τινα πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἔναγχος
4 \ a 7
ἐσταλμένον, ἠξίουν μὴ σφᾶς περαιτέρω βιάζεσθαι.
Στότζας δέ, ἐπεὶ ταῦτα ἤκουσεν, ᾿Ιωσήφιόν τε
i
αὐτίκα ἔκτεινε καὶ ἐς πολιορκίαν καθίστατο.
κατορρωδήσαντές τε οἱ ἐν τῇ πόλει τὸν κίνδυνον,
lal > MY \ a f 3 ,ὔ
σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ Καρχηδόνα Στότζᾳ ἐγχειρίσαι
ὁμολογίᾳ διενοοῦντο. τὸ μὲν οὖν Λιβύης στρα-
4 / a
τόπεδον ἐφέρετο τῇδε.
1 πάσης V: ὅλης ΡΟ.

340

HISTORY OF THE: WARS, IV. xv. 1-8

chose Stotzas,! one of the guards of Martinus, and
a passionate and energetic man, as tyrant over them,
with the purpose of driving the emperor's com-
manders out of all Libya and thus gaining control
over it. And he armed the whole force, amounting
to about eight thousand men, and led them on to
Carthage, thinking to win over the city instantly
with no trouble. He sent also to the Vandals who
had run away from Byzantium with the ships and
those who had not gone there with Belisarius in the
beginning, either because they had escaped notice,
or because those who were taking off the Vandals
at that time took no account of them. Now they
were not fewer than a thousand, and after no great
time they joined Stotzas and the army with
enthusiasm. And a great throng of slaves also
came to him. And when they drew near Carthage,
Stotzas sent orders that the people should surrender
the city to him as quickly as possible, on condition
of their remaining free from harm. But those in
Carthage and Theodorus, in reply to this, refused
flatly to obey, and announced that they were
guarding Carthage for the emperor. And they sent
to Stotzas Joseph, the secretary of the emperor's
guards, a man of no humble birth and one of the
household of Belisarius, who had recently been sent
to Carthage on some mission to them, and. they
demanded that Stotzas should go no further in his
violence. But Stotzas, upon hearing this, straight-
way killed Joseph and commenced a siege. And
those in the city, becoming terrified at the danger,
were purposing to surrender themselves and Carthage
to Stotzas under an agreement. Such was the course
of events in the army in Libya.

1 Cf. III. xi. 30. 341

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Βελισάριος δέ, ἄνδρας ἀπολέξας τῶν αὑτοῦ;
δορυφόρων τε καὶ ὑπασπιστῶν ἑκατὸν καὶ Σολό-"
μώνα ἐπαγόμενος, μιᾷ νηὶ ἐς Καρχηδόνα ᾿κατέ-
πλευσε περὶ λύχνων Adds, ἡνίκα τὴν πόλιν οὗ
πολιορκοῦντες σφίσιν ἐγχειριεῖσθαι τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ
ἐκαραδόκουν. ἐν ἐλπίδι τε ταῦτα ἔχοντες τὴν
νύκτα ἐκείνην ηὐλίσαντο. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡμέρα τε
ἐγεγόνει καὶ Βελισάριον παρεῖναι ἔμαθον,; λύσαν-
τες ὡς τάχιστα τὸ στρατόπεδον αἰσχρῶς τε καὶ
κόσμῳ οὐδενὶ ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμηντο. Βελισάριος δὲ
τοῦ στρατοῦ ἀμφὶ δισχιλίους ἀγείρας καὶ αὐτοὺς
ἐς εὔνοιαν τὴν βασιλέως λόγοις τε ὁρμήσας καὶ.
χρήμασι πολλοῖς ἐπιρρώσας τὴν δίωξιν ἐπὶ τοὺς.
φεύγοντας ἐποιήσατο. καὶ αὐτοὺς ἐς Μέμβρησαν;
πόλιν καταλαμβάνει, πεντήκοντα καὶ τριακοσίοις"
σταδίοις Καρχηδόνος διέχουσαν. ἔνθα δὴ ἑκά-
τεροι στρατοπεδευσάμενοι ἐς μάχην TapecKevd-
ἕοντο, οἱ μὲν ἀμφὶ Βελισάριον ἐς ποταμὸν
Βαγράδαν, οἱ δὲ ἕτεροι. ἐν χωρίῳ ὑψηλῷ τε καὶ
δυσκόλῳ τὸ χαράκωμα ποιησάμενοι. ἐς γὰρ τὴν
πόλιν οὐδέτεροι εἰσελθεῖν ἔγνωσαν, ἐπεὶ ἀτεΐ-
χίστος οὖσα ἐτύγχανε. τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ καθί-
σταντοὸ ἐς τὴν ξυμβολήν, οἱ μὲν στασιῶται 3
πλήθει τῷ σφετέρῳ πιστεύοντες, οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ
Βελισάριον ἅτε ἀφρόνων τε καὶ ἀστρατηγήτων:
ὑπερφρονοῦντες τῶν πολεμίων. ἃ δὴ Βελισάριος
ταῖς τῶν στρατιωτῶν διανοίαις ἐναποθέσθαι
βουλόμενος βεβαίως ἅπαντας ξυγκαλέσας ἔχεξε
τάδε" , εἶ
“Eidos μὲν καὶ εὐχῆς ἧσσον, ἄνδρες

1 ἔμαθον PO: ἔλεγον V.
2 στασιῶται VO: στρατιῶται P,

342

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xv. 9-16

But Belisarius selected one hundred men from
his own spearmen and guards, and taking Solomon
with him, sailed into Carthage with one ship at
about dusk, at the time when the besiegers were Ὁ
expecting that the city would be surrendered to
them on the following day. And since they were
expecting this, they bivouacked that night. But
when day had come and they learned that Belisarius
was present, they broke up camp as quickly as
possible and disgracefully and in complete disorder
béat a hasty retreat. And Belisarius gathered about
two thousand of the army and, after urging them
with words to be loyal to the emperor and en-
couraging them with large gifts of money, he began
the pursuit of the fugitives. And he overtook them
at the city of Membresa, three hundred and fifty
stades distant from Carthage. There both armies
made camp and prepared themselves for battle, the
forces of Belisarius making their entrenchment at the
River Bagradas, and the others in a high and difficult
position. For neither of them saw fit to enter
the city, since it was without walls. And on the
day following they joined battle, the mutineers
trusting in their numbers, and the troops of Beli-
sarius despising their enemy as both without sense
and without generals. And Belisarius, wishing that
these thoughts should be firmly lodged in the minds
of his soldiers, called them all together and spoke as

follows :—
“The situation, fellow- soldiers, both for the

343

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

συστρατιῶται, βασιλεῖ te καὶ Ῥωμαίοις Ta
πράγματα ἔχει. ἐς ξυμβολὴν γὰρ τανῦν ἥκομεν
ἐξ ἧς οὐδὲ τὸ νικᾶν ἄκλαυστον ἕξομεν, ἐπὶ
ξυγγενεῖς τε καὶ ξυντρόφους στρατεύοντες. ἔχο-
μεν δὲ τοῦ κακοῦ παραψυχὴν τήνδε, ols} ye οὐ
τῆς. μάχης ἄρχοντες αὐτοί, ἀλλ᾽ ἀμυνόμενοι ἐς
τὸν κίνδυνον καθιστάμεθα. ὁ γὰρ ἐς τοὺς φιλτά-
τους τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ποιησάμενος καὶ τὸ ξυγγενὲς
διαλύσας οἷς ἔδρασεν, οὐ πρὸς τῶν φίλων, ἣν
ἀπόληται, θνήσκει, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν πολεμίου γεγονὼς
μοίρᾳ τοῖς ἠδικημένοις ἐκτίνει τὴν δίκην. πολε-
μίους δὲ καὶ βαρβάρους καὶ ὅ τι ἄν τις εἴποι
δεινότερον εἶναι δείκνυσι τοὺς ἐναντίους οὐ Λιβύη
μόνον ὑπὸ ταῖς τούτων χερσὶν ἐς λείαν ἐλθοῦσα,
οὐδὲ οἱ ταύτην οἰκοῦντες οὐ δέον 5 παρ᾽ ἐκείνων
ἀνῃρημένοι, ἀλλὰ καὶ Ῥωμαίων στρατιωτῶν
πλῆθος οὺς οἱ δυσμενεῖς οὗτοι κτείνειν ἐτόλμη-
σαν, μίαν αὐτοῖς αἰτίαν τὴν ἐς τὴν πολιτείαν
ἐπικαλέσαντες εὔνοιαν. οἷς νῦν τιμωροῦντες
ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἥκομεν, δυσμενεῖς εἰκότως τοῖς πάλαι
φιλτάτοις γενόμενοι. φύσει μὲν γὰρ οὐδένες τῶν
πάντων ἀνθρώπων οἰκείως ἂν ἢ ἐναντίως ἀλλή-
λοις ἔχοιεν, αἱ δὲ πράξεις ἑκάστων ἢ τῷ ὁμοτρόπῳ
ἐς ξυμμαχίαν ξυνάπτουσαι ἢ τῷ διαχλάσσοντι
τῆς γνώμης ἐς τὸ δυσμενὲς διακρίνουσαι φίλους,
ἂν οὕτω τύχοι, ἢ πολεμίους ἀλλήλοις 3 ποιοῦσιν:
ὡς μὲν οὖν én’ ἀνθρώπους ἀνοσίους τε καὶ
πολεμίους στρατεύομεν, ἱκανῶς ἔχετε: ὡς δὲ

1 οἷς VO: ἧς P, ὥς conjectured by Classen.
2 ob δέον PO: οὐδὲ of V.
3 ἀλλήλοις Vi: és ἀλλήλους Vj, ἀλλήλους ΡΟ.

344

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xv. 16-23

emperor and for the Romans, falls far short of our
hopes and of our prayers. For we have now come
to a combat in which even the winning of the victory
will not be without tears for us, since we are
fighting against kinsmen and men who have been
reared with us. But we have this comfort in our
misfortune, that we are not ourselves beginning the
battle, but have been brought inte the conflict in our
own defence. For he who has framed the plot
against his dearest friends and by his own act has
dissolved the ties of kinship, dies not, if he perishes,
by the hands of his friends, but having become an
enemy is but making atonement to those who have
suffered wrong. And that our opponents are public
enemies and barbarians and whatever worse name
one might call them, is shewn not alone by Libya,
which has become plunder under their hands, nor
by the inhabitants of this land, who have been
wrongfully slain, but also by the multitude of Roman
soldiers whom these enemies have dared to kill,
though they have had but one fault to charge them
with—loyalty to their government. And it is to
avenge these their victims that we have now come
against them, having with good reason become
enemies to those who were once most dear. For
nature has made no men in the world either friends
or opponents to one another, but it is the actions of
men in every case which, either by the similarity
of the motives which actuate them unite them in
alliance, or by the difference set them in hostility to
each other, making them friends or enemies as the
case may be. ‘That, therefore, we are fighting
against men who are outlaws and enemies of the
state, you must now be convinced; and now I shall

345
VOL. II M

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

καταφρονεῖσθαί εἰσι παρ᾽ ἡμῶν ἄξιοι, ἐγὼ δηλώ-
σω. ὅμιλος γὰρ ἀνθρώπων οὐ νόμῳ συνιόντων,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ ἀδίκου ξυνειλεγμένων ἀνδραγαθί-
ζεσθαι ἥκιστα πέφυκεν, οὐδαμῶς τῆς ἀρετῆς τῷ
παρανόμῳ ξυνοικίζεσθαι δυναμένης, adr del?
τῶν οὐχ ὁσίων ἀφισταμένης. οὐ. μὴν οὐδὲ τὴν
εὐκοσμίαν φυλάξουσιν οὐδὲ τῶν ὑπὸ Στότξα
παραγγελλομένων ἀκούσουσι. τυραννίδα γὰρ
ἄρτι καθισταμένην καὶ οὔπω τὴν τοῦ θαρσεῖν
ἐξουσίαν λαβοῦσαν ὑπερορᾶσθαι πρὸς τῶν ἀρχο-
μένων ἀνάγκη. οὔτε γὰρ εὐνοίᾳ τετίμηται, ἐπεὶ
μισεῖσθαι ἡ τυραννὶς πέφυκεν, οὔτε φόβῳ ἄγει
τοὺς ὑπηκόους: ἀφείλετο γὰρ αὐτῆς τὴν παρρη-
σίαν τὸ δεδιέναι. ἀρετῆς δὲ καὶ εὐκοσμίας
ἀπολελειμμένων τῶν πολεμίων ἡσσᾶσθαι πρό-
χεῖρον. πολλῷ τοίνυν, ὅπερ εἶπον, τῷ κατα-
φρονήματι ἐπὶ τούσδε ἡμᾶς τοὺς πολεμίους ἰέναι
προσήκει. οὐ γὰρ τῷ πλήθει τῶν “μαχομένων,
ἀλλὰ τάξει τε καὶ ἀνδρίᾳ φιλεῖ διαμετρεῖσθαι τὸ
τοῦ πολέμου κράτος.

Βελισάριος μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπε. Στότξας δὲ
παρεκελεύσατο ὧδε" ““Ανδρες οἱ ξὺν ἐμοὶ τῆς ἐς
“Ῥωμαίους δουλείας ἔξω. γεγένησθε, μηδεὶς ὑμῶν
ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἀπαξιούτω θνήσκειν, ἧς ἀν-.
δρίᾳ τε καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ ἀρετῇ τετυχήκατε. οὐ γὰρ
οὕτω δεινὸν τὸ τοῖς κακοῖς ξυγγηράσκοντα τελευ-
τῆσαι τὸν βίον ὡς μετὰ τὴν τῶν δυσκόλων ἐλευ-
θερίαν αὖθις ἐς αὐτὰ ἐπανήκειν. ὁ γὰρ ἐν μέσῳ
χρόνος τῆς ἀπαλλαγῆς γεύσας χαλεπωτέραν, ὥς
γε τὸ εἰκὸς, τὴν συμφορὰν ἀπεργάζεται. τούτων

1 ἀλλ᾽ ἀεὶ VPO: ἀλλὰ καὶ Vj.
ἢ εἶπεν Ὗ : παρήνεσε καὶ ΡΟ,

346

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xv. 23-33

make it plain that they deserve to be despised by
8. For a throng of men united by no. law, but
brought together by motives of injustice, is utterly
unable by nature to play the part of brave men,
since valour is unable to dwell with lawlessness,
but always shuns those who are unholy. Nor,
indeed, will they preserve discipline or give heed
to the commands given by Stotzas. For when a
tyranny is newly organized and has not yet won that
authority which self-confidence gives, it is, of neces-
sity, looked upon by its subjects with contempt.
Nor is it honoured through any sentiment of loyalty,
for a tyranny is, in the nature of the case, hated ;
nor does it lead its subjects by fear, for timidity
deprives it of the power to speak out openly. And
when the enemy is handicapped in point of valour
and of discipline, their defeat is ready at hand.
With great contempt, therefore, as I said, we should
go against this enemy of ours. For it is not by the
numbers of the combatants, but by their orderly
array and their bravery, that prowess in war is wont
to be measured.”

So spoke Belisarius. And Stotzas exhorted his
troops as follows: “ Men who with me have es-
caped our servitude to the Romans, let no one of you
count it unworthy to die on behalf of the freedom
which you have won by your courage and your other
qualities. For it is not so terrible a thing to grow
old and die in the midst of ills, as to return again
to it after having gained freedom from oppressive
conditions. For the interval which has given one a
taste of deliverance makes the misfortune, naturally
enough, harder to bear, And this being so, it 15

347

38
39

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

δὲ τοιούτων ὄντων ἐπάναγκες ὑμᾶς ἀναμνησθῆναι
μὲν ὡς Βανδίλους τε καὶ Μαυρουσίους νενικηκότες
αὐτοὶ μὲν τῶν ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις ἀπώνασθε πόνων,
κύριοι δὲ ἄλλοι τῶν λαφύρων γεγένηνται πάντων.
ἐκλογίζεσθε δὲ ὡς στρατιώταις οὖσιν ὑμῖν τὸν
πάντα αἰῶνα ὁμιλεῖν τοῖς τοῦ πολέμου κινδύνοις
ἀνάγκη, ἢ ὑπὲρ τῶν βασιλέως πραγμάτων, ἤν γε
αὖθις ἐκείνῳ δουλεύητε, ἢ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν αὐτῶν, ἢν
τὴν ἐλευθερίαν διασώξητε ταύτην. ὁπότερον δὲ
ἀμφοῖν αἱρετώτερον, τοῦτο ἑλέσθαι ὑμῖν πάρ-
εστιν, ἢ μαλθακιζομένοις ἐν τῷ παρόντι, ἢ ἀν-
δραγαθίζεσθαι βουλομένοις. ἀλλὰ μὴν κἀκεῖνο
εἰσιέναι ὑμᾶς προσήκει, ὡς ὅπλα κατὰ Ῥωμαίων
ἀράμενοι, ἢν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἔσεσθε, οὐ μετρίων οὐδὲ
συγγνωμόνων δεσποτῶν πειραθήσεσθε, ἀλλὰ
πείσεσθε μὲν τὰ ἀνήκεστα, προσέσται δὲ ὑμῖν τὸ
μὴ ἀδίκως ἀπολωλέναι. ὁ μὲν οὖν θάνατος ὅτῳ
ἂν ὑμῶν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ ἀφίξηται ταύτῃ, δηλονότι
εὐκλεὴς ἔσται: βίος δὲ κρατήσασι μὲν τῶν πολε-
μίων αὐτόνομός τε καὶ τἄλλα εὐδαίμων, ἡσσημέ-
νοις δὲ πικρὸν μὲν ἄλλο οὐκ ἂν εἴποιμι, τὴν
ἐλπίδα δὲ ξύμπασαν εἰς τὸν ἐκείνων ἔλεον ἔχων.}
ἡ δὲ ξυμβολὴ οὐκ ἐξ ἀντιπάλου τῆς δυνάμεως
ἔσται. τῷ τε γὰρ πλήθει παρὰ πολὺ ἡσσῶνται
ἡμῶν οἱ πολέμιοι καὶ ὡς ἥκιστα προθυμούμενοι
ἐφ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἴασιν, ods οἶμαι καὶ τῆσδε ἡμῖν εὔχεσθαι
τῆς ἐλευθερίας μεταλαχεῖν." τοσαῦτα μὲν καὶ ὁ
Στότζας εἶπεν.

᾿Ιόντων δὲ ἐς τὴν ξυμβολὴν τῶν στρατοπέδων
πνεῦμα σκληρόν τε καὶ δεινῶς λυπηρὸν κατ᾽ ὄψιν
ἐς τοὺς Στότξα στασιώτας ἐνέπεσε. διὸ δὴ ἀξύμ-

1 ἔχων ΡΟ: ἔχειν Υ.

348

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xv. 33-41

necessary for you to call to mind that after con-
quering the Vandals and the Moors you yourselves
have enjoyed the labours of war, while others have
become masters of all the spoils. And consider
that, as soldiers, you will be compelled all your lives
to be acquainted with the dangers of war, either in
behalf of the emperor’s cause, if, indeed, you are
again his slaves, or in behalf of your own selves,
if you preserve this present liberty. And whichever
of the two is preferable, this it is in your power to
choose, either by becoming faint-hearted at this time,
or by preferring to play the part of brave men.
Furthermore, this thought also should come to your
minds,—that if, having taken up arms against the
Romans, you come under their power, you will have
experience of no moderate or indulgent masters, but
you will suffer the extreme of punishment, and, what
is more, your death will not have been unmerited.
To whomsoever of you, therefore, death comes in
this battle, it is plain that it will be a glorious death;
and life, if you conquer the enemy, will be inde-
pendent and in all other respects happy ; but if you
are defeated,—I need mention no other bitterness
than this, that all your hope will depend upon the
mercy of those men yonder. And the conflict will
not be evenly matched in regard to strength. For
not only are the enemy greatly surpassed by us in
numbers, but they will come against us without the
least enthusiasm, for I think that they are praying
for a share of this our freedom.” Such was the
speech of Stotzas.

As the armies entered the combat, a wind both
violent and exceedingly troublesome began to blow
in the faces of the mutineers of Stotzas. For this

349

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

φορον σφίσιν @ovto εἶναι τὴν μάχην αὐτόθι ποιύ-
σασθαι, δεδιότες μὴ τὸ πνεῦμα ὑπερβιαζόμενον
τὰ μὲν τῶν πολεμίων βέλη ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἰθύνοι,
βελῶν δὲ τῶν σφετέρων ἡ ῥύμη ὡς μάλιστα
ἀναστέλλοιτο. ἄραντες οὖν ἐγκάρσιοι ἤεσαν,
λογιζόμενοι ὡς ἢν καὶ οἱ πολέμιοι, ὡς τὸ εἰκός,
μεταβάλλοιντο, ὅπως δὴ μὴ ὄπισθεν ὑπὸ σφῶν
ἐνοχλοῖντο, κατὰ πρόσωπον αὐτοῖς τὸ πνεῦμα
ἔσται. Βελισάριος δέ, ἐπεὶ αὐτοὺς εἶδε τὴν τάξιν
λιπόντας καὶ κόσμῳ οὐδενὶ περιιόντας, αὐτίκα δὴ
ἐκέλευε τῶν χειρῶν ἄρχειν. οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ Στότζξαν
ἐς ταραχὴν ἐκ τοῦ ἀπροσδοκήτου καταστάντες ξὺν
ἀταξίᾳ πολλῇ, ὡς ἕκαστός πη ἐδύνατο, ἐς φυγὴν
ὥρμηντο, ἐς ΝΝοουμιδίαν τε ἀφικόμενοι συνελέγοντο
αὖθις. ὀλίγοι μέντοι αὐτῶν ἐν τῷ πόνῳ τούτῳ
ἀπέθανον, καὶ αὐτῶν οἱ πλεῖστοι Βανδίλοι ἦσαν.
δίωξιν γὰρ Βελισάριος ἥκιστα ἐς αὐτοὺς ἐποιή-
σατο, ἐπεί οἱ, λίαν τοῦ στρατεύματος βραχέος
ὄντος, ἱκανὸν κατεφαίνετο, εἰ σφίσιν οἱ πολέμιοι
ἐν τῷ παρόντι νενικημένοι ἐκποδὼν στήσονται.
τοῖς δὲ στρατιώταις ἐδίδου τὸ χαράκωμα τῶν
ἐναντίων διαρπάσασθαι, αἱροῦσί τε αὐτὸ ἔρημον
ἀνδρῶν. ἐνταῦθα εὕρηνται πολλὰ μὲν χρήματα,
πολλαὶ δὲ γυναῖκες, ὧν δὴ ἕνεκα ὁ πόλεμος κατ-
ἔστη ὅδε. ταῦτα Βελισάριος διαπεπραγμένος ἐς

48 Καρχηδόνα ἀπήλαυνε. καί οἵ τις ἐκ Σικελίας

“ > / Ag / > A /
ἥκων ἀπήγγελλεν ὡς στάσις ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ
ἐπιπεσοῦσα τὰ πράγματα ἀνασοβεῖν μέλλοι, ἢν
\ \ ni
μὴ αὐτὸς κατὰ τάχος σφίσιν ἐπανήκων THY κωλύ-
le 3. τ \ Ne 9. ΄ “
μην ποιήσηται. καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν τὰ ἐν Λιβύῃ ὅπη

350

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xv. 41-49

reason they thought it disadvantageous for them to
fight the battle where they were, fearing lest the
wind by its overpowering force should carry the
missiles of the enemy against them, while the
impetus of their own missiles would be very seriously
checked. They therefore left their position and
moved toward the flank, reasoning that if the enemy
also should change front, as they probably would, in
order that they might not be assailed from the rear, ~
the wind would then be in their faces. But Belisarius,
upon seeing that they had left their position and in
complete disorder were moving to his flank, gave
orders immediately to open the attack. And the
troops of Stotzas were thrown into confusion by the
unexpected move, and in great disorder, as each one
could, they fled precipitately, and only when. they
reached Numidia did they collect themselves again.
Few of them, however, perished in this action, and
most of them were Vandals. For Belisarius did not
pursue them at all, for the reason that it seemed
to him sufficient, since his army was very small,
if the enemy, having been defeated for the present,
should get out of his way. And he gave the
soldiers the enemy’s stockade to plunder, and they
took it with not a man inside. But much money
was found there and many women, the very women
because of whom this war took place.1 After
accomplishing this, Belisarius marched back to
Carthage. And someone coming from Sicily reported
to him that a mutiny had broken out in the army.
and was about to throw everything into confusion,
unless he himself should return to them with all
speed and take measures to prevent it. He there-

1 Cf. chap. xiv. 8.
351

δ0

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἐδύνατο διαθέμενος καὶ ἹΚΚαρχηδόνα ᾿Ιλδίγερί τε
καὶ Θεοδώρῳ παραδοὺς ἐς Σικελίαν ἤει.

Οἱ δὲ ἐν Νουμιδίᾳ Ῥωμαίων ἄρχοντες, ἐπεὶ
τοὺς ἀμφὶ Στότζαν ἥκειν τε καὶ ξυχλλέγεσθαι ἐν-
ταῦθα ἤκουσαν, παρεσκευάζοντο ἐς παράταξιν,
ἦσαν δὲ ἡγεμόνες φοιδεράτων μὲν Μάρκελλός τε
καὶ Κύριλλος, καταλόγου δὲ ἱππικοῦ μὲν Βαρ-
βᾶτος, πεζῶν δὲ Τερέντιός τε καὶ Σάραπις. Μαρ-
κέλλῳ μέντοι ἐπήκουον ἅπαντες ἅτε Νουμιδίας
τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔχοντι. ὃς ἐπεὶ ἐν χωρίῳ Τ᾽αζοφύλοις,
δυοῖν μάλιστα ἡμέραιν ὁδῷ Κωνσταντίνης ἀπέχ-
οντι, Στότζαν ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν ἤκουσεν εἶναι,
προτερῆσαι πρὶν τοὺς στασιώτας ἅπαντας ξυλλεγ-
hvat βουλόμενος, κατὰ τάχος ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐπῆγε
τὸ στράτευμα. ὡς δὲ τά τε στρατόπεδα ἐγγὺς ἐγε-
γόνει καὶ ἡ μάχη ἔμελλεν ἐν χερσὶν ἔσεσθαι, μόνος
ὁ Στότζας ἐς μέσους τοὺς ἐναντίους ἥκων ἔλεξε
τοιάδε:

“"Avdpes συστρατιῶται, οὐ δίκαια ποιεῖτε
ἐπὶ ξυγγενεῖς τε καὶ συντρόφους στρατεύοντες,
ἐπ᾽ ἄνδρας τε ὅπλα αἰἱρόμενοι ob τοῖς κακοῖς τοῖς
ὑμετέροις καὶ τοῖς εἰς ὑμᾶς ἀδικήμασιν ἀχθόμενοι
βασιλεῖ τε καὶ Ῥωμαίοις πολεμεῖν ἔγνωσαν. ἢ
οὐ μέμνησθε ὡς ἐστέρησθε μὲν τῶν ἄνωθεν ὑμῖν
ὀφειλομένων συντάξεων, ἀφήρησθε δὲ τῶν πολε-
μίων τὰ λάφυρα, ἃ τῶν ἐν μάχαις κινδύνων ἄθλα
ὃ τοῦ πολέμου τέθεικε νόμος; καὶ τοῖς μὲν τῆς
νίκης ἀγαθοῖς ἕτεροι τρυφᾶν ἐς τὸν ἅπαντα χρό-

1 « Auxiliaries” ; see Book III. xi. 3.
2 More correctly Gadiaufala, now Ksar-Sbehi.

352

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xv. 49-56

fore arranged matters in Libya as well as he could
and, entrusting Carthage to Ildiger and Theodorus,
went to Sicily.

And the Roman commanders in Numidia, hearing
that the troops of Stotzas had come and were
gathering there, prepared for battle. Now the com-
manders were as follows: of foederati,t Marcellus
and Cyril, of the cavalry forces, Barbatus, and of
infantry Terentius and Sarapis. All, however, took
their commands from Marcellus, as holding the
authority in Numidia. He, therefore, upon hearing
that Stotzas with some few men was in a place called
Gazophyla,? about two days’ journey distant from
Constantina,3 wished to anticipate the gathering of all
the mutineers, and led his army swiftly against them.
And when the two armies were near together and
the battle was about to commence, Stotzas came
alone into the midst of his opponents and spoke as
follows :

« Fellow-soldiers, you are not acting justly in
taking the field against kinsmen and those who have
been reared with you, and in raising arms against
men who in vexation at your misfortunes and the
wrongs you have suffered have decided to make war
upon the emperor and the Romans. Or do you not
remember that you have been deprived of the
pay which has been owing you for a long time
back, and that you have been robbed of the enemy’s
spoil, which the law of war has set as prizes for the
dangers of battle? And that the others have
claimed the right to live sumptuously all their lives
upon the good things of victory, while you have

3 Cirta, later named Constantina, now Constantine (Ksan-
tina).

353

- PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

vov ἠξίουν, ὑμεῖς δὲ ἐν οἰκετῶν ἕπεσθε μοίρᾳ; εἰ
μὲν οὖν ἐμοὶ χαλεπαίνετε, πάρεστιν ὑμῖν ἐς τόδε
μὲ ἐν τὸ σῶμα τῷ θυμῷ χρῆσθαι, τὸ δὲ ἐς τοὺς
ἄλλους διαφυγεῖν μίασμα: εἰ δέ μοι αἰτίαν οὐδε-
μίαν ἐπενεγκεῖν ἔχετε, ὥρα ὑμῖν ὑπὲρ αὑτῶν
ἀνελέσθαι τὰ ὅπλα. ὁ μὲν οὖν Στότξας τοσαῦτα
εἶπεν" οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται τούς τε λόγους ἐνέδέ-
χοντο καὶ αὐτὸν πολλῇ εὐνοίᾳ ἠσπάζοντο. κατ-
ἐδόντες δὲ οἱ ἄρχοντες τὰ γινόμενα συγῇ τε
ὑπεχώρουν καὶ ἐς ἱερὸν ὃ ἐν Παζοφύλοις ἢ ἣν κατα-
φεύγουσι. Στότξας δὲ ἀμφότερα τὰ στρατόπεδα ϊ
ἐς ἕν ξυλλαβὼν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἤει. καταλαβών τε
ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ καὶ τὰ πιστὰ δοὺς ἅπαντας ἔκτεινε.

XVI

Ταῦτα ἐπεὶ βασιλεὺς ἔμαθε, Teppavov τὸν
ἀνεψιὸν τὸν αὑτοῦ, ἄνδρα πατρίκιον, ἐς Λιβύην
ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν ἔπεμψε. καὶ Σύμμαχος δὲ
αὐτῷ καὶ Δόμνικος, ἄνδρες ἐκ βουλῆς, εἵποντο,
ἅτερος μὲν ἔπαρχός τε καὶ χορηγὸς τῆς δαπάνης
ἐσόμενος, Δόμνικος δὲ τῷ πεζῷ στρατῷ ἐπιστα-
τήσων. ᾿Ιωάννης γὰρ ἐτελεύτα ἤδη νοσήσας, ᾧ (
δὴ ἐπέκειτο ἡ τιμὴ αὕτη. ἐπειδή τε ἐς Καρ-

xndova κατέπλευσαν, τούς τε παρόντας σφίσι
στρατιώτας ὁ Veppavos ἠρίθμει καὶ τῶν γραμμα-
τέων ἀναλεγόμενος τὰ βιβλία οὗ πάντα ἀνα-
γέγραπται τῶν στρατιωτῶν τὰ ὀνόματα, εὕρισκε
τὸ μὲν τριτημόριον τοῦ στρατοῦ ἔν τε Καρχηδόνι
καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν ὄν, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους

1 στρατόπεδα VO: στρατεύματα Ῥ,

2 ἔμαθε VO: ἤκουσε Ῥ, 8 ἔπαρχός : ὕπαρχός PO,
354

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xv. 56-xvi. 3

followed as if their servants? If, now, you are
angry with me, it is within your power to vent
your wrath upon this body, and to escape the pol-
lution of killing the others; but if you have no
charge to bring against me, it is time for you to
take up your weapons in your own behalf.” So
spoke Stotzas; and the soldiers listened to his words
and greeted him with great favour. And when the
commanders saw what was happening, they withdrew
in silence and took refuge in a sanctuary which was
in Gazophyla. And Stotzas combined both armies
into one and then went to the commanders. And
finding them in the sanctuary, he gave pledges and
then killed them all.

XVI

Wuen the emperor learned this, he sent his
nephew Germanus, a man of patrician rank, with
some few men to Libya. And Symmachus also and
Domnicus, men of the senate, followed him, the
former to be prefect and charged with the mainten-
ance of the army, while Domnicus was to command
the infantry forces. For John,! who had held the office
of prefect, had already died of disease. And when
they had sailed into Carthage, Germanus counted the
soldiers whom they had, and upon looking over the
books of the scribes where the names of all the
soldiers were registered, he found that the third
part of the army was in Carthage and the other

1 John the Cappadocian, cf I. xxiv. 11 ff.
355

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἅπαντας τῷ τυράννῳ ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ξυντεταγ-
μένους. μάχης μὲν οὖν διὰ ταῦτα οὐκ ἦρχε, τοῦ
δὲ στρατοπέδου ἐπεμελεῖτο ὡς μάλιστα. λογισά-
μενός τε ὡς τῶν πολεμίων ξυγγενεῖς ἢ ὁμοσκήνους
τοὺς ἐν Καρχηδόνι ἀπολελειμμένους ξυμβαίνει
εἶναι, ἄλλα τε πολλὰ ἐπαγωγὰ πᾶσιν ἐφθέγγετο
καὶ σταλῆναι πρὸς βασιλέως ἐς Λιβύην αὐτὸς
ἔφασκεν, ἐφ᾽’ ᾧ ἠδικημένοις μὲν στρατιώταις
auuvel,! κολάσει δὲ τοὺς ἀδικίας τινὸς ἐς αὐτοὺς
ἄρξαντας. ἅπερ οἱ στασιῶται πυνθανόμενοι
κατ᾽ ὀλίγους αὐτῷ προσχωρεῖν ἤρχοντο. καὶ
αὐτοὺς ὁ Γερμανὸς τῇ τε πόλει ξὺν φιλοφροσύνῃ
ἐδέχετο καὶ τὰ πιστὰ δοὺς ἐν τιμῇ εἶχε, τάς τε
συντάξεις αὐτοῖς τοῦ χρόνου ἐδίδου καθ᾽ ὃν ἐπὶ
Ῥωμαίους ἐν ὅπλοις ἦσαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ περὶ
τούτων λόγος περιφερόμενος ἐς ἅπαντας ἦλθε,
κατὰ πολλοὺς ἤδη τοῦ τυράννου ἀποτασσόμενοι
ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἐσήλαυνον. καὶ τότε δὴ Te μανὸς
ἐξ ἀντιπάλου τῆς δυνάμεως ἔσεσθαί οἱ πρὸς τοὺς
ἐναντίους τὴν μάχην ἐλπίσας τὰ ἐς τὴν παρά-
ταξιν ἐξηρτύετο.

Ἔν τούτῳ δὲ ὁ Στότξας τοῦ μὲν κακοῦ ἤδη
αἰσθόμενος, δεδιὼς δὲ μή οἱ καὶ πλειόνων
στρατιωτῶν 5 τῇ ἀποστάσει ἔτι μᾶλλον τὸ
στράτευμα ἐλασσοῦσθαι ξυμβαίη, διακινδυνεύειν
τε ἐν τῷ παραυτίκα ἠπείγετο καὶ τοῦ πολέ.
μου ὀξύτερον ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι. καὶ ἣν γάρ
Tus αὐτῷ ἐκ τῶν ἐν Καρχηδόνι στρατιωτῶν
ἐλπὶς ἀποστάσεως πέρι, @eTO τε αὐτούς, ἤν που
σφίσιν ἄγχιστα γένηται, πόνῳ οὐδενὶ αὐτομολή-

1 ἀμυνεῖ Dindorf : ἀμύνη V, ἀμύνει PO, ἐπαμύνη Theophanes.
2 στρατιωτῶν VP: στασιωτῶν O,

356

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xvi. 3-9

cities, while all the rest were arrayed with the tyrant
against the Romans. He did not, therefore, begin
any fighting, but bestowed the greatest care upon
hisarmy. And considering that those left in Carthage
were the kinsmen or tentmates of the enemy, he
kept addressing many winning words to all, and
in particular said that he had himself been sent by
the emperor to Libya in order to defend the soldiers
who had been wronged and to punish those who had
unprovoked done them any injury. And when this
was found out by the mutineers, they began to come
over to him a few at a time. And Germanus both
received them into the city in a friendly manner
and, giving pledges, held them in honour, and he
gave them their pay for the time during which they
had been in arms against the Romans. And when
the report of these acts was circulated and came
to all, they began now to detach themselves in large
numbers from the tyrant and to march to Carthage.
Then at last Germanus, hoping that in the battle
he would be evenly matched in strength with his
opponents, began to make preparations for the
conflict.

But in the meantime Stotzas, already perceiving
the trouble, and fearing lest by the defection of still
others of his soldiers the army should be reduced still
more, was pressing for a decisive encounter im-
mediately and trying to take hold of the war with
more vigour. And since he had some hope regarding
the soldiers in Carthage, that they would come over to
him, and thought that they would readily desert if he
came near them, he held out the hope toall his men ;

351

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

σειν, ἐς πάντας τὴν ἐλπίδα ἐξενεγκών: ταύτῃ τε
αὐτοὺς μάλιστα ἐπιρρώσας παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ
ἐπὶ Καρχηδόνα κατὰ τάχος ἤει. γενόμενός τε
αὐτῆς ἄπο σταδίων πέντε καὶ τριάκοντα, ἐστρατο-
πεδεύσατο τῆς θαλάσσης οὐ μακρὰν ἄποθεν, καὶ
Γερμανὸς ἅπαν ἐξοπλίσας τὸ στράτευμα δια-
τάξας τε ὡς ἐς μάχην ἐξῆγε. καὶ ἐπεὶ τῆς πόλεως
ἔξω ἐγένοντο, ἠκηκόει γὰρ ὅσα ἐν ἐλπίδι ὁ
Στότζας εἶχε, ξυγκαλέσας ἅπαντας ἔλεξε τοιάδε:

“Ὡς μὲν οὐδὲν ἂν δικαίως, ὦ ξυστρατιῶται,
βασιλεῖ μέμψεσθεϊ οὐδέ τι αἰτιάσεσθε τῶν εἰς
ὑμᾶς αὐτῷ πεπραγμένων, οὐδεὶς ἄν, οἶμαι, τῶν
πάντων ἀντείποι" ὅς γε ὑμᾶς ἐξ ἀγροῦ ἥκοντας
ξύν τε τῇ πήρᾳ καὶ χιτωνίσκῳ ἑνὶ ξυναγαγὼν ἐς
Βυζάντιον τηλικούσδε εἶναι πεποίηκεν ὥστε τὰ
“Ῥωμαίων πράγματα νῦν ἐφ᾽ ὑμῖν κεῖσθαι. ὡς δὲ
οὐ περιυβρίσθαι μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ πάντων
ewoTaTa παρ᾽ ὑμῶν αὐτὸν πεπονθέναι τετύχηκε,
ξυνεπίστασθε καὶ ὑμεῖς δήπουθεν. ὧν δὴ τὴν
μνήμην ὑμῖν ἐς ἀεὶ βουλόμενος διασώξεσθαι τὰς
τῶν ἐγκλημάτων αἰτίας ἀφῆκεν, ὄφλημα τοῦτό
γε αὐτῷ μόνον ὀφείλεσθαι παρ᾽ ὑμῶν ἀξιῶν, τὴν
ὑπὲρ τῶν πεπραγμένων αἰσχύνην. ταύτῃ τοίνυν
ἠγμένους ὑμᾶς μεταμανθάνειν τε τὴν πίστιν
εἰκὸς καὶ τὴν πρόσθεν ἀγνωμοσύνην ἐπανορθοῦν.
μετάμελος γὰρ ἐν δέοντι τοῖς ἐπταικόσιν ἐπι.-
γινόμενος συγγνώμονας αὐτοῖς τοὺς ἠδικημένους
ποιεῖν εἴωθεν, ὑπουργία τε εἰς καιρὸν ἐλθοῦσα
τὸ τῶν ἀχαρίστων ὄνομα μεταβάλλειν φιλεῖ,

1 μέμψεσθε Dindorf: μέμψησθε MSS.
μ rf: μέμψη
3 αἰτιάσεσθε Ῥ - αἰτιάσεσθαι V, αἰτιάσησθε Ο.

358

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xvi. 9-17

and after encouraging them exceedingly in this way,
he advanced swiftly with his whole army against
Carthage. And when he had come within thirty-five
stades of the city, he made camp not far from the
sea, and Germanus, after arming his whole army and
arraying them for battle, marched forth. And when
they were all outside the city, since he had heard
what Stotzas was hoping for, he called together the
whole army and spoke as follows :

« That there is nothing, fellow-soldiers, with which
you can justly reproach the emperor, and no fault
which you can find with what he has done to you,
this, I think, no one of you all could deny ; for it
was he who took you as you came from the fields
with your wallets and one small frock apiece and
brought you together in Byzantium, and has caused
you to be so powerful that the Roman state now
depends upon you. And that he has not only been
treated with wanton insult, but has also suffered
the most dreadful of all things at your hands, you
yourselves, doubtless, know full well. And desiring
that you should preserve the memory of these things
for ever, he has dismissed the accusations brought
against you for your crimes, asking that this debt
alone be due to him from you—shame for what you
have done. It is reasonable, therefore, that you,
being thus regarded by him, should learn anew the
lesson of good faith and correct your former folly.
For. when repentance comes at the fitting time upon
those who have done wrong, it is accustomed to
make those who have been injured indulgent ; and
service which comes in season is wont to bring
another name to those who have been called un-
grateful.

359

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

“Εὖ δὲ ὑμᾶς δεήσει κἀκεῖνο εἰδέναι, ὡς, ἢν ἐν τῷ
, > , a ΄ θ 55 ,
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τοῖς προλαβοῦσι λελείψεται μνήμη. πᾶσα yap
“ an > A
πρᾶξις πέφυκεν ἀεὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐκ τῆς
a Ν
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ἅπαξ amoinrov μὲν οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἐν χρόνῳ τῷ παντὶ
γένοιτο, ἐπανορθωθὲν δὲ πράξεσι τῶν αὐτὸ
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τὸ κατὰ τῶν πολεμίων πολλάκις ἀναδήσησθε
κράτος, οὐκ ἂν ἔτι ὁμοίως ἀνθυπουργηκέναι
βασιλεῖ δόξαιτε. οἱ γὰρ ἐν αὐτοῖς εὐδοκιμοῦντες
οἷς ἥμαρτον εὐπρεπεστέραν τὴν ἀπολογίαν ἐς
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λογιζέσθω ὑμῶν ἕκαστος. ἐγὼ δὲ οὔτε ἀδικίας
τινὸς εἰς ὑμᾶς ἄρξας, ἐνδειξάμενός τε πάσῃ
δυνάμει τὴν εἰς ὑμᾶς εὔνοιαν, καὶ τὰ νῦν καθιστά-
μενος ἐς κίνδυνον τόνδε, τοσοῦτον αἰτεῖσθαι
ἅπαντας ἔγνωκα: μηδεὶς ξὺν ἡμῖν ἐπὶ τοὺς
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μηδὲν μελλήσας ξὺν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐπὶ τὸ τῶν
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ἐν Καρχηδόνι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν μεταιχμίῳ γενόμενος τοὺς
360

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xvi. 18-24

“And it will be needful for you to know well
this also, that if at the present time you shew
yourselves completely loyal to the emperor, no
remembrance will remain of what has gone before.
For in the nature of things every course of action is
characterized by men in accordance with its final
outcome; and while a wrong which has once been
committed can never be undone in all time, still,
when it has been corrected by better deeds on the part
of those who committed it, it receives the fitting
reward of silence and generally comes to be forgotten.
Moreover, if you act with any disregard of duty
toward these accursed rascals at the present time,
even though afterwards you fight through many
wars in behalf of the Romans and often win the
victory over the enemy, you will never again be
regarded as having requited the emperor as you
can requite him to-day. For those who win applause
in the very matter of their former wrong-doing
always gain for themselves a fairer apology. As
regards the emperor, then, let each one of you
reason in some such way. But as for me, I have
not voluntarily done you any injustice, and I have
displayed my good-will to you by all possible means,
and now, facing this danger, I have decided to ask
this much of you all: let no man advance with us
against the enemy contrary to his judgement. But if
anyone of you is already desirous of arraying him-
self with them, without delay let him go with his
weapons to the enemy's camp, granting us this one
favour, that it be not stealthily, but openly, that he
has decided to do us wrong. Indeed, it is for this
reason that I am making my speech, not in Carthage,
but after coming on the battle-field, in order that 1]

361

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA |

λόγους ποιοῦμαι; ὅπως ἂν μηδενὶ αὐτομολεῖν és
τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐθέλοντι ἐμπόδιος εἴην, παρὸν
ἅπασι κινδύνου ἐκτὸς τὴν ἐς τὴν πολιτείαν ἐν-
δείκνυσθαι γνώμην. Τερμανὸς μὲν τοσαῦτα
εἶπε. ταραχὴ δὲ πολλὴ ἐν τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ
γέγονεν, ἐπεὶ πρῶτος ἠξίου αὐτὸς ἕκαστος εὔνοιάν
τε τὴν ἐς βασιλέα τῷ στρατηγῷ ἐπιδείξασθαι
καὶ ὅρκους δεινοτάτους ὑπὲρ τούτων ὀμεῖσθαι.

XVII

Χρόνον μὲν οὖν τινα ἑκάτεροι ἀλλήλοις ἀντι-
καθήμενοι ἔμενον. μετὰ δὲ οἱ στασιῶταὶ οὐδὲν
σφίσι προχωροῦν ἐνορῶντες ὧν προὔλεγε Στότ-
ἕας, ἔδεισάν τε ἅτε τῆς ἐλπίδος παρὰ δόξαν ψευ-
σθέντες, καὶ τὴν τάξιν διαλύσαντες ἀνεχώρησαν,
ἔς τε Νουμίδας ἀπήλαυνον, οὗ δὴ αὐτοῖς αἵ τε
γυναῖκες καὶ τὰϊ τῆς λείας χρήματα ἦσαν. ἔνθα
καὶ ὁ Veppavos παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν
ἦλθε, τά τε ἄλλα παρεσκευασμένος ὡς ἄριστα
καὶ ἁμάξας πολλὰς τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἐπαγαγό-
μενος. καταλαβών τε τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐν χωρίῳ ὃ
δὴ Σκάλας Βέτερες καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι, τὰ ἐς τὴν
παράταξιν ἐξηρτύετο τρόπῳ τοιῷδε. τὰς ἁμάξας
μετωπηδὸν στήσας τοὺς πεζοὺς πάντας κατ᾽ αὐ-
τὰς ἔταξεν, ὧν Δόμνικος ἦρχεν, ὅπως τὰ νῶτα ἐν
τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἔχοντες θαρσήσωσι μᾶλλον. τῶν δὲ
ἱππέων ἄνδρας τε ἀρίστους καὶ τοὺς ἐκ Βυζαντίου
ξὺν αὐτῷ ἥκοντας αὐτὸς ἐν ἀριστερᾷ τῶν πεζῶν
εἶχε, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἅπαντας ἐς κέρας τὸ δεξιὸν
οὐ ξυντεταγμένους, ἀλλὰ κατὰ Χόχους τρεῖς μά-

1 καὶ τὰ Herwerden: καὶ MSS.
162

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xvi. 24-xvii. 5

might not be an obstacle to anyone who desires to
desert to our opponents, since it is possible for all
without danger to shew their disposition toward the
state.” Thus spoke Germanus. And a great uproar
ensued in the Roman army, for each one demanded
the right to be the first to display to the general his
loyalty to the emperor and to swear the most dread
oaths in confirmation.

XVII

Now for some time the two armies remained in
position opposite each other. But when the muti-
neers saw that nothing of what Stotzas had foretold
was coming to pass, they began to be afraid as having
been unexpectedly cheated of their hope, and they
broke their ranks and withdrew, and marched off to
Numidia, where were their women and the money
from their booty. And Germanus too came there
with the whole army not long afterwards, having
made all preparations in the best way possible and
also bringing along many wagons for the army.
And overtaking his opponents in a place which the
Romans call Scalae Veteres, he made his preparations
for battle in the following manner. Placing the
wagons in line facing the front, he arrayed all the
infantry along them under the leadership of Dom-
nicus, so that by reason of having their rear in
security they might fight with the greater courage.
And the best of the horsemen and those who had
come with him from Byzantium he himself had on the
left of the infantry, while all the others he placed
on the right wing, not marshalled in one body but

363

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Mota ἔστησε. καὶ αὐτῶν ᾿Ιλδίγερ μὲν ἑνὸς
ἡγεῖτο, ἑτέρου δὲ Θεόδωρος ὁ Καππαδόκης, τοῦ
δὲ λειπομένου, μείζονος ὄντος, Ἰωάννης ὁ Πάππου
ἀδελφός, τέταρτος αὐτός. οὕτω μὲν Ῥωμαῖοι
ἐτάξαντο.

Οἱ δὲ στασιῶται ἀντίξοοι μὲν αὐτοῖς ἔστησαν,
οὐκ ἐν κόσμῳ μέντοι ταξάμενοι, ἀλλὰ βαρ-
βαρικώτερον ἐσκεδασμένοι. εἵποντο δὲ αὐ-
τοῖς οὐ μακρὰν ἄποθεν Μαυρουσίων μυριάδες
πολλαί, ὧν ἄλλοι τε πολλοὶ καὶ ᾿Ιαύδας καὶ
ρταϊας ἦρχον. οὐ μέντοι ἅπαντες πιστοὶ τοῖς
ἀμφὶ τὸν Στότζαν ἐτύγχανον ὄντες, ἀλλὰ πολλοὶ
mapa Τερμανὸν πέμποντες πρότερον ὡμολόγουν,
ἐπειδὰν ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ γένωνται, ξὺν τῷ βασιλέως
στρατῷ ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους τετἄξεσθαι. q ov pny
αὐτοῖς πιστεύειν παντάπασιν ὁ Γερμανὸς εἶχεν,
ἐπεὶ ἄπιστον φύσει τὸ Μαυρουσίων γένος ἐστὶν
ἐς πάντας ἀνθρώπους. διὸ δὴ οὐδὲ ξὺν τοῖς στα-
σιώταις ἐτάξαντο, ἀλλ᾽ ὄπισθεν ἔμενον, καραδο-
κοῦντες τὸ ἐσόμενον, ὅπως ξὺν τοῖς νικήσουσιϊ
καὶ αὐτοὶ τὴν δίωξιν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἡσσημένους ποιή-
σώνται. Μαυρούσιοι μὲν τοιαύτῃ γνώμῃ οὐκ
ἀναμυγνύμενοι τοῖς στασιώταις ὄπισθεν εἵποντο.

Στότξας δὲ ἄγχιστά πη τῶν πολεμίων γενόμενος,
ἐπειδὴ σημεῖον τὸ Γερμανοῦ εἶδε, τοῖς παροῦσιν
ἐγκελευσάμενος ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἤει. "Ερουλοι δὲ ὅσοι
στασιῶται ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν τεταγμένοι ἐτύγχανον, οὐδὲ
ἐἵποντο, ἀλλὰ καὶ παντὶ σθένει ἐκώλυον, φάσκον-
τες οὐκ εἰδέναι μὲν τὴν Γερμανοῦ δύναμιν, ὁποία
ποτέ ἐστιν, ἐξεπίστασθαι μέντοι ὡς οὐδαμῆ
σφίσιν ἀνθέξουσιν ὅσοι ἐς κέρας τὸ δεξιὸν τῶν

1 νικήσουσι V: νικήσασι P, νικῶσι O,

364 5

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xvii. 5-14

in three divisions. And Ildiger led one of them,
Theodorus the Cappadocian another, while the
remaining one, which was larger, was commanded by
John, the brother of Pappus, with three others.
Thus did the Romans array themselves.

And the mutineers took their stand opposite
them, not in order, however, but scattered, more in
the manner of barbarians. And at no great distance
many thousands of Moors followed them, who were
commanded by a number of leaders, and especially
by Iaudas and Ortaias. But not all of them, as
it happened, were faithful to Stotzas and his men,
for many had sent previously to Germanus and
agreed that, when they came into the fight, they
would array themselves with the emperor's army
against the enemy. However, Germanus could not
trust them altogether, for the Moorish nation is
by nature faithless to all men. It was for this
reason also that they did not array themselves with
the mutineers, but remained behind, waiting for
what would come to pass, in order that with those
who should be victorious they might join in the
pursuit of the vanquished. Such was the purpose,
then, of the Moors, in following behind and not
mingling with the mutineers.

And when Stotzas came close to the enemy and
saw the standard of Germanus, he exhorted his
men and began to charge against him. But the
mutinous Eruli who were arrayed about him did
not follow and even tried with all their might to
prevent him, saying that they did not know the
character of the forces of Germanus, but that
they did know that those arrayed on the enemy’s

365

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

πολεμίων ἐτάξαντο. ἢν μὲν οὖν ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνους
χωρήσαιεν, αὐτοί τε οὐχ ὑποστάντες ἐς φυγὴν
τρέψονται καὶ τὸ ἄλλο στράτευμα, ὡς τὸ εἰκός,
συνταρἄξουσιν" ἢν δέ γε σφᾶς ἀπωσάμενος Tep-
μανὸς τρέψηται, ἅπαντα σφίσι διαφθαρήσεται
αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα τὰ πράγματα. τούτοις ὁ Στότζας
ἀναπεισθεὶς τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους τοῖς ἀμφὶ Γερμανὸν
μάχεσθαι εἴασεν, αὐτὸς δὲ ξὺν τοῖς ἀρίστοις ἐπί
τε Ιωάννην καὶ τοὺς ξὺν αὐτῷ τεταγμένους ἤξει.
οἱ δὲ οὐχ ὑποστάντες κόσμῳ οὐδενὶ ἐς φυγὴι
ὥρμηντο. οἵ Te στασιῶται πάντα μὲν τὰ σημεῖα
αὐτῶν εὐθὺς ἔλαβον, φεύγοντας δὲ ἀνὰ κράτος
ἐδίωκον, τινὲς δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς πεζοὺς ἤλαυνον,
ἤδη τε τὴν τάξιν ἐκλείπειν οἱ πεζοὶ ἤρξαντο. ἐν
τούτῳ δὲ Γερμανὸς αὐτός τε τὸ ξίφος σπασάμενος
καὶ ἅπαν τὸ ταύτῃ στράτευμα ἐς τοῦτο ὁρμήσας,
πόνῳ τε πολλῷ τοὺς κατ᾽ αὐτὸν στασιώτας ἐτρέ-
aro καὶ δρόμῳ ἐπὶ τὸν Στότζαν ἐχώρησε. τούτου
δέ οἱ ἐνταῦθα τοῦ ἔργου καὶ τῶν ἀμφὶ Ἰλδίγερά
τε καὶ Θεόδωρον ξυναραμένων, οὕτως ἀλλήλοις
ἑκάτεροι ἀνεμίγνυντο, ὥστε διώκοντες οἱ στασιῶ-
ται τῶν τινας πολεμίων ὑφ᾽ ἑτέρων καταλαμβα-
νόμενοι ἔθνησκον. τῆς te ξυγχύσεως ἐπὶ μέγα

ὡρούσης οἱ μὲν ἀμφὶ Γερμανόν, ὄπισθεν ἰόντες,
ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐνέκειντο, οἱ δὲ στασιῶται ἐς πολὺ
δέος ἐμπεπτωκότες οὐκέτι ἐς ἀλκὴν ἔβλεπον. ἔν-
δηλοῖ μέντοι οὐδέτεροι οὔτε σφίσιν αὐτοῖς οὔτε
ἀλλήλοις ἐγίνοντο. μιᾷ τε γὰρ φωνῇ καὶ τῇ αὐτῇ
τῶν ὅπλων σκευῇ οἱ πάντες ἐχρῶντο, οὔτε μορφῇ
τινι οὔτε σχήματι οὔτε ἄλλῳ ὁτῳοῦν διαλλάσ-

266

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xvii. 14-21

right would by no means withstand them. _ If,
therefore, they should advance against these, they
would not only give way themselves and turn to
flight, but would also, in all probability, throw the
rest of the Roman army into confusion ; but if they
should attack Germanus and be driven back and put
to rout, their whole cause would be ruined on the
spot. And Stotzas was persuaded by these words,
and permitted the others to fight with the men
of Germanus, while he himself with the best men
went against John and those arrayed with him.
And they failed to withstand the attack and hastened
to flee in complete disorder. And the mutineers
took all their standards immediately, and pursued
them as they fled at top speed, while some too
charged upon the infantry, who had already begun
to abandon their ranks. But at this juncture
Germanus himself, drawing his sword and urging .
the whole of that part of the army to do the same,
with great difficulty routed the mutineers opposed to
him and advanced on the run against Stotzas. And
then, since he was joined in this effort by the men
of Ildiger and Theodorus, the two armies mingled
with each other in such a way that, while the
mutineers were pursuing some of their enemy, they
were being overtaken and killed by others. And as
the confusion became greater and greater, the troops
of Germanus, who were in the rear, pressed on still
more, and the mutineers, falling into great fear,
thought no longer of resistance. But neither side
could be distinguished either by their own comrades
or by their opponents. For all used one language
and the same equipment of arms, and they differed
neither in figure nor in dress nor in any other thing

367

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

σοντες. διὸ δὴ Teppavod γνώμῃ οἱ τοῦ βασιλέως
στρατιῶται,, ὅτου ἂν λάβοιντο, ἐπυνθάνοντο ὅσ-
τίς ποτὲ εἴη" ἔπειτα, ἤν τις Τερμανοῦ στρατιώτης
φήσειεν εἶναι, οὐκοῦν τὸ Γερμανοῦ ξύμβολον
ἐκέλευον λέγειν, τοῦτο δὲ εἰπεῖν οὐδαμῇ ἔχοντα
εὐθὺς ἔκτεινον. ἐν τούτῳ τῷ πόνῳ τὸν Γερμανοῦ
ἵππον τῶν τις πολεμίων λαθὼν ἔκτεινεν, αὐτός τε
ὁ Γερμανὸς ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος ἐκπεσὼν ἐς κίνδυνον
ἦλθεν, εἰ μὴ κατὰ τάχος οἱ δορυφόροι ἐσώσαντο,
/ / > ᾽ 3. N ae , 345

φραξάμενοί τε ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ ἀναβιβάσαντες ep
ἕτερον ἵππτον. ᾿

Ὃ μὲν οὖν Στότξζας ἐν τῷ θορύβῳ τούτῳ ξὺν
ὀλίγοις τισὶ διαφυγεῖν ἴσχυσε. Γερμανὸς δὲ τοῖς
ἀμφ᾽ αὑτὸν ἐγκελευσάμενος εὐθὺ τοῦ τῶν πολε-
μίων στρατοπέδου ἐχώρησεν. ἐνταῦθά οἱ τῶν
στασιωτῶν ὑπηντίαζον ὅσοι τοῦ χαρακώματος
ἐπὶ τῇ φυλακῇ ἐτετάχατο. μάχης τε ἀμφὶ τὴν
αὐτοῦ εἴσοδον καρτερᾶς γενομένης παρ᾽ ὀλίγον
μὲν οἱ στασιῶται ἦλθον τοὺς ἐναντίους ἀπώ-
σασθαι, πέμψας δὲ ὁ Γερμανὸς τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων
τινὰς κατ᾽ ἄλλην ἀποπειρᾶσθαι χώραν τοῦ στρα-
τοπέδου ἐκέλευεν. οἱ δὴ οὐδενὸς ταύτῃ ἀμυνο-
μένου ἐντὸς τοῦ χαρακώματος ξὺν βραχεῖ πόνῳ
ἐγένοντο. οἵ τε στασιῶται κατιδόντες αὐτοὺς ἐς
φυγὴν ὥρμηντο, καὶ Τερμανὸς παντὶ τῷ ἄλλῳ
στρατῷ ἐσεπήδησεν εἰς τὸ τῶν πολεμίων στρατό-
πεδον. ἐνταῦθα τὰ χρήματα οἱ στρατιῶται οὐ-
δενὶ πόνῳ ἁρπάζοντες οὔτε τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐν
λόγῳ ἐποιοῦντό τινι οὔτε τοῦ στρατηγοῦ ἐγκε-
λευομένου ἔτι κατήκουον, παρόντων χρημάτων.
διὸ δὴ ὁ Γερμανός, δείσας μὴ ξυμφρονήσαντες οἱ

1 οἱ---στρατιῶται V: οἱ-- στρατοῦ Ῥ, ὁ- στρατὸς Ο.

368

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xvii. 21-30

whatever. For this reason the soldiers of the
emperor by the advice of Germanus, whenever they
captured anyone, asked who he was; and then, if
he said that he was a soldier of Germanus, they
bade him give the watchword of Germanus, and if
he was not at all able to give this, they killed him
instantly. In this struggle one of the enemy
got by unnoticed and killed the horse of Germanus,
and Germanus himself fell to the ground and came
into danger, and would have been lost had not his
guards quickly saved him by forming an enclosure
around him and mounting him on another horse.

As for Stotzas, he succeeded in this tumult in
escaping with a few men. But Germanus, urging on
his men, went straight for the enemy's camp. There
he was encountered by those of the mutineers who
had been stationed to guard the stockade. A
stubborn fight took place around its entrance, and the
mutineers came within a little of forcing back their
opponents, but Germanus sent some of his followers
and bade them make trial of the camp at another
point. These men, since no one was defending the
camp at this place, got inside the stockade with little
trouble. And the mutineers, upon seeing them,
rushed off in flight, and Germanus with all the rest
of the army dashed into the enemy’s camp. There
the soldiers, finding it easy to plunder the goods of
the camp, neither took any account of the enemy nor
paid any further heed to the exhortations of their
general, since booty was at hand. For this reason
Germanus, fearing lest the enemy should get together

369

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

πολέμιοι ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἴωσιν, αὐτὸς ξὺν ὀλίγοις
τισὶν ἐς τοῦ χαρακώματος τὴν εἴσοδον ἔστη,
πολλά τε ὀλοφυρόμενος καὶ τοὺς οὐδὲν ἐπαΐοντας
ἐς εὐκοσμίαν παρακαλῶν. τῶν δὲ Μαυρουσίων
πολλοὶ τῆς τροπῆς οὕτω γεγενημένης τούς τε
στασιώτας ἐδίωκον ἤδη καὶ ξὺν τῷ βασιλέως
στρατῷ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς τάξαντες ἐληίξοντο τὸ τῶν
ἡσσημένων στρατόπεδον. Στότζας δέ, κατ᾽ ἀρ-
χὰς μὲν ἐπὶ τῷ Μαυρουσίων στρατῷ τὸ θαρσεῖν
ἔχων, ὡς ἀναμαχούμενος παρ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἤλαυνεν.
αἰσθόμενος δὲ τῶν ποιουμένων, ξὺν ἑκατὸν ἀν-
δράσι διαφυγεῖν μόλις ἴσχυσεν. αὖθις δὲ ἀμφ᾽
αὐτὸν πολλοὶ ξυλλεγέντες ἐνεχείρησαν μὲν τοῖς
πολεμίοις! ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν, ἀποκρουσθέντες δὲ
οὐδέν τι ἧσσον, εἰ μὴ καὶ μᾶλλον, Τερμανῷ ἅπαν-
τες προσεχώρησαν. μόνος δὲ ὁ Στότξας ξὺν Βαν-
δίλοις ὀλίγοις τισὶν ἐς Μαυριτανοὺς ἀνεχώρησε,
καὶ παῖδα τῶν τινος ἀρχόντων γυναῖκα λαβὼν
αὐτοῦ ἔμεινε. καὶ ἡ μὲν στάσις αὕτη ἐς τοῦτο
ἐτελεύτα.

XVIII

4 » an
Ἦν δέ τις ἐν τοῖς Θεοδώρου τοῦ Καππαδόκου
’ n 3,
δορυφόροις, Μαξιμῖνος ὄνομα, πονηρὸς μάλιστα.
: « a a a
οὗτος ὁ Μαξιμῖνος, τῶν στρατιωτῶν πλείστους
διομοσαμένους ἐπὶ τὴν πολιτείαν ξὺν αὑτῷ ἔχων,
τυραννίδι ἐπιθέσθαι διενοεῖτο. ἔτι τε πλείους
“2 / 2 fol ” ” \ ͵ὔ
ἐταιρίξεσθαι ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχων ἄλλοις τε τὸ βού-
λευμα φράζει καὶ ᾿Ασκληπιάδη. ᾧ ἔνῳ μὲν ἐ
μα φράζει καὶ ᾿ὰ σκληπιάδῃ, ὡρμημένῳ μὲν ἐκ
αλαιστίνης, εὖ δὲ γεγονότι καὶ πρώτῳ τῶν
1 πολεμίοις : ἐναντίοις PO.

310

HISTORY OF THE WARS; IV. xvii. 30-xviil. 3

and come upon them, himself with some few men
took his stand at the entrance of the stockade, utter-
ing many laments and urging his unheeding men to
return to good order. And many of the Moors,
when the rout had taken place in this way, were now
pursuing the mutineers, and, arraying themselves
with the emperor's troops, were plundering the camp
of the vanquished. But Stotzas, at first having con-
fidence in the Moorish army, rode to them in order
to renew the battle. But perceiving what was being
done, he fled with a hundred men, and succeeded
with difficulty in making his escape. And once more
many gathered about him and attempted to engage
with the enemy, but being repulsed no less decisively
than before, if not even more 80, they all came over
+o Germanus. And Stotzas alone with some few
Vandals withdrew to Mauretania, and taking to wife
the daughter of one of the rulers, remained there.
And this was the conclusion of that mutiny.

XVIII

Now there was among the body-guards of Theo-
dorus, the Cappadocian, ἃ certain Maximinus, an
exceedingly base man. This Maximinus had first
got a very large number of the soldiers to join with
him in a conspiracy against the government, and was
now purposing to attempt a tyranny. And being eager
to associate with himself still more men, he explained
the project to others and especially to Asclepiades, a
native of Palestine, who was a man of good birth and

374

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Θεοδώρου ἐπιτηδείων. ὁ γοῦν ᾿Ασκληπιάδης
Θεοδώρῳ κοινολογησάμενος τὸν πάντα λόγον εὐ-
θὺς Τερμανῷ εἰσαγγέλλει. καὶ ὅς, οὐκ ἐθέλων
ἔτε οἱ τῶν πραγμάτων ἠωρημένων ἑτέρας τινὸς
ταραχῆς ἄρξαι, θωπείᾳ μᾶλλόν τινε τὸν ἄνθρω-
πον ἢ τιμωρίᾳ περιελθεῖν ἔγνω καὶ ὅρκοις αὐτὸν
καταλαβεῖν τῆς ἐς τὴν πολιτείαν εὐνοίας. ὃν]
τοίνυν εἰθισμένον ἅπασι Ῥωμαίοις ἐκ παλαιοῦ
μηδένα δορυφόρον τῶν τινος ἀρχόντων καθίστα-
σθαι, ἢν μὴ δεινοτάτους πρότερον ὅρκους παρεχό-
μενος τὰ πιστὰ δοίη τῆς ἐς αὐτόν τε καὶ τὸν
βασιλέα Ῥωμαίων εὐνοίας, μεταπεμψάμενος τὸν
Μαξιμῖνον τῆς τε εὐτολμίας αὐτὸν ἐπήνει καὶ
δορυφορεῖν τὸ λοιπόν οἱ ἐπέτελλεν. ὁ δὲ περι-
χαρὴς γεγονὼς τῷ ὑπερβάλλοντι τῆς τιμῆς, ταύτῃ
τε ῥᾷον αὐτῷ τὴν ἐπίθεσιν προχωρήσειν ὑὕποτο-
πάζων, τόν τε ὅρκον ὑπέστη καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐν τοῖς
Γερμανοῦ δορυφόροις ταττόμενος τά τε ὀμωμοσ-
μένα εὐθὺς ἀλογεῖν ἠξίου καὶ τὰ ἐς τὴν τυραννίδα
πολλῷ ἔτι μᾶλλον κρατύνασθαι.

Ἢ μὲν οὖν πόλις ἑορτήν τινα πανδημεὶ ἦγε,
πολλοὶ δὲ τῶν Μαξιμίνου στασιωτῶν ἀμφὶ τὸν
τοῦ ἀρίστου καιρὸν ἐς Παλάτιον κατὰ τὰ σφίσι
ξυγκείμενα ἧκον,οὗ δὴ ὁ μὲν Γερμανὸς τοὺς ἐπιτη-

είους εἱστία, παρεστήκει δὲ τῇ θοίνῃ ξὺν τοῖς
ἄλλοις δορυφόροις ὁ Μαξιμῖνος. προϊόντος δὲ τοῦ
πότου, εἰσελθών τις Τερμανῷ ἀπαγγέλλει στρατι-
ὦτας πολλοὺς κόσμῳ οὐδενὶ πρὸ τῆς αὐλείου θύρας
ἑστῶτας αἰτιᾶσθα: συντάξεις χρόνου πολλοῦ τὸ
δημόσιον σφίσιν ὀφείλειν. καὶ ὃς τῶν δορυφόρων
1 ὃν MSS. : ἣν editors.
ἢ μεταπεμψάμενος <odv> conjectured by Hoeschel,

372

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xviii. 3-10

the first of the personal friends of Theodorus. Now
Asclepiades, after conversing withTheodorus, straight-
way reported the whole matter to Germanus. And
he, not wishing as yet, while affairs were still unsettled,
to begin any other disturbance, decided to get the
best of the man by cajoling and flattering him rather
than by punishment, and to bind him by oaths to
loyalty toward the government. Accordingly, since
it was an old custom among all Romans that no one
should become a body-guard of one of the com-
manders, unless he had previously taken the most
dread oaths and given pledges of his loyalty both
toward his own commander and toward the Roman
emperor, he summoned Maximinus, and praising him
for his daring, directed him to be one of his body-
guards from that time forth. And he, being over-
joyed at the extraordinary honour, and conjecturing
that his project would in this way get on more easily,
took the oath, and though from that time forth he
was counted among the body-guards of Germanus,
he did not hesitate to disregard his oaths immediately
and to strengthen much more than ever his plans to
achieve the tyranny.

Now the whole city was celebrating some general
festival, and many of the conspirators of Maximinus
at about the time of lunch came according to their
agreement to the palace, where Germanus was enter-
taining his friends at a feast, and Maximinus took his
stand beside the couches with the other body-guards.
And as the drinking proceeded, someone entered
and announced to Germanus that many soldiers were
standing in great disorder before the door of the
court, putting forward the charge that the govern-
ment owed them their pay for a long period. And

373

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

TOUS πιστοτάτους ἐκέλευσε λάθρα τὸν Mak pivov
ἐν φυλακῇ ἔχειν, αἴσθησιν αὐτῷ τινα τοῦ ποίου-
μένου ὡς ἥκιστα παρεχομένους. οἱ μὲν οὖν
στασιῶται ξύν τε ἀπειλῇ καὶ ταραχῇ ἐπὶ τὸν
ἱππόδρομον δρόμῳ ἐχώρουν οἵ τε τῆς βουλῆς αὐ-
τοῖς μετασχόντες κατὰ βραχὺ ἀγειρόμενοι ἐκ τῶν
οἰκημάτων ἐνταῦθα ξυνέρρεον. καὶ εἰ μὲν ξυλλεγ-
a :

Hvar ἅπαντας ἐς ταὐτὸ ἔτυχεν, οὐκ ἂν τις, οἶμαι,
καταλύειν αὐτῶν τὴν δύναμιν εὐπετῶς ἔσχε: νῦν
δὲ Γερμανὸς προτερήσας ἔτι ἀπολελειμμένου τοῦ
πλείστου ὁμίλου ἅπαντας αὐτίκα τοὺς αὐτῷ τε
καὶ βασιλεῖ εὐνοϊκῶς ἔχοντας ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἔπεμψεν.
οἱ δὴ οὐ προσδεχομένοις τοῖς στασιώταις εἰς χεῖ-
pas ἦλθον. οἱ δὲ οὔτε Μαξιμῖνον σὺν αὑτοῖς
ἔχοντες, ὅνπερ σφίσιν ἐξηγήσεσθαι τοῦ κινδύνου
ἐκαραδόκουν, οὔτε τὸ πλῆθος ὁρῶντες αὑτοῖς, ἧπερ
@ovto, ξυλλεγέν, ἀλλὰ καὶ μαχομένους παρὰ δόξ-
αν σφίσι τοὺς ξυστρατιώτας θεώμενοι καὶ ἀπ᾽
αὐτοῦ ἐς ὀλιγωρίαν: ἐλθόντες ἡσσήθησάν τε
ῥᾳδίως τῇ μάχῃ καὶ κόσμῳ οὐδενὶ ἐς φυγὴν
ὥρμηντο. καὶ αὐτῶν οἱ ἐναντίοι πολλοὺς μὲν
ἔκτεινον, πολλοὺς δὲ παρὰ Γερμανὸν ζωγρήσαντες
ἦγον. ὅσοι μέντοι οὐκ ἔφθησαν εἰς τὸν ἱππόδρο-
μον ἥκοντες, οὐδεμίαν αἴσθησιν τῆς ἐπὶ Μαξιμίνῳ
παρέσχοντο γνώμης. Τερμανὸς δὲ αὐτοὺς μὲν
ἱιερευνᾶσθαι οὐκέτι ἠξίου, ἀνεπυνθάνετο δὲ εἰ
Μαξιμίνῳ, ἐπειδὴ ὠμωμόκει, τὰ ἐς τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν
ἤσκητο. ἐληλεγμένον τε ὡς ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῦ δορυ-
φόροις ταττόμενος τὴν ἐπίθεσιν ἔτι μᾶλλον ποιοίη,
ἄγχιστά πη αὐτὸν τοῦ Καρχηδόνος περιβόλου

1 ὀλιγωρίαν MSS. : Haury would prefer ὀρρωδίαν.
374

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xviii. 10-18

he commanded the most trusty of the guards secretly
to keep close watch over Maximinus, allowing him in
no way to perceive what was being done. Then the
conspirators with threats and tumult proceeded on
the run to the hippodrome, and those who shared
their plan with them gathered gradually from the
houses and were assembling there. And if it had so
chanced that all of them had come together, no one,
I think, would have been able easily to destroy their
power; but, as it was, Germanus anticipated this,
and, before the greater part had vet arrived, he
straightway sent against them all who were well-
disposed to himself and to the emperor. And they
attacked the conspirators before they expected them.
And then, since Maximinus, for whom they were wait-
ing to begin the battle for them, was not with them,
and they did not see the crowd gathered to help
them, as they had thought it would be, but instead
even beheld their fellow-soldiers unexpectedly fight-
ing against them, they consequently lost heart and
were easily overcome in the struggle and rushed off
in flight and in complete disorder. And their oppo-
nents slew many of them, and they also captured
many alive and brought them to Germanus. Those,
however, who had not already come to the hippo-
drome gave no indication of their sentiment toward
Maximinus. And Germanus did not see fit to go on
and seek them out, but he enquired whether Maxi-
minus, since he had sworn the oath, had taken part in
the plot. And since it was proved that, though num-
bered among his own body-guards he had carried on
his designs still more than before, Germanus impaled
him close by the fortifications of Carthage, and in

375

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἀνεσκολόπισεν οὕτω τε THY στάσιν παντάπασιν

tA ΝΜ ΄ Ν ς » MS
καταλύειν ἔσχε. Μαξιμίνου μὲν ἡ ἐπιβουλὴ
ἐτελεύτησεν ὧδε.

ΧΙΧ

Γερμανὸν δὲ ξύν τε Συμμάχῳ καὶ Δομνίκῳ
μεταπεμψάμενος βασιλεὺς Σολόμωνι αὖθις ἅπαν-
τα Λιβύης τὰ πράγματα ἐνεχείρισε, τρισκαιδέ-
κατον ἔτος τὴν αὐτοκράτορα ἔχων ἀρχήν' στράτευ-
μὰ τε αὐτῷ παρασχόμενος καὶ ἄρχοντας ἄλλους
τε καὶ Ῥουφῖνον καὶ Λεόντιον, τοὺς Ζαύνα τοῦ
Φαρεσμάνου, καὶ ᾿Ιωάννην τὸν Σισινιόλου υἱόν.
Μαρτῖνος γὰρ καὶ Βαλεριανὸς ἤδη πρότερον ἐς
Βυζάντιον μετάπεμπτοι ἦλθον. Σολόμων δὲ
καταπλεύσας ἐς Καρχηδόνα καὶ τῆς Στότξα στά-
σεως ἀπαλλαγεὶς μετρίως τε ἐξηγεῖτο καὶ Λιβύην
ἀσφαλῶς διεφύχασσε, διακοσμῶν τε τὸν στρατὸν
καὶ εἴ τι μὲν ὕποπτον ἐν αὐτῷ εὕρισκεν, ἔς τε
Βυζάντιον καὶ παρὰ Βελισάριον πέμπων, νέους
δὲ στρατιώτας εἰς τὸν ἐκείνων ἀριθμὸν καταλέγων
καὶ Βανδίλων τοὺς ἀπολελειμμένους καὶ οὐχ
ἥκιστά γε αὐτῶν γυναῖκας ἁπάσας ὅλης ἐξοικί-
ἕων Λιβύης. πόλιν τε ἑκάστην περιέβαλε τείχει
καὶ τοὺς νόμους ξὺν ἀκριβείᾳ φυλάξας πολλῇ
τὴν πολιτείαν ὡς μάλιστα διεσώσατο. καὶ ἐγέ-
veto Λιβύη ἐπ’ ἐκείνου χρημάτων τε προσόδῳ
δυνατὴ καὶ τὰ ἄλλα εὐδαίμων.

"Emel δὲ ἅπαντά οἱ ὡς ἄριστα διετέτακτο,
ἐπί τε lavday καὶ τοὺς ἐν Αὐρασίῳ Μαυρουσίους
αὖθις ἐστράτευε. καὶ πρῶτα μὲν Γόνθαριν, τῶν
δορυφόρων τῶν αὐτοῦ ἕνα, ἄνδρα ἀγαθὸν τὰ

216

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xviii. τ8- χῖχ. 6

this way succeeded completely in putting down the
sedition. As for Maximinus, then, such was the end
of his plot.

XIX

Anp the emperor summoned Germanus together
with Symmachus and Domnicus and again entrusted
all Libya to Solomon, in the thirteenth year of his
reign; and he provided him with an army and
officers, among whom were Rufinus and Leontius,
the sons of Zaunas the son of Pharesmanas, and
John, the son of Sisiniolus. For Martinus and
Valerianus had already before this gone under
summons to Byzantium. And Solomon sailed to
Carthage, and having rid himself of the sedition of
Stotzas, he ruled with moderation and guarded
Libya securely, setting the army in order, and
sending to Byzantium and to Belisarius whatever
suspicious elements he found in it, and enrolling
new soldiers to equal their number, and removing
those of the Vandals who were left and especially
all their women from the whole of Libya. And he
surrounded each city with a wall, and guarding the
laws with great strictness, he restored the govern-
ment completely. And Libya became under his rule
powerful as to its revenues and prosperous in other
respects.

And when everything had been arranged by him
in the best way possible, he again made an expedi-
tion against Iaudas and the Moors on Aurasium.
And first he sent forward Gontharis, one of his own

377

ΥΟΙ.. 11 Ν

539-540 A.D.

10
11

-PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA |

πολέμια, ξὺν στρατεύματι ἔπεμψεν. ὃς δὴ ἐς
᾿Αβίγαν ποταμὸν ἀφικόμενος ἐστρατοπεδεύσατο
ἀμφὶ Βάγαϊν, πόλιν ἔρημον. ἐνταῦθά; τε τοῖς
πολεμίοις ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθὼν καὶ μάχῃ ἡσσηθεὶς
ἔς τε τὸ χαράκωμα ἀποχωρήσας τῇ Μαυρουσίων
προσεδρείᾳ ἐπιέζετο ἤδη. ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς
τῷ παντὶ στρατῷ ἀφικόμενος, ἐπειδὴ σταδίοις.
ἑξήκοντα τοῦ στρατοπέδου ἀπεῖχεν ov Τόνθαρις
ἡγεῖτο, χαράκωμά τε ποιησάμενος αὐτοῦ ἔμενε.
καὶ τὰ ξυμπεσόντα τοῖς ἀμφὶ Τόνθαριν ἅπαντα
ἀκούσας μοῖράν τε αὐτοῖς τοῦ στρατοῦ ἔπεμψε καὶ
αρσοῦντας ἐκέλευε διαμάχεσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις.
οἱ δὲ Μαυρούσιοι καθυπέρτεροι ἐν τῇ ξυμβολῇ,
ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, γενόμενοι ἐποίουν τάδε. ᾿Αβίγας ὁ
ποταμὸς ῥεῖ μὲν ἐκ τοῦ Αὐρασίου, κατιὼν δὲ ἐς
πεδίον ἀρδεύει τὴν γῆν οὕτως ὅπως ἂν βουλο-
μένοις ἢ τοῖς ταύτῃ ἀνθρώποις. περιάγουσι γὰρ
τὸ ῥεῦμα τοῦτο οἱ ἐπιχώριοι ὅποι ποτὲ σφίσιν ἐς
τὸ παραυτίκα ξυνοίσειν οἴονται, ἐπεὶ ἐν τῷδε τῷ
πεδίῳ ἀπώρυγες συχναὶ τυγχάνουσιν οὖσαι, ἐς
ἃς δὴ ὁ ᾿Αβίγας σχιζόμενός τε καὶ ἐς πάσας ἰὼν
ὑπὸ γῆν φέρεται καὶ αὖθις ὑπὲρ γῆν διαφαίνέται,
ξυνάγων τὸ ῥεῦμα. τοῦτό τε ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τοῦ
πεδίου ξυμβαῖνον ἐν ἐξουσίᾳ τοῖς ταύτῃ OKN-
μένοις τίθεται εἶναι, ἐπιβύσασι χώματι τοὺς
ῥωχμοὺς ἢ αὖθις αὐτοὺς ἀποκαλύψασι τοῖς ὕδασι
τοῦ ποταμοῦ τοῦδε 6 τι βούλοιντο χρῆσθαι. τότε
οὖν ἁπάσας οἱ Μαυρούσιοι τὰς ἐκείνῃ ἀπώρυγας
ἀποφράξαντες ἀφιᾶσι τὸ ῥεῦμα ὅλον φέρεσθαι
ἀμφὶ τὸ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατόπεδον. ἀφ᾽ οὗ δὴ
τέλμα βαθὺ γεγονὸς καὶ ἀπόρευτον ἐξέπληξέ τε
αὐτοὺς ὅτι μάλιστα καὶ ἐς. ἀπορίαν κατέστησε.

378

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xix. 6-15

body-guards and an able warrior, with an army. ᾿᾿

Now Gontharis came to the Abigas River and made
camp near Bagais, a deserted city. And there he
engaged with the enemy, but was defeated in battle,
and retiring to his stockade was already being hard
pressed by the siege of the Moors. But afterwards
Solomon himself arrived with his whole army, and
when he was sixty stades away from the camp which
Gontharis was commanding, he made a stockade and
remained there; and hearing a!l that had _ befallen
the force of Gontharis, he sent them a part of his
army and bade them keep up the fight against the
enemy with courage. But the Moors, having gained
the upper hand in the engagement, as I have said,
did as follows. The Abigas River flows from Aura-
sium, and. descending into a plain, waters the land
just as the men there desire. For the natives conduct
this stream to whatever place they think it will best
serve them at the moment, for in this plain there are
many channels, into which the Abigas is divided, and
entering all of them, it passes underground, and
reappears again above the ground and gathers its
stream together. This takes place over the greatest
part of the plain and makes it possible for the inhab-
itants of the region, by stopping up the waterways
with earth, or by again opening them, to make use
of the waters of this river as they wish. So at
that time the Moors shut off all the channels there |
and thus allowed the whole stream to flow about the
camp of the Romans. As a result of this, a deep,
muddy marsh formed there through which it was
impossible to go; this terrified them exceedingly
and reduced them to a state. of helplessness. When

379

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ταῦτα ἀκούσας Σολόμων κατὰ τάχος ἤει. οἱ δὲ
βάρβαροι δείσαντες ἀναχωροῦσιν ἐς τοῦ Adpa-
σίου τὸν πρόποδα. καὶ ἐν χώρῳ ὃν Βάβωσιν
καλοῦσι, στρατοπεδευσάμενοι ἔμενον. ἄρας τε
Σολόμων τῷ παντὶ στρατῷ ἐνταῦθα ἧκε. καὶ
τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθὼν κρατήσας τε παρὰ
πολὺ αὐτῶν ἐς φυγὴν ἔτρεψε. καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ
οἱ Μαυρούσιοι μάχην μὲν ἐκ τοῦ ἀντιπάλου πρὸς
“Ῥωμαίους διενεγκεῖν ἀξύμφορον σφίσιν ᾧοντο
εἶναι" οὐ γὰρ αὐτῶν περιέσεσθαι τῇ μάχῃ ἤχπι-
Cov: ἐς δὲ τοῦ Αὐρασίου τὴν δυσχωρίαν ἐλπίδα
εἶχον ἀπολέγοντας Th ταλαιπωρίᾳ Ρωμαίους
χρόνῳ ὀλίγῳ ἐνθένδε ἐξανίστασθαι ὥσπερ τὸ
πρότερον. οἱ μὲν οὖν πολλοὶ ἔς τε Μαυριτανοὺς
καὶ ἐς τοὺς πρὸς μεσημβρίαν τοῦ Αὐρασίου βαρ-
βάρους ᾧχοντο, ᾿Ιαύδας δὲ ξὺν Μαυρουσίων di0-
μυρίοις ἐνταῦθα ἔμενεν. ἐτύγχανε δὲ φρούριον
οἰκοδομησάμενος ἐν Αὐρασίῳ, Ζερβούλην ὄνομα.
οὗ δὴ ἐσελθὼν σὺν πᾶσι Μαυρουσίοις ἡσύχαζε.
Σολόμων δὲ χρόνον μὲν τρίβεσθαι τῇ πολιορκίᾳ
ἥκιστα ἤθελε, μαθὼν δὲ τὰ ἀμφὶ πόλιν Ταμου-
γάδην πεδία σίτου ἀκμάζοντος ἔμπλεα εἶναι ἐς
αὐτὰ ἐπῆγε τὸ στράτευμα καὶ ἐγκαθεζόμενος
ἐδήου τὴν γῆν. πυρπολήσας τε ἅπαντα ἐς Ζερ-
βούλην τὸ φρούριον αὖθις ἀνέστρεψεν.

"Ev δὲ τῷ χρόνῳ τούτῳ ᾧ Ῥωμαῖοι ἐδήουν τὴν
γῆν, ᾿Ιαύδας καταλιπὼν Μαυρουσίων τινάς, ods
μάλιστα ῴετο ἐς τοῦ φρουρίου τὴν φυλακὴν
ἱκανοὺς ἔσεσθαι, αὐτὸς ἐς τὴν τοῦ Αὐρασίου
ὑπερβολὴν ξὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἀνέβη, ὅπως
μὴ πολιορκουμένους ἐνταῦθα τὰ ἐπιτήδεια σφᾶς

380

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xix. 15-21

this was heard by Solomon, he came quickly. But
the barbarians, becoming afraid, withdrew to the foot
of Aurasium. And ina place which they call Babosis
they made camp and remained there. So Solomon
moved with his whole army and came to that place.
And upon engaging with the enemy, he defeated
them decisively and turned them to flight. Now
after this the Moors did not think it advisable for
them to fight a pitched battle with the Romans; for
they did not hope to overcome them in this kind of
contest; but they did have hope, based on the
difficult character of the country around Aurasium,
that the Romans would in a short time give up by
reason of the sufferings they would have to endure
and would withdraw from there, just as they formerly
had done. The most of them, therefore, went off to
Mauretania and the barbarians to the south of Aura-
sium, but Iaudas with twenty thousand of the Moors
remained there. And it happened that he had built
a fortress on Aurasium, Zerboule by name. Into this
he entered with all the Moors and remained quiet.
But Solomon was by no means willing that time
should be wasted in the siege, and learning that the
plains about the city of Tamougade were full of
grain just becoming ripe, he led his army into them,
and settling himself there, began to plunder the land.
Then, after firing everything, he returned again to
the fortress of Zerboule.

But during this time, while the Romans were
plundering the land, Iaudas, leaving behind some of
the Moors, about as many as he thought would be
sufficient for the defence of the fortress, himselr
ascended to the summit of Aurasium with the rest of
the army, not wishing to stand siege in the fort and

381

».->: .PROCOPIUS OF ‘CAESAREA

ἐπιλίποι. χῶρόν τε εὑρὼν “κρημνοῖς. τε πάντοθεν"
ἀνεχόμενον καὶ πρὸς ἀ ἀποτόμων πετρῶν καλυπτό-
μενον, Τοῦμαρ ὁ ὄνομα, ἐνταῦθα ἡσύχαξε. “Ῥωμαῖοι
δὲ ZLepBovrnv TO φρούριον ἐς τρεῖς ἐπολιόρκουν
ἡμέρας. καὶ τόξοις χρώμενοι, ἅτε οὐχ ὑψηλοῦ
ὄντος τοῦ τείχους, πολλοὺς τῶν ἐν ταῖς ἐπάλξεσι
βαρβάρων ἐβαλλον. τύχῃ δέ Τίνι ξυνέπεσεν
ἅπαντας Μαυρουσίων τοὺς ἡγεμόνας τούτοις δὴ
ἐντυχόντας τοῖς βέλεσι θνήσκειν. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὅ τε
τῶν τριῶν ἡμερῶν χρόνος ἐτρίβη καὶ νὺξ ἐπέ-
λαβε, Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν οὐδὲν τοῦ θανάτου πέρι τῶν ἐν
Μαυρουσίοις ἡγεμόνων πυθόμενοι διαλύειν ἐβου-:
λεύοντο τὴν “προσεδρείαν. ἄμεινον γὰρ Σολόμωνι
ἐφαίνετο ἐπί τε Ἰαύδαν καὶ ᾿ Μαυρουσίων τὸ πλῆ-
θος ἰέναι, οἰομένῳ, ἢν ἐκείνους πολιορκίᾳ ἑλεῖν
δύνηται, ῥᾷόν τε καὶ. ἀπονώτερον τοὺς ἐν Ζερ-
βούλῃ βαρβάρους προσχωρήσειν σφίσιν. οἱ δὲ
βάρβαροι οὐκέτι ἀντέχειν τῇ προσεδρείᾳ οἰόμενοι,
ἐπεὶ αὐτοῖς ἅπαντες ἤδη οἱ ἡγεμόνες ἀνήρηντο,
φεύγειν τε κατὰ τάχος. καὶ τὸ φρούριον ἀπολιπεῖν
ἔγνωσαν. αὐτίκα γοῦν ἅπαντες συγῇ τε καὶ
οὐδεμίαν τοῖς πολεμίοις αἴσθησιν͵ παρεχόμενοι.
ἔφευγον, οἵ τε Ῥωμαῖοι ἐς τὴν ἀναχώρησιν ἅμα
ἡμέρᾳ παρεσκευάξοντο. καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐν τῷ τείχει
οὐδείς, καίπερ πολεμίων ἀναχωρούντων, ἐφαίνετο,
ἐθαύμαζόν τε καὶ ἐς ἀλλήλους ἐπὶ. πλεῖστον
διηποροῦντο. ξὺν ταύτῃ τε τῇ ἀμηχανίᾳ τὸ
φρούριον περιιόντες ἀνακεκλιμένην τὴν πυλίδα
εὑρίσκουσιν ὅθεν δὴ οἱ Μαυρούδιοι ὥχοντο φεύ-
γοντες. ἔς τε Τὸ φρούριον ἐσελθόντες ἐν ἁρπαγῇ

1 πάντοθεν Ὗ : πανταχόθεν PO.
382

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xix. 21-31

have provisions fail his forces. And finding a high
place with cliffs on all sides of it and concealed by
perpendicular rocks, Toumar by name, he remained
quietly there. And the Romans besieged the fortress
of Zerboule for three days. And using their bows, since
the wall was not high, they hit many of the barbarians
upon the parapets. And by some chance it happened
that all the leaders of the Moors were hit by these
missiles and died. And when the three days’ time
had passed and night came on, the Romans, having
learned nothing of the death of the leaders among
the Moors, were planning to break up the siege.
For it seemed better to Solomon to go against Iaudas
and the multitude of the Moors, thinking that, if he
should be able to capture that force by siege, the
barbarians in Zerboule would with less trouble and
difficulty yield to the Romans. But the barbarians,
thinking that they could no longer hold out against
the siege, since all their leaders had now been
destroyed, decided to flee with all speed and abandon
the fortress. Accordingly they fled immediately in
silence and without allowing the enemy in any way
to perceive it, and the Romans also at daybreak
began to prepare for departure. And since no one
appeared on the wall, although the besieging army
was withdrawing, they began to wonder and fell
into the greatest perplexity among themselves. And
in this state of uncertainty they went around the
fortress and found the gate open from which the
Moors had departed in flight. And entering. the
fortress they treated everything as plunder, but they

383

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἅπαντα ἐποιήσαντο, διώκειν μέντοι ἥκιστα τοὺς
πολεμίους διενοοῦντο, ἄνδρας κούφως τε ἐσταλ-
μένους καὶ τῶν ἐκείνῃ χωρίων ἐμπείρους. καὶ
ἐπειδὴ ἅπαντα ἐχηίσαντο, φύλακας τοῦ φρουρίου
καταστησάμενοι πεζῇ ἅπαντες ἐχώρουν πρόσω.

ΧΧ

᾿Ελθόντες δὲ ἐς Τοῦμαρ τὸν χῶρον, οὗ δὴ
καθείρξαντες σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἡσύχαξον οἱ πολέμιοι,
ἄγχι που ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο ἐν δυσχωρίᾳ, ἔνθα
οὔτε ὕδατος ὅ ὅτι μὴ ὀλίγου οὔτε ἄλλου του avay-
καίουν ἐν εὐπορίᾳ ἔσεσθαι ἔμελλον. χρόνου δὲ
τριβομένου συχνοῦ τῶν τε βαρβάρων οὐδαμῶς
σφίσιν ἐπεξιόντων, αὐτοὶ οὐδέν τι ἧσσον, εἰ μὴ
καὶ μᾶλλον, τῇ προσεδρείᾳ πιεζόμενοι ἤσχαλλον.
μάλιστα δὲ πάντων τῇ τοῦ ὕδατος ἀπορίᾳ
ἤχθοντο," ὃ δὴ αὐτὸς Σολόμων ἐφύλασσε, καὶ
ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἐς ἡμέραν ἐδίδου, πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι
κύλικα μίαν ἀνδρὶ ἑκάστῳ. ὡς δὲ αὐτοὺς εἶδε
δυσανασχετοῦντάς τε ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανοῦς καὶ τὰ
παρόντα δυσχερῆ φέρειν οὐκέτι οἵους τε ὄντας,
ἀποπειρᾶσθαί τε τοῦ χωρίου, καίπερ δυσπροσύ-
δου ὄντος, διενοεῖτο καὶ ξυγκαλέσας ἅπαντας
παρεκελεύσατο ὧδε: “᾿Επειδὴ δέδωκεν ὁ θεὸς
Ῥωμαίοις ἐν Αὐρασίῳ Μαυρουσίους πολιορκεῖν,
πρᾶγμα πρότερόν τε κρεῖσσον ἐλπίδος καὶ νῦν
τοῖς γε οὐχ ὁ ὁρῶσι τὰ δρώμενα παντελῶς ἄπιστον,
ἀναγκαῖον καὶ ἡμᾶς τῇ ἄνωθεν ὑπουργοῦντας
ἐπικουρίᾳ ταύτην δὴ μὴ καταπροδιδόναι τὴν
χάριν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑφισταμένους σὺν προθυμίᾳ τὸν

1 ἤχθοντο PO: πιεζόμενοι ἤχθοντο.

384

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xix. 31-xx. 5

had no thought of pursuing the enemy, for they had
set out with light equipment and were familiar with .
the country round about. And when they had plun-
dered everything, they set guards over the fortress,
and all moved forward on foot.

Anp coming to the place Toumar, where the
enemy had shut themselves in and were remaining
quiet, they encamped near by in a bad position,
where there would be no supply of water, except a
little, nor any other necessary thing. And _ after
much time had been spent and the barbarians did
not come out against them at all, they themselves,
no less than the enemy, if not even more, were hard
pressed by the siege and began to be impatient.
And more than anything else, they were distressed
by the lack of water; this Solomon himself guarded,
giving each day no more than a single cupful to each

an. And since he saw that they were openly dis-
contented and no longer able to bear their present
hardships, he planned to make trial of the place,
although it was difficult of access, and called’ all
together and exhorted them as follows: “ Since God
has granted to the Romans to besiege the Moors on
Aurasium, a thing which hitherto has been beyond
hope and now, to such as do not see what is actually
being done, is altogether incredible, it is necessary
that we too should lend our aid to the help that has
come from above, and not prove false to this favour,
but undergoing the danger with enthusiasm, should

385

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

κίνδυνον τῶν ἐκ τοῦ κατορθώσειν εὐτυχημάτων
ἐφίεσθαι. ὡς πᾶσα μὲν τῶν ἀνθρωπείων πραγ-
μάτων ῥοπὴ ἐς τοῦ καιροῦ τὴν ἀκμὴν περιίσταται!
ἢν δέ τις ἐθελοκακήσας προδιδοίη τὴν τύχην, οὐκ
ἂν αὐτὴν αἰτιῷτο δικαίως, αὐτὸς ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτῷ τὴν
αἰτίαν πεποιημένος. Μαυρουσίων μὲν τὴν ἀσ-
θένειαν ὁρᾶτε δήπου καὶ τὸ χωρίον οὗ δὴ πάντων
ἀπολελειμμένοι τῶν ἀναγκαίων καθείρξαντες av-
τοὺς τηροῦσιν. ὑμᾶς δὲ δυοῖν ἀνάγκη τὸ ἕτερον,
ἢ τῇ προσεδρείᾳ μηδαμῶς ἀχθομένους τὴν τῶν
πολεμίων ὁμολογίαν προσδέχεσθαι, ἢ ἢ πρὸς ταύ-
τὴν ὀχυγωρδῦνταις: τὴν μετὰ τοῦ κινδύνου, προσ-
ίεσθαι" “νίκην. μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ τὸ πολεμεῖν πρὸς
τούσδε ἡμῖν τοὺς βαρβάρους ἀκίνδυνον ἔ ἔσται, οὺς
δὴ τῷ λιμῷ μαχομένους ἤδη οὔποτε ἡμῖν οὐδὲ εἰς
χεῖρας ἀφίξεσθαι οἶμαι. ἅπερ ἐν τῷ παρόντι
ὑμᾶς ἐν νῷ ἔχοντας ἅπαντα προσήκει ᾿προθύμως
τὰ παραγγελλόμενα ἐκτελεῖν."

οσαῦτα Σολόμων παρακελευσάμενος διεσκοπ-
εἶτο ὅθεν ἂν σφίσι τοῦ χωρίου πειράσασθαι
ἄμεινον. εἴη, ἀπορουμένῳ τε ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐῴκει
λίαν γάρ οἱ ἄμαχός τις ἡ δυσχωρία ἐφαίνετο. ἐν
ᾧ δὲ Σολόμων ταῦτα ἐν νῷ ἐποιεῖτο, ἡ τύχη ὁδόν
τίνα τοῖς πράγμασιν. ἐπορίσατο τήνδε. Γέζων
ἦν τίς ἐν τοῖς στρατιώταις πεζός, τοῦ καταλόγου
ὑπτίων εἰς ὃν αὐτὸς ἀνεγέγραπτο" οὕτω γὰρ᾽ τὸν
τῶν συντάξεων χορηγὸν καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι. οὗτος
ὁ Ῥέξων, εἴτε παίξων εἴτε θυμῷ χρώμενος, ἢ καί
τι αὐτὸν θεῖον ἐ ἐκίνησεν, ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ὦ ἰέναϊὶ
δοκῶν ἀνέβαινε μόνος καὶ αὐτοῦ μικρὸν ἄποθεν

1 προσίεσθαι editors: προίεσθαι V, προέσθαι Ο,

486

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xx. 5-13

reach after the good fortune which is to come from
success. For in every.case the turning of the scales
of human affairs depends upon the moment of oppor-
tunity; but if a man, by wilful cowardice, is traitor
to his fortune, he cannot justly blame it, having by
his own action brought the guilt upon himself. Now
as for the Moors, you see their weakness surely and
the place in which they have shut themselves up and
are keeping guard, deprived of all the necessities of
life. And as for you, one of two things is necessary,
either without feeling any vexation at the siege to
await the surrender of the enemy, or, if you shrink
from this, to accept the victory which goes with the
danger. And fighting against these barbarians will
be the more free from danger for us, inasmuch as they
are already fighting with hunger and I think they will
never even come to an engagement with us. Having
these things in mind at the present time, it behooves
ou to execute all your orders with eagerness.”

After Solomon had made this exhortation, he looked
about to see from what point it would be best for
his men to make an attempt on the place, and for a
long time he seemed to be in perplexity. For the
difficult nature of the ground seemed to him quite
too much to contend with. But while Solomon’ was

considering this, chance provided a way for the τ

enterprise as follows. There was a certain Gezon in
the army, a foot-soldier, “optio”’? of the detachment
to which Solomon belonged; for thus the Romans
call the paymaster. This Gezon, either in play or
in anger, or perhaps even moved by some divine
impulse, began to make the ascent alone, apparently
going against the enemy, and not far from him

1 See Book III. xvii. 1 and note.
387

15
16
17

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

A an ” > Sf

τῶν τινες ξυστρατιωτῶν ἥεσαν, ἐν θαύματι πολ-
λῷ ποιούμενοι τὰ γινόμενα. ὑποτοπήσαντες δὲ
Μαυρουσίων τρεῖς of ἐς τὸ φυλάσσειν τὴν εἴσοδον
ἐτετάχατο ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἰέναι τὸν ἄνθρωπον, ἀπήντων
δρόμῳ. ἅτε δὲ ἐν στενοχωρίᾳ οὐ ξυντεταγμένοι
ἐβάδιζον, ἀλλὰ χωρὶς ἕκαστος ἤει. παίσας δὲ
τὸν πρῶτόν οἱ ἐντυχόντα ὁ Γέζων ἔκτεινεν, οὕτω
δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἑκάτερον διειργάσατο. ὃ δὴ
κατιδόντες οἱ ὄπισθεν ἰόντες πολλῷ θορύβῳ τε
καὶ ταραχῇ ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐχώρουν. ὡς δὲ
τὰ δρώμενα ἤκουσέ τε καὶ εἶδεν ἡ Ῥωμαίων
στρατιὰ ξύμπασα, οὔτε τὸν στρατηγὸν ἀναμεί-
ναντες τῆς πορείας σφίσιν ἡγήσασθαι οὔτε τὰς
σάλπιγγας τὴν ξυμβολὴν σημῆναι, καθάπερ
εἴθιστο, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τὴν τάξιν φυλάσσοντες,
ἀλλὰ πατάγῳ τε πολλῷ χρώμενοι καὶ ἀλλήλοις
ἐγκελευόμενοι ἔθεον ἐπὶ τὸ τῶν πολεμίων στρατό-
πεδον. ἐνταῦθα Ῥουφῖνός τε καὶ Λεόντιος, οἱ
Ζαύνα τοῦ Φαρεσμάνου, ἔργα ἐπεδείξαντο ἐς τοὺς
πολεμίους ἀρετῆς ἄξια. οἷς δὴ οἱ Μαυρούσιοι
καταπεπληγμένοι, ἐπειδὴ καὶ τοὺς φύλακας σφῶν
ἀνῃρῆσθαι ἔμαθον, αὐτίκα ἐς φυγὴν ὅπη ἕκαστος
ἐδύνατο ἤεσαν, καὶ αὐτῶν οἱ πλεῖστοι ἐν ταῖς
δυσχωρίαις καταλαμβανόμενοι ἔθνησκον. ᾿Ιαύδας
τε αὐτὸς ἀκοντίῳ πληγεὶς τὸν μηρὸν ὅμως διέ-
φυγέ τε καὶ ἐς Μαυριτανοὺς ἀπεχώρησε. Ῥω-
μαῖοι δὲ διαρπάσαντες τὸ τῶν πολεμίων στρατό

medov οὐκέτε τὸ Αὐράσιον ἐκλείπειν ἔγνωσαν,
ἀλλὰ Σολόμωνος ἐνταῦθα φρούρια οἰκοδομησα-
μένου φυλάσσειν, ὅπως μὴ αὖθις τοῦτο de τὸ
ὄρος Μαυρουσίοις ἐσβατὸν ἔσται.

1 φυλάσσειν O: φυλάσσουσιν V.

488

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xx. 13-22

went some of his fellow-soldiers, marvelling greatly
at what he was doing. And three of the Moors,
who had been stationed to guard the approach,
suspecting that the man was coming against them,
went on the run to confront him. But since they
were in a narrow way, they did not proceed in
orderly array, but each one went separately. And
Gezon struck the first one who came upon him and
killed him, and in this way he despatched each of the
others. And when those in the rear perceived this,
they advanced with much shouting and tumult against
the enemy. And when the whole Roman army both
heard and saw what was being done, without waiting
either for the general to lead the way for them or
for the trumpets to give the signal for battle, as was
customary, nor indeed even keeping their order, but
making a great uproar and urging one another on,
they ran against the enemy’s camp. There Rufinus
and Leontius, the sons of Zaunas the son of Phares-
manes, made a splendid display of valorous deeds
against the enemy. And by this the Moors were
terror-stricken, and when they learned that their
guards also had been destroyed, they straightway
turned to flight where each one could, and the
most of them were overtaken in the difficult ground
and killed. And Jaudas himself, though struck
by a javelin in the thigh, still made his escape
and withdrew to Mauretania. But the Romans,
after plundering the enemy’s camp, decided not
to abandon Aurasium again, but to guard for-
tresses which Solomon was to build there, so that
this mountain might not be again accessible to the
Moors.

389

_ PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

"Kore δέ τις ἐν Αὐρασίῳ πέτρα ἀπότομος
κρημνῶν ἐς μέσον ἀνέχουσα" πέτραν αὐτὴν Γε-
μινιανοῦ καλοῦσιν οἱ ἐπιχώριοι: οὗ δὴ πύργον οἱ
πάλαι ἄνθρωποι βραχὺν κομιδῆ ποιησάμενοι
καταφυγήν τινα ἰσχυράν τε καὶ ἀμήχανον τῆς
τοῦ χωρίου φύσεως σφίσι ξυλλαμβανούσης ἐδεί-
μαντο. ἐνταῦθα ἐτύγχανεν ᾿Ιαύξας τά τε χρή-
ματα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ἡμέραις πρότερον ὀχίγαις
ἐναποθέμενος, ἕνα τε γέροντα Μαυρούσιον φύ-
λακα τῶν χρημάτων καταστησάμενος. οὐ γὰρ
ἄν ποτε ὑπετόπασεν οὔτε τοὺς “πολεμίους ἐς
τόνδε τὸν “χῶρον ἀφί ίξεσθαι οὔτ᾽ ἂν βίᾳ ἐς τὸν
ἅπαντα αἰῶνα τὸν πύργον ἑχεῖν. ἀλλὰ Ῥωμαῖοι
τότε τοῦ Αὐρασίου τὰς δυσχωρίας διερευνώμενοι
ἐνταῦθα ἧκον, καὶ αὐτῶν τίς ἀναβαίνειν εἰς τὸν
πύργον ξὺν γέλωτι ἐνεχείρησεν" αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες
ἐτώθαζον, ἅτε δὴ τῶν ἀμηχάνων ἐφιεμένου κατα-
γελῶσαι" τοῦτο δὲ καὶ ὁ πρεσβύτης ἀπὸ τοῦ
πύργου 'διακύψας ἐποίει. ὁ δὲ Ῥωμαῖος oTpa-
τιώτης ἐπειδὴ χερσί τε καὶ ποσὶν ἀναβαίνων
ἐγγύς που ἐγεγόνει, σπασάμενος ἡσυχῇ τὸ ξίφος
ἐξήλατό" τε ὡς εἶχε τάχους καὶ τοῦ ) γέροντος. εἰς
τὸν αὐχένα ἐπιτ τυχὼν παΐει, τεμεῖν τε αὐτὸν
διαμπὰξ i. ἴσχυσεν. ἥ τε κεφαλὴ ἐξέπεσεν εἰς τὸ
ἔδαφος, καὶ οἱ στρατιῶται θαρσοῦντες ἤδη καὶ
ἀλλήλων ἐχόμενοι εἰς τὸν πύργον ἀνέβαινον,
καὶ τάς τε γυναῖκας τά τε χρήματα, μεγάλα
κομιδῆ ὄντα, ἐνθένδε ἐξεῖλον. ἀφ᾽ ὧν δὴ Σολό-
μων πολλὰς τῶν ἐν Διβύῃ πόλεων περιέβαλε
τείχεσι.

Καὶ ἐπειδὴ Μαυρούσιοι ἀνεχώρησαν ἐκ Νου-

1 ἐξήλατό O Theophanes: ἐξείλετό V.

39°

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xx. 23-30

Now there is on Aurasium a perpendicular rock
which rises in the midst of precipices; the natives
eall it the Rock of Geminianus; there the men of
ancient: times had built a tower, making it very
small as a place of refuge, strong and unassailable,
since the nature of the position assisted them. Here;
as it happened, Iaudas had a few days previously
deposited his money and his women, setting one old
Moor in charge as guardian of the money. For he
could never have suspected that the enemy would
either reach this place, or that they could in all time
capture the tower by force. But the Romans at that
time, searching through the rough country of Aura-
sium, came there, and one of them, with a laugh,
attempted to climb up to the tower; but the women
began to taunt him, ridiculing him as attempting the
impossible ; and the old man, peering out from the
tower, did the same thing. But when the Roman
soldier, climbing with both hands and feet, had come
near them, he drew his sword quietly and leaped.
forward as quickly as he could, and struck the old
man a fair blow on the neck, and succeeded in cutting
it through. And the head fell down to the ground,
and the soldiers, now emboldened and holding to one
another, ascended to the tower, and took out from
there both the women and the money, of which there
was an exceedingly great quantity. And by means
of it Solomon surrounded many of the cities in Libya

with walls.
And after the Moors had retired from Numidia,

391

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

μιδίας νικηθέντες, ὦ ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, Ζάβην τε τὴν
χώραν, ἣ ὑ ὑπὲρ ὄρος τὸ Αὐράσιόν ἐστι Μαυριτανία
τε ἡ πρώτη καλεῖται μητρόπολιν Σίτιφιν ἔ ἔχουσα,
τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῇ ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν προσε-
ποίησε" Μαυριτανίας γὰρ τῆς ἑτέρας πρώτη
Καισάρεια τυγχάνει οὖσα, οὗ δὴ ὁ Μαστίγας
ξὺν Μαυρουσίοις τοῖς αὑτοῦ ἵδρυτο, ξύμπαντα
τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία κατήκοά τε καὶ φόρου ὑποτελῆ
πλήν γε δὴ πόλεως Καισαρείας ἔχων. ταύτην
γὰρ “Ῥωμαίοις Βελιεσάριος τὸ πρότερον ἀνεσώ-
σατο, ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθέν μοι δεδήλωται
λόγοις" ἐς ἣν Ρωμαῖοι ναυσὶ μὲν εἰς ἀεὶ στέλλον-
ται, πεζῇ δὲ ἰέναι οὐκ εἰσὶ δυνατοὶ Μαυρουσίων
ἐν ταύτῃ φκημένων τῇ χώρᾳ. καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ
Λίβυες ἅπαντες, οἵ “Ῥωμαίων͵ κατήκοοι ἦσαν,
εἰρήνης ἀσφαλοῦς τυχόντες καὶ τῆς Σολόμωνος
ἀρχῆς σώφρονός τε καὶ λίαν μετρίας, ἔς τε τὸ
λοιπὸν πολέμιον ἐν νῷ οὐδὲν ἔχοντες, ἔδοξαν
εὐδαιμονέστατοι εἶναι ἀνθρώπων ἁ ἁπάντων.

XXI

Τετάρτῳ δὲ ὕστερον ἐνιαυτῷ ἅπαντα σφίσιν
ἀγαθὰ ἐς τοὐναντίον γενέσθαι ξυνέπεσεν. ἔτος
γὰρ ἕβδομόν τε καὶ δέκατον ᾿ [ουστινιανοῦ βασι-
λέως τὴν αὐτοκράτορα ἀρχὴν ἔχοντος, Κῦρός τε
καὶ Σέργιος, οἱ Βάκχου τοῦ Σολόμωνος ἀδελφοῦ
παῖδες, πόλεων τῶν ἐν Λιβύῃ πρὸς βασιλέως
ἄρχειν ἔλαχον, Πενταπόλεως μὲν Κῦρος ὁ πρεσ-

2 βύτερος, Τριπόλεως δὲ Σέργιος. Μαυρούσιοι

δὲ οἱ Λευάθαι καλούμενοι στρατῷ μεγάλῳ ἐς

392

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xx. 30-χχὶ. 2

defeated in the manner described, the land of Zabe,
which is beyond Mt. Aurasium and is called “ First
Mauretania,’ whose metropolis is Sitiphis,1 was added
to the Roman empire by Solomon as a tributary pro-
vince; for of the other Mauretania Caesarea is the
first city, where was settled Mastigas? with his Moors,
having the whole country there subject and tributary
to him, except, indeed, the city of Caesarea. For this
city Belisarius had previouslyrecovered for the Romans,
as has been set forth in the previous narrative *; and
the Romans always journey to this city in ships, but
they are not able to go by land, since Moors dwell in
that country. And as a result of this all the Libyans
who were subjects of the Romans, coming to enjoy
secure peace and finding the rule of Solomon wise
and very moderate, and having no longer any thought
of hostility in their minds, seemed the most fortunate

of all men.

XXI

Bur in the fourth year after this it came about
that all their blessings were turned to the opposite.
For in the seventeenth year of the reign of the
Emperor Justinian, Cyrus and Sergius, the sons of
Bacchus, Solomon’s brother, were assigned by the
emperor to rule over the cities in Libya, Cyrus, the
elder, to have Pentapolis,* and Sergius Tripolis. And
the Moors who are called Leuathae came to Sergius

1 Now Setif. 2 Called Mastinas in IV. xiii. 19.
8 Book IV. v. 5. * Cyrenaica.
393

543-544 a.v.

PROCOPIUS ‘OF CAESAREA.

Λεπτίμαγναν πόλιν παρ᾽ αὐτὸν ἵκοντο, ἐπιθρυλ:

λοῦντες ὅτι δὴ τούτου ἕνεκα ἥκοιεν, ὅπως ὁ
Σέργιος δῶρά τε καὶ ξύμβολα σφίσι τὰ νομιζό-
μενα δοὺς τὴν εἰρήνην κρατύνηται. Σέργιος δὲ
Πουδεντίῳ ἀναπεισθείς, Τριπολίτῃ ἀνδρί, οὗπερ
ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐμνήσθην ἅτε Kat’
ἀρχὰς τοῦ Βανδιλικοῦ πολέμου ᾿Ιουστινιανῷ
βασιλεῖ ἐπὶ Βανδίλους ὑπηρετήσαντος, ὀγδοή-..
κοντα μὲν τῶν βαρβάρων τοὺς μάλιστα δοκίμους
τῇ πόλει, ἐδέξατο, ἅπαντα ἐπιτελέσειν ὑποσχό-.
μενος τὰ αἰτούμενα, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἐν τῷ.
προαστείῳ μένειν ἐκέλευσε. τούτοις δὴ τοῖς.
ὀγδοήκοντα πίστεις ἀμφὶ τῇ εἰρήνῃ παρασχός-.
μενος, οὕτω δὴ αὐτοὺς͵ ἐπὶ θοίνην ἐκάλεσε.

τούτους δὲ λέγουσι τοὺς βαρβάρους νῷ δολερῷ
ἐν τῇ πόλει γενέσθαι, ὅ ὅπως Σέργιον ἐνεδρεύσαντες
κτείνωσιν.1 ἐπειδή τε αὐτῷ ἐς λόγους ἦλθον,

ἄχλα τε Ῥωμαίοις ἐπεκάλουν ἐγκλήματα καὶ τὰ
λήια σφίσιν οὐ δέον δηϊῶσαι. ἅπερ ὁ Σέργιος
ἐν ἀλογίᾳ πεποιημένος, ἐκ τοῦ βάθρου" ἐξαναστὰς
ἐφ᾽ οὗπερ καθῆστο, ἐβούλετο ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι.

καί τις αὐτοῦ τῶν βαρβάρων ὃ τῆς ἐπωμίδος
χαβόμενος ἐνεχείρει οἱ ἐμπόδιος εἶναι. ἔς: τε
θόρυβον ἐνθένδε“ καταστάντες οἱ ἄλλοι ἀμφ᾽

αὐτὸν ἤδη ξυνέρρεον. τῶν δέ τις Σεργίου δορυ-

φόρων τὸ ξίφος σπασάμενος τοῦτον δὴ τὸν Μαυ:
ρούσιον διεχρήσατο. καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ταραχῆς,
ὡς τὸ εἰκός, γενομένης ἐν τῷ δωματίῳ μεγάλης,
οἱ Σεργίου δορυφόροι τοὺς βαρβάρους ἅπαντας

1 τείνωσιν. Vi: διαφθείοωσιν Ο. 3 βάθρου O: BapdOpov V.
5 βαρβάρων V: μαυρουσίων O. 4 ἐνθένδε O: ἐνθάδε V.

394

HISTORY OF THE WARS, ΙΝ. xxi. 2-10

with a great army at the city of Leptimagna,! spread-
ing the report that the reason they had come was
this, that Sergius might give them the gifts and
insignia of office which were customary” and so make
the peace secure. But Sergius, persuaded by Pu-
dentius, a man of Tripolis, of whom I made mention
in the preceding narrative® as having served the
Emperor Justinian against the Vandals at the be-
ginning of the Vandalic War, received eighty of the
barbarians, their most notable men, into the city,
promising to fulfil all their demands; but he com-
manded the rest to remain in the suburb. Then
after giving these eighty men pledges concerning

the peace, he invited them to a banquet. But _

they say that these barbarians had come into the
city with treacherous intent, that they might lay a
trap for Sergius and kill him. And when they came
into conference with him, they called up many charges
against the Romans, and in particular said that their
crops had been plundered wrongfully. And Sergius,
paying no heed to these things, rose from the seat
on which he was sitting, with intent to go away. And
one of the barbarians, laying hold upon his shoulder,
attempted to prevent him from going. Then the
others began to shout in confusion, and were already
rushing together about him. But one of the body-
guards of Sergius, drawing his sword, despatched that
Moor. And as a result of this a great tumult, as was
natural, arose in the room, and the guards of Sergius

« Now Lebida. 2 Cf. III. xxv. 4 ff
ὶ 3 Book III. x. 22 ff.

395

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἔκτειναν. καὶ αὐτῶν els, ἐπειδὴ κτεινομένους
τοὺς ἄλλους εἶδε, τοῦ τε οἰκήματος ἵνα δὴ ταῦτα
ἐπράσσετο ἐκπεπήδηκε, λαθὼν ἅπαντας, ἔς τε
τοὺς ὁμοφύλους ἀφικόμενος τὰ σφίσι ξυμπεσόντα
ἐδήλου. οἱ δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες ἔς τε τὸ οἰκεῖον
στρατόπεδον κομίζονται δρόμῳ καὶ ξὺν τοῖς
ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ἐν ὅπλοις ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ἐγένοντο.
οἷς δὴ ἀμφὶ πόλιν Λεπτίμαγναν ἀφικομένοις

ἐργιός τε καὶ Πουδέντιος παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ
ὑπηντίαζον. τῆς τε μάχης ἐκ χειρὸς γινομένης
τὰ μὲν πρῶτα ἐνίκων Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ τῶν πολεμίων
πολλοὺς ἔκτειναν, καὶ αὐτῶν τὸ στρατόπεδον
ληισάμενοι τῶν τε χρημάτων. ἐκράτησαν καὶ
γυναικῶν τε καὶ παίδων ἐξηνδραπόδισαν μέγα τι
χρῆμα. ὕστερον δὲ ἸΤουδέντιος θράσει ἀπερι-
σκέπτῳ ἐχόμενος θνήσκει. Σέργιος δὲ σὺν τῷ
“Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ, ἤδη yap καὶ συνεσκόταζξεν, ἐς
Λεπτίμαγναν ἐσήλασε.

Χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον οἱ μὲν βάρβαροι μείζονι
παρασκευῇ ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ἐστράτευσαν. “Σέργιος
δὲ παρὰ Σολόμωνα τὸν θεῖον ἐστάλη, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ καὶ
αὐτὸς μείζονι στρατῷ ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἴοι: οὗ
δὴ καὶ Κῦρον τὸν ἀδελφὸν εὗρεν. οἵ τε βάρβαροι
ἐς Βυξάκιον ἀφικόμενοι πλεῖστα ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς
ἐληίσαντο τῶν ἐκείνῃ χωρίων: ᾿Αντάλας Se
(οὗπερ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐμνήσθην ἅτε
“Ῥωμαίοις πιστοῦ διαμεμενηκότος καὶ δι᾿ αὐτὸ
μόνου ἐν Βυξακίῳ Μαυρουσίων ἄρχοντος) ἤδη
Σολόμωνι ἐκπεπολεμωμένος ἐτύγχανεν, ὅτι τε τὰς
σιτήσεις αἷς αὐτὸν βασιλεὺς ἐτετιμήκει Σολχόμων
ἀφείλετο καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν τὸν αὐτοῦ ἔκτεινε,
ταραχήν τινα αὐτῷ ἐς Βυξακηνοὺς γινομένην

396

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxi. 10-17

killed all the barbarians. But. one of them, upon
seeing the others being slain, rushed out of the house
where these things were taking place, unnoticed by
anyone, and coming to his tribemates, revealed what
had befallen their fellows. And when they heard this,
they betook themselves on the run to their own camp
and together with all the others arrayed themselves
in arms against the Romans. Now when they came
near the city of Leptimagna, Sergius and Pudentius
confronted them with their whole army. And the
battle becoming a hand-to-hand fight, at first the
Romans were victorious and slew many of the enemy,
and, plundering their camp, secured their goods and
enslaved an exceedingly great number of women and
children. But afterwards Pudentius, being possessed
by a spirit of reckless daring, was killed ; and Sergius
with the Roman army, since it was already growing
dark, marched into Leptimagna.

At a later time the barbarians took the field against
the Romans with a greater array. And Sergius went
to join his uncle Solomon, in order that he too might
go to meet the enemy with a larger army ; and he
found there his brother Cyrus also. And the bar-
barians, coming into Byzacium, made raids and plun-
dered a great part of the country there; and Antalas
(whom I mentioned in the preceding narrative! as
having remained faithful to the Romans and as being
for this reason sole ruler of the Moors in Byzacium) had
by now, as it happened, become hostile to Solomon,
because Solomon had deprived him of the mainten-
ance with which the emperor had honoured him and
had killed his brother, charging him with responsi-
bility for an uprising against the people of Byzacium,

1 Book IV. xii. 30.
397

- PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἐπένεγκών. τότε οὖν τούτους ᾿Αντάλας τοὺς
βαρβάρους ἄσμενός τε εἶδε καὶ ὁμαιχμίαν ποιη-
σάμενος ἐπὶ Σολόμωνά τε καὶ Καρχηδόνα ae
ἡγήσατο.

Σολόμων δέ, ἐπεὶ ταῦτα ἤκουσε, παντὶ τῷ
στρατῷ ἄρας ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἤει, καὶ καταλαβὼν
ἀμφὶ πόλιν Τεβέστην, && ἡμερῶν ὁδῷ Καρχηδόνος
διέχουσαν, ἐστρατοπεδεύσατο αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ
Βάκχου τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ παῖδες Κῦρός τε καὶ Σέργιος
καὶ Σολόμων ὁ νεώτατος. δείσας τε τὸ τῶν
βαρβάρων πλῆθος ἔπεμψε παρὰ τῶν Λευαθῶν
τοὺς ἄρχοντας, μεμφόμενος μὲν ὅτε δὴ ἔνσπονδοι
Ῥωμαίων ὄντες εἶτα ἐν ὅπλοις γενόμενοι ἐπ
αὐτοὺς ἥκουσι, τὴν δὲ εἰρήνην ἀξιῶν ἐν σφίσι
κρατύνασθαι, ὅρκους τε ὀμεῖσθαι τοὺς δεινοτάτους
ὑπέσχετο, ἢ μὴν ἀμνηστίᾳ τῶν πεπραγμένων ἐς
αὐτοὺς χρήσεσθαι. χλευάζοντες δὲ τὰ εἰρημένα
οἱ βάρβαροι πάντως αὐτὸν ὀμεῖσθαι τὰ Χριστι-
ανῶν λόγια ἔφασαν, ἅπερ καλεῖν εὐαγγέλια
νενομίκασιν. οὐκοῦν ἐπειδὴ Σέργιος ταῦτα ὀμόσας
εἶτα τοὺς πιστεύσαντας ἔκτεινε, βουλομένοις
σφίσιν αὐτοῖς εἴη ἐς μάχην ἰοῦσι τούτων δὴ τῶν
λογίων ἀποπειρᾶσθαι, ὁποίαν τινὰ πρὸς τοὺς
ἐπιόρκους δύναμιν ἔχουσιν, ὅπως αὐτοῖς βεβαιό-
Tata πιστεύσαντες οὕτω δὴ ἐπὶ τὰς ξυνθήκας
καθιστῶνται. ταῦτα Σολόμων ἀκούσας τὰ ἐς
τὴν ξυμβολὴν ἐξηρτύετο.

Τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ μοίρᾳ τινὶ τῶν πολεμίων λείαν

1 οὗν V: γοῦν ΡΟ.

398

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxi. 17-23

So at that time Antalas was pleased to see these
barbarians, and making an offensive and defensive
alliance with them, led them against Solomon and
Carthage. :

- And Solomon, as soon as he heard about this, put
his whole army in motion and marched against
them, and coming upon them at the city of Tebesta,
distant six days’ journey from Carthage, he established
his camp in company with the sons of his brother
Bacchus, Cyrus and Sergius and Solomon the younger.
And fearing the multitude of the barbarians, he
sent to the leaders of the Leuathae, reproaching
them because, while at peace with the Romans,
they had taken up arms and come against them,
and demanding that they should confirm the peace
existing between the two peoples, and he promised
to swear the most dread oaths, that he would hold
no remembrance of what they had done. But the
barbarians, mocking his words, said that he would of
course swear by the sacred writings of the Christians,
which they are accustomed to call Gospels. Now
since Sergius had once taken these oaths and then
had slain those who trusted in them,! it was their
desire to go into battle and make a test of these
same sacred writings, to see what sort of power
they had- against the perjurers, in. order that they
might first have absolute confidence in them before
they finally entered into the agreement. When
Solomon heard this, he made his preparations for
the combat.

“And on the following day he engaged with a

tle coherence to his slaughter of the eighty notables,
IV. xxi. 7, where, however, nothing is said of an oath sworn ~

on the Gospels. . - ΟἽ ;
399

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ὅτι πλείστην ἀγούσῃ ξυμβαλὼν καὶ μάχῃ νικήσας
ἀφέλών τε τὴν λείαν ἐφύλασσε πᾶσαν. δυσανα-
σχετοῦσι δὲ τοῖς στρατιώταις καὶ δεινὰ ποίου-
μένοις, ὅτε δὴ αὐτοῖς οὐκ ἐδίδου τὰ λάφυρα,
ἔφασκεν ἀναμένειν τὸ τοῦ πολέμου πέρας, ὅπως
δὴ ἅπαντα τηνικαῦτα διανείμωνται, καθάπερ
ἂν ἐς τὴν ἀξίαν ἐπιβάλλον ἑκάστῳ φαίνηται.
ἐπεὶ δὲ αὖθις οἱ βάρβαροι πάσῃ τῇ στρατιᾷ ἐς
ξυμβολὴν ὥρμηντο, ἐνταῦθα Ῥωμαίων τέ τινες
ἀπελείποντο καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι οὐ ξὺν προθυμίᾳ ἐς τὴν
παράταξιν ἤεσαν. πρῶτα μὲν οὖν ἀγχώμαλος
ἐγεγόνει ἡ μάχη, ὕστερον δὲ πλήθει πολλῷ ὑπερ-
βαλλομένων τῶν Μαυρουσίων, Ρωμαίων μὲν οἱ
πολλοὶ ἔφευγον, Σολόμων δὲ καὶ ἀμφ᾽ αὐτόν τινες
χρόνον μέν τινα βαλλόμενοι ἀντεῖχον, ὕστερον δὲ
ὑπερβιαζομένων τῶν πολεμίων σπουδῇ ἔφευγον
ἔς τε ῥύακος ἐκείνῃ ῥέοντος χαράδραν ἀφίκοντο.
ἔνθα δὴ ὀκλάσαντός οἱ τοῦ ἵππου Σολόμων ἐκ-
πίπτει ἐς ἔδαφος, καὶ αὐτὸν κατὰ τάχος ταῖς
χερσὶν οἱ δορυφόροι ἀράμενοι ἐπὶ τοῦ ἵππου
καθίξζουσι. περιώδυνον δὲ γεγονότα καὶ ἀδύνατον
ἔτι τοῦ χαλινοῦ ἔχεσθαι καταλαβόντες οἱ Bdp-
βαροι αὐτόν τε κτείνουσι καὶ τῶν δορυφόρων
πολλούς. αὕτη τε τοῦ βίου τελευτὴ Σολόμωνι
ἐγένετο.

XXII

Τελευτήσαντος δὲ Σολόμωνος, Σέργιος αὐτοῦ,
ev ΝΜ ᾽ a ” A /
ὥσπερ εἴρηται, ἀδελφιδοῦς ὦν, δόντος βασιλέως,
παρέλαβε τὴν Λιβύης ἀρχήν. ὃς δὴ φθορᾶς
πολλῆς αἰτιώτατος τῷ Λιβύων γένει ἐγένετο,
400

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxi. 23-xxii. 2

portion of the enemy as they were bringing in a
very large booty, conquered them in battle, seized
all their booty and kept it under guard. And when
the soldiers were dissatisfied and counted it.an outrage
that he did not give them the plunder, he said
that he was awaiting the outcome of the war, in order
that they might distribute everything then, according
to the share that should seem to suit the merit of
each. But when the barbarians advanced a second
time, with their whole army, to give battle, this time
some of the Romans stayed behind and the others
entered the encounter with no enthusiasm. At first,
then, the battle was evenly contested, but later, since
the Moors were vastly superior by reason of their great
numbers, the most of the Romans fled, and though
Solomon and a few men about him held out for a
time against the missiles of the barbarians, after-
wards they were overpowered by the enemy, and
fleeing in haste, reached a ravine made by a brook
which flowed in that region. And there Solomon’s
horse stumbled and threw him to the ground, and
his body-guards lifted him quickly in their arms and
set him upon his horse. But overcome by great pain
and unable to hold the reins longer, he was overtaken
and killed by the barbarians, and many of his guards
besides, Such was the end of Solomon’s life.

XXII

Arrer the death of Solomon, Sergius, who, as has
been said, was his nephew, took over the government
of J.ibya by gift of the emperor. And this man became
the chief cause of great ruin to the people of Libya,

40%

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἅπαντές τε αὐτοῦ τῇ ἀρχῇ ἤχθοντο, ἄρχοντες
μέν, ὅτι ἀσύνετος ὧν κομιδῆ καὶ νέος τόν τε
τρόπον καὶ τὴν ἡλικίαν ἀχαζονικώτατος γέγονεν
ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων, ὕβριζέ τε λόγῳ οὐδενὶ ἐς
αὐτοὺς καὶ ὑπερεώρα, πλούτου TE} δυνάμει καὶ τῇ
τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐξουσίᾳ ἐς τοῦτο ἀεὶ ἐπιχρώμενος" οἱ
ὲ στρατιῶται, ὅτι δὴ ἄνανδρός τε καὶ μαλθακὸς
παντάπασιν ἣν" οἱ δὲ Λίβυες διά τε ταῦτα καὶ
ὅτι γυναικῶν τε καὶ χρημάτων ἀλλοτρίων ἄτοπός
τις ἐραστὴς ἐγεγόνει. μάλιστα δὲ πάντων Ἰωάν-
νῆς ὁ Σισινιόλου. τῇ Σεργίου δυνάμει χαλεπῶς
εἶχεν. ἀγαθὸς γὰρ ὧν τὰ πολέμια καὶ διαφερόν-
Tos εὐδόκιμος, ἀχαρίστου τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἀτεχνῶς
ἔτυχε. διὸ δὴ οὔτε αὐτὸς οὔτε ἄλλος τῶν πάν-
τῶν οὐδεὶς ὅπλα ἀνταίρειν τοῖς πολεμίοις ἠβού-
λετο. τῷ δὲ ᾿Αντάλᾳ οἵ τε Μαυρούσιοι σχεδόν
τι ἅπαντες εἵποντο καὶ Στότζας ἐκ Μαυριτανίας
μετάπεμπτος ἦλθεν. ἐπεί τε οὐδεὶς σφίσιν ἐπεξ-
yet τῶν πολεμίων, ἣἧγόν τε καὶ ἔφερον χηιζόμενοι,
ἀδεῶς 5 ἅπαντα. τότε ᾿Αντάλας ᾿ἸΙουστινιανῷ
βασιλεῖ γράμματα ἔγραψεν. ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ
τάδε:

“Δοῦλος μὲν εἶναι. τῆς σῆς βασιλείας οὐκ
BN O\ 4 5 "ῷ ΄ \ \
ἂν οὐδὲ αὐτὸς ἀρνηθείην, Μαυρούσιοι δὲ πρὸς
Σολόμωνος ἐν σπονδαῖς πεπονθότες ἀνόσια ἔργα,
ἐν ὅπλοις ὡς μάλιστα ἠναγκασμένοι γεγόνασιν,
οὔ σοι ταῦτα ἀνταίροντες, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἐχθρὸν
ἀμυνόμενοι, καὶ διαφερόντως ἐγώ. οὐ γὰρ μόνον
μὲ τῶν σιτήσεων ἀποστερεῖν ἔγνω ἅσπερ μοι
πολλῷ πρότερον χρόνῳ Βελισάριός τε διώρισε

1 πλούτου Te V: πλούτω τε καὶ ΡΟ. . .
2 ἀδεῶς P: ἀτεχνῶς O, 3 μόνον : μόνων V, ὅσον PO,

402

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxii. 2-8

and all were dissatisfied with his rule—the officers
because, being exceedingly stupid and young both
in character and in years, he proved’ to be the |
greatest braggart of all men, and he insulted them for
no just cause and disregarded them, always using the
power of his wealth and the authority of his office to
this end; and the soldiers disliked him because he
was altogether unmanly and weak ; and the Libyans,
not only for these reasons, but also because he had |
shown himself strangely fond of the wives and the
possessions of others. But most of all John, the son
of Sisiniolus, was hostile to the power of Sergius ;
for, though he was an able warrior and was a man
of unusually fair repute, he found Sergius absolutely
ungrateful. For this reason neither he nor anyone —
else at all was willing to take up arms against the
enemy: But almost all the Moors were following
Antalas, and Stotzas came at his summons from
Mauretania. And since not one of the enemy came
out against them, they began to sack the country,
making plunder of everything without fear. At
that time Antalas sent to the Emperor Justinian a
letter, which set forth the following:

- «That I am a_slave of thy empire not even 1
myself would deny, but the Moors, having suffered
unholy treatment at the hands of Solomon in time
of peace, have taken up arms under the most severe
constraint, not lifting them against thee, but warding -
off our personal enemy ; and this is especially true
of me. For he not only decided to deprive me
of the maintenance, which Belisarius long before

493

1ὅ

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

καὶ od) δέδωκας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν τὸν
ἐμὸν ἔκτεινεν, οὐδὲν ἀδίκημα αὐτῷ ἐπενεγκεῖν
ἔχων. τὴν μὲν οὖν δίκην παρὰ τοῦ ἠδικηκότος
ἡμᾶς λαβόντες ἔχομεν. εἰ δέ σοι βουλομένῳ ἐστὶ
δουλεύειν τε Μαυρουσίους τῇ σῇ βασιλείᾳ. καὶ
πάντα ὑπηρετεῖν ἧπερ εἰώθασι, Σέργιον μὲν. τὸν
τοῦ Σολόμωνος ἀδελφιδοῦν ἐνθένδε ἀπαλλαγέντα
ἐπανήκειν παρὰ σὲ κέλευε, ἄλλον δὲ στρατηγὸν
εἰς Λιβύην πέμπε. οὐ γάρ σε ἐπιλείψουσιν
ἄνδρες ξυνετοί τε καὶ Σεργίου τῷ παντὶ ἀξιώτεροι:
ἕως γὰρ οὗτος τῷ σῷ ἐξηγεῖται στρατῷ, εἰρήνην
ἔς τε Ῥωμαίους καὶ Μαυρουσίους ξυνίστασθαι
ἀμήχανά ἐστιν."

᾿Αντάλας μὲν τοσαῦτα ἔγραψε. βασιλεὺς δὲ.
ταῦτα ἀναλεξάμενος καὶ μαθὼν τὸ κοινὸν ἁπάν-
τῶν ἐς Σέργιον ἔχθος," οὐδ᾽ ὡς παραλύειν αὐτὸν
τῆς ἀρχῆς ἤθελε, ἜΚ ΚΔῊ τήν τε ἄλλην ἀρετὴν
καὶ τὴν τοῦ βίου καταστροφὴν αἰσχυνόμενος.
ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐφέρετο τῇδε.

Σολόμων δέ, ὁ Σεργίου ἀδελφός, δόξας ξὺν τῷ
θείῳ Σολόμωνι ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανισθῆναι, πρός
TE τῶν ἄλλων καὶ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ ἠμελήθη" οὐ γάρ
τις αὐτὸν περιόντα ἔγνω. ἐτύγχανον δὲ ζωγρή-
σαντες αὐτὸν ἅτε νέον κομιδῆ ὄντα Μαυρούσιοι,
καὶ αὐτοῦ ἀνεπυνθάνοντο ὅστις ποτὲ εἴη. ὁ δὲ
Βανδίλος μὲν γένος, Σολόμωνος δὲ δοῦλος ἔφασκεν
εἶναι. φίλον μέντοι τῶν τινα ἰατρῶν, Πηγάσιον
ὄνομα, εἶναί οἱ ἐν πόλει Λαρίβῳ, πλησίον που
οὔσῃ, ὃς αὐτὸν ὠνήσαιτο τὰ λύτρα διδούς. οἱ

lot V: αὐτὸς PO.
3 ἔχθος V: ἄχθος PO.
8 αὐτοῦ V: αὐτοὶ PO.

404

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxii. 8-15

specified and thou didst grant, but he also killed my
own brother, although he had no wrongdoing to
charge against him. We have therefore taken ven-
geance upon him who wronged us. And if it is thy
will that the Moors be in subjection to thy empire and
serve it in all things as they are accustomed to do,
command Sergius, the nephew of Solomon, to depart
from here and return to thee, and send another general
to Libya. For thou wilt not be lacking in men of
discretion and more worthy than Sergius in every |
way; for as long as this man commands thy army,
it is impossible for peace to be established between
the Romans and the Moors.”

Such was the letter written by Antalas, But the
emperor, even after reading these things and learning
the common enmity of all toward Sergius, was still
unwilling to remove him from his office, out of respect
for the virtues of Solomon and especially the manner
of his death. Such, then, was the course of these
events.

But Solomon, the brother of Sergius, who was
supposed to have disappeared from the world together
with his uncle Solomon, was forgotten by his brother
and by the rest as well; for no one had learned that
he was alive. But the Moors, as it happened, had
taken him alive, since he was very young; and they
enquired of him who he was. And he said that he
was a Vandal by birth, and a slave of Solomon. He
said, moreover, that he had a friend, a physician,
Pegasius by name, in the city of Laribus near by,
who would purchase him by giving ransom. 80 the

405

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

μὲν οὖν Μαυρούσιοι ἄγχιστα Tod Ths πόλεως.
περιβόλου γενόμενοι ἐκάλουν τε τὸν Πηγάσιον.
καί οἱ Σολόμωνα ἐπεδείκνυον, ἠρώτων τε εἴς οἱ
τοῦτον ὠνεῖσθαι πρὸς ἡδονῆς ἐστι. καὶ ἐπεὶ
ὡμολόγει ὠνήσεσθαι, πεντήκοντά οἱ χρυσῶν ἀπέ-
δοντο: τὸν Σολόμωνα. ἐντὸς δὲ τοῦ «περιβόλου.
γενόμενος Σολόμων τοὺς Μαυρουσίους, ἅτε πρὸς
αὐτοῦ μειρακίου ὄντος ἐξηπατημένους, ἐτώθαζεν:"
αὐτὸς γὰρ Σολόμων ἔφασκεν, ὁ Βάκχου μὲν παῖς,
Σολόμωνος δὲ ἀδελφιδοῦς εἶναι. Μαυρούσιοι δὲ
τοῖς τε ξυμπεσοῦσι περιαλγοῦντες καὶ δεινὰ
ποιούμενοι, ὅτι δὴ Σεργίου τε καὶ Ῥωμαίων
ἐνέχυρον κρατερὸν ἔχοντες εἶτα οὕτω παρέργως
ἀφῆκαν, ἐς Λάριβόν τε ἀφίκοντο καὶ αὐτῆς 1. ἐς
πολιορκίαν κατέστησαν, ὅπως τὸν Σολόμωνα ξὺν
τῇ πόλει αἱρήσουσιν. οἱ δὲ πολιορκούμενοι τῶν
βαρβάρων τὴν προσεδρείαν κατορρωδήσαντες,
ἐπεὶ οὐδὲ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐσκομισάμενοι ἔτυχον,
τοῖς Μαυρουσίοις ἐς λόγους ἦλθον, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ χρήματα
μεγάλα περιβαλλόμενοι τὴν προσεδρείαν εὐθὺς
διαλύσωσιν. οἱ δὲ οὐκ ἂν ἑλεῖν βίᾳ τὴν πόλιν
οἰόμενοι, ἐπεὶ Μαυρουσίοις τειχομαχεῖν οὐδαμῆ
ἤσκηται, σπανίζειν τε τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τοῖς πολιορ-
κουμένοις ἥκιστα ἔγνωσαν, τούς τε λόγους ἐνε-
έχοντο καὶ τρισχιλίους κεκομισμένοι χρυσοῦς
τὴν πολιορκίαν διέλυσαν, καὶ οἱ Λευάθαι ἐπὶ
οἴκου ξύμπαντες ἀνεχώρησαν.

XXII

3 \ «ς A ;
Λντάλας δὲ καὶ ὁ τῶν Μαυρουσίων στρατὸς
4 9 ta)
ξυνελέγοντο αὖθις ἐν Βυζακίῳ, καὶ αὐτοῖς Στότ-
406 1 αὐτῆς Vi: αὐτοῖς PO.

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxii. 15~xxiii. 1

Moors came up close to the fortifications of the city
and called Pegasius and displayed Solomon to him,
and asked whether it was his pleasure to purchase
the man: And since he agreed to purchase him, they
sold Solomon to him for fifty pieces of gold. But
upon getting inside the fortifications, Solomon taunted
the Moors as having been deceived by him, a mere
lad ; for he said that he was no other than Solomon,
the son of Bacchus and nephew of Solomon. And
the Moors, being deeply stung by what had happened,
and counting it a terrible thing that, while having
a strong security for the conduct of Sergius and the
Romans, they had relinquished it so carelessly, came
to Laribus and laid siege to the place, in order to
capture Solomon with the city. And the besieged, ᾿
in terror at being shut in by the barbarians, for they
had not even carried in provisions, as it happened,
opened negotiations with the Moors, proposing that
upon receiving a great sum of money they should |
straightway abandon the siege. Whereupon the bar-
barians, thinking that they could never take the
city by foree—for the Moors are not at all practised _
in the storming of walls—and at the same time
not knowing that provisions were scarce for the
besieged, welcomed their words, and when they
had received three thousand pieces of gold, they
abandoned the siege, and all the Leuathae retired
homeward.

XXIII

Bur Antalas and the army of the Moors. were
gathering again in Byzacium and Stotzas was with

407

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

fas ξυνῆν, στρατιώτας te ὀλίγους τινὰς Kal
Βανδίλους ἔχων. Ἰωάννης δὲ ὁ Σισινιόλου,
πολλὰ λιπαρούντων' Λιβύων, στράτευμα ἀγεί-"
pas ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἦλθεν. ἐτύγχανε δὲ Ἱμέριος
Θρᾷξ τῶν ἐν Βυξακίῳ καταλόγων ἄρχων, ὃν δὴ
τότε ᾿Ιωάννης ἐκέλευε πάντας ἐπαγόμενον τοὺς
ταύτῃ καταλόγους ξὺν τοῖς ἑκάστῳ ἡγουμένοις
ἐλθόντα ἐς χωρίον Μενεφέσση, 6 ἐστιν ἐν Buka-
κίῳ, σφίσι ξυμμῖξαι. ὕστερον δὲ ἀκούσας ἐν-
ταῦθα ἐνστρατοπεδεύεσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους, ‘Ipe-
ρίῳ ἔγραφε τά τε ξυμπεσόντα δηλῶν καὶ σφίσιν
ἐπαγγέλλων ἑτέρωθι ἀναμίγνυσθαι, ὅπως μὴ
κατὰ μόνας, ἀλλὰ κοινῇ ἅπαντες ὑπαντιάσωσι
τοῖς πολεμίοις. τύχῃ δέ τινι οἱ ταῦτα τὰ γράμ-
ματα ἔχοντες ὁδῷ ἑτέρᾳ χρησάμενοι τὸν ἽἹμέριον
εὑρεῖν οὐδαμῇ ἴσχυσαν, ἀλλὰ ξὺν τῷ στρατῷ
ἐμπεπτωκὼς ἐς τὸ τῶν ἐναντίων στρατόπεδον
γέγονεν ὑπὸ ταῖς ἐκείνων χερσίν. ἣν δέ τις ἐν
τούτῳ τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ νεανίας Σεβηριανός,
᾿Ασιατικοῦ παῖς, Φοῖνιξ, ᾿Ἐμεσηνὸς γένος, κατα-
λόγου ἱππικοῦ ἄρχων. ὃς δὴ μόνος ξὺν τοῖς
ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν στρατιώταις, πεντήκοντα οὖσι, τοῖς
πολεμίοις ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθε. καὶ χρόνον μὲν ἀντ-
εἶχόν τινα, ἔπειτα δὲ πλήθει πολλῷ βιαζόμενοι
ἐς λόφον ἀνέδραμον ἐνταῦθά πη ὄντα, οὗ δὴ καὶ
φρούριον οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἣν. διὸ δὴ ὁμολογίᾳ
σφᾶς αὐτοὺς τοῖς ἐναντίοις ἐνταῦθα ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς
ἀναβεβηκόσι παρέδωκαν. οἱ δὲ οὔτε αὐτὸν οὔτε
τῶν στρατιωτῶν τινα ἔκτειναν, ἀλλὰ ζωγρήσαν-
τες ἅπαντας, Ἱμέριον μὲν ἐν φυλακῇ ἔσχον, τῷ
δὲ Στότξᾳ τοὺς στρατιώτας παρέδοσαν, ὁμολο-
1 λιπαρούντων VP: παρακαλούντων Ο.

408

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxiii. 1--10

them, having some few soldiers and Vandals. And
John, the son of Sisiniolus, being earnestly entreated
by the Libyans, gathered an army and marched
against them. Now Himerius, the Thracian, was
commander of the troops in Byzacium, and at that
time he was ordered by John to bring with him all
the troops there, together with the commanders of
each detachment, and come to a place called Mene-
phesse, which is in Byzacium, and join his force
there. But later, upon hearing that the enemy were
encamped there, John wrote to Himerius telling what
had happened and directing him to unite with his
forces at another place, that they might not go separ-
ately, but all together, to encounter the enemy. But
by some chance those who had this letter, making use
of another road, were quite unable to find Himerius,
and he together with his army, coming upon the
camp of the enemy, fell into their hands. Now
there was in this Roman army a certain youth, Se-
verianus, son of Asiaticus, a Phoenician and a native
of Emesa, commanding a detachment of horse. This
man alone, together with the soldiers under him,
fifty in number, engaged with the enemy. And for
some time they held out, but later, being overpowered
by the great multitude, they ran to the top of a hill
in the neighbourhood on which there was also a fort,
but one which offered no security. For this reason
they surrendered themselves to their opponents
when they ascended the hill to attack them. And
the Moors killed neither him nor any of the soldiers,
but they made prisoners of the whole force; and
Himerius they kept under guard, and handed
over his soldiers to Stotzas, since they agreed with

409
VO, ΠῚ: O

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

γοῦντας σφίσι ξὺν προθυμίᾳ πολλῇ ἐπὶ Ῥω-
μαίους στρατεύσεσθαι: τὸν μέντοι “Ipéptov, ἢν.
μὴ τὰ ἐπαγγελλόμενα ποιῇ, κτείνειν ἠπείλουν.
ἐπήγγελλον | δὲ πόλιν ᾿Αδραμητὸν ἐπιθαλασσίαν
μηχανῇ τινι σφίσιν ἐνδοῦναι. καὶ ἐπεί οἱ ἰσχυρί-
ζετο βουλομένῳ εἶναι, ἐπὶ ᾿Αδραμητὸν ξὺν αὐτῷ
ἤεσαν. τῆς τε πόλεως ἀγχοῦ γενόμενοι Ἵμέριον
μὲν ὀλίγῳ ἔμπροσθεν ξὺν στρατιώταις τῶν Srécta
ἑπομένων τισὶν ἔπεμψαν, Mavpovatous δεδεμένους
δῆθεν ἐφέλκοντα, αὐτοὶ δὲ ὄπισθεν εἵποντο. καὶ
τῷ ἹἹμερίῳ εἰπεῖν τοῖς ἐφεστῶσι ταῖς τῆς πόλεως
πύλαις ἐπέστελλον, ὡς νικῴη μὲν κατὰ κράτος ὁ
βασιλέως στρατός, ἥξει δὲ ᾿Ιωάννης αὐτίκα δὴ
μάλα, πλῆθος Μαυρουσίων δορυαλώτων ἄγων
ἀριθμοῦ κρεῖσσον: οὕτω τε τῶν πυλῶν σφίσιν
ἀνοιγνυμένων, ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου ξὺν τοῖς ἅμα
αὐτῷ ἰοῦσι γενέσθαι. καὶ ὁ μὲν κατὰ ταῦτα
ἐποίει. ᾿Αδραμητηνοὶ δὲ οὕτως ἐξαπατηθέντες
(οὐ γὰρ ἀπιστεῖν τῷ πάντων ἄρχοντι τῶν ἐν
Βυξακίῳ στρατιωτῶν εἶχον) τὰς πύλας ἀναπετά-
σαντες τοὺς πολεμίους ἐδέχοντο. τότε δὴ οἱ ξὺν
τῷ “Ἱμερίῳ ἐσβάντες σπασάμενοι τὰ ξίφη τὰς
πύλας ἐπιτιθέναι τοὺς ταύτῃ φύλακας οὐκέτι
εἴων, ἀλλὰ πάντα τῇ πόλει αὐτίκα ἐδέξαντο τὸν
τῶν Μαυρουσίων στρατόν. ληισάμενοί τε αὐτὴν
οἱ βάρβαροι καὶ φύλακας καταστησάμενοι ὀλί-
yous τινὰς ἀπηλλάσσοντος Ῥωμαίων δὲ τῶν
ζωγρηθέντων τινὲς μὲν φεύγοντες ἐς Καρχηδόνα
MAGov, ἐν οἷς Σεβηριανός τε καὶ Ἵμέριος ἣν. ἐκ
Μαυρουσίων γὰρ τοῖς φεύγειν ἐθέλουσιν οὐ χαλε-

1 ἐπήγγελλον Maltretus : ἐπήγγελλε MSS.
4το

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxiii. 10-17

great readiness to march with the rebels against the
Romans; Himerius, however, they threatened with
death, if he should not carry out their commands.
And they commanded him to put into their hands
by some device the city of Hadrumetum on the sea.
And since he declared that he was willing, they went
with him against Hadrumetum. And upon coming
near the city, they sent Himerius a little in advance
with some of the soldiers of Stotzas, dragging along, as
it seemed, some Moors in chains, and they themselves
followed behind. And they directed Himerius to say
to those in command of the gates of the city that
the emperor’s army had won a decisive victory, and
that John would come very soon, bringing an in-
numerable multitude of Moorish captives; and when
in this manner the gates had been opened to them,
he was to get inside the fortifications together with
those who went with him. And he carried out these
instructions. And the citizens of Hadrumetum, being
deceived in this way (for they could not distrust the
commander of all the troops in Byzacium), opened
wide the gates and received the enemy. Then,indeed,
those who had entered with Himerius drew their
swords and would not allow the guards there to shut
the gates again, but straightway received the whole
army of the Moors into the city. And the barbarians,
after plundering it and establishing there some few
guards, departed. And of the Romans who had been
captured some few escaped and came to Carthage,
among whom were Severianus and Himerius. For
it was not difficult for those who wished it to make

41τι

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

mov i πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ ξὺν τῷ Στότζξᾳ οὔτι
ἄκοντες 1 ἔμειναν. .
Χρόνῳ δὲ οὐ πολλῷ stow TOV τις ἱερέων,
Παῦλος ὄνομα, ὃς δὴ ἐφεστήκει" τῇ τῶν νοσούν-
TOV ἐπιμελείᾳ, “οινολογησάμενος τῶν λογίμων
τισίν, “Αὐτὸς μέν, ᾿ ἔφη, “ ἐς Καρχηδόνα σταλή-
Tomar καὶ κατὰ τάχος ξὺν στρατῷ ἐπανήξειν
ἐλπτίδα ἔ ἔχω, ὑμῖν δὲ μελήσει τῇ πόλει τὸ βασι-
λέως στράτευμα δέξασθαι." οἱ μὲν οὖν αὐτὸν
βρόχοις τισὶν ἀνάψαντες νύκτωρ ἀπὸ τοῦ περι-
βόλου καθῆκαν, ὁ δὲ παρὰ τῆς θαλάσσης τὴν
ἠιόνα γενόμενος, ὁλκάδος τε ἁλιέων ἐπιτυχὼν
ἐνταῦθά πη οὔσης χρήμασι πολλοῖς ἀναπείσας
τοὺς ταύτης κυρίους ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἔπλει. οὗ δὴ.
καταπλεύσας καὶ Σεργίῳ ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθὼν τόν τε
λόγον ἅπαντα ἔφρασε καὶ στράτευμα λόγου ἄξιον
ὡς ᾿Αδραμητὸν ἀ ἀνασωσομένῳ διδόναι ἠξίου. καὶ
ἐπεὶ ταῦτα Σέργιον ἥ ἥκιστα ἤρεσκεν, ἅτε τοῦ ἐν
Καρχηδόνι στρατοῦ οὐ “πολλοῦ ὄντος, ὅδε ὀλί-
yous οἱ στρατιώτας τινὰς διδόναι ἐδεῖτο, λαβων
τε ἄνδρας οὐ πλέον ὀγδοήκοντα, ἐπενόει τοιάδε.
νηῶν τε ,ἄθροισιν καὶ ἀκάτων συχνῶν ποιησά-
μενος ναύτας τε πολλοὺς ἐνταῦθα ἐσεβίβασε καὶ
AtBvas ἄλλους, ἱμάτια περιβεβλημένους ἃ δὴ
“Ρωμαίων οἱ στρατιῶται εἰώθασιν ἐνδιδύσκεσθαι.
ἄρας τε τῷ παντὶ στόλῳ εὐθὺ : ᾿Αδραμητοῦ κατὰ
τάχος ἔπλει. καὶ ἐπεὶ αὐτῆς ἄγχιστα ἐγεγόνει,
πέμψας τινὰς λάθρα τοῖς τῆς πόλεως δοκίμοις
ἐσήμαινεν ὡς Τερμανὸς ὁ βασιλέως ἀνεψιὸς ἐς

1 ἄκοντες Υ : ἀκούσιοι PO.
2 ἐφεστήκει Scaliger : : ἐνεστήκει P, ἐνστήκει O.
3. ὅδε Christ, ὁ δὲ MSS. 4 εὐθὺ Dindorf: εὐθὺς MSS.

412

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxiii. 17-23

their escape from Moors. And many also, not at all
unwillingly, remained with Stotzas.

Not long after this one of the priests, Paulus by
name, who had been appointed to take charge of the
sick, in conferring with some of the nobles, said: “I
myself shall journey to Carthage and I am hopeful that
I shall return quickly with an army, and it will be your
care to receive the emperor's forces into the city.”
So they attached some ropes to him and let him
down by night from the fortifications, and he, coming
to the sea-shore and happening upon a fishing-vessel
which was thereabouts, won over the masters of this
boat by great sums of money and sailed off to Carthage.
And when he had landed there and come into the
presence of Sergius, he told the whole story and
asked him to give hima considerable army in order to
recover Hadrumetum. And since this by no means
pleased Sergius, inasmuch as the army in Carthage
was not great, the priest begged him to give him
some few soldiers, and receiving not more than eighty
men, he formed the following plan. He collected a
large number of boats and skiffs and embarked on
them many sailors and Libyans also, clad in the
garments which the Roman soldiers are accustomed to
wear. And setting off with the whole fleet, he sailed
at full speed straight for Hadrumetum. And when
he had come close to it, he sent some men stealthily
and declared to the notables of the city that Ger-
manus, the emperor's nephew, had recently come to

413

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

Καρχηδόνα ἔναγχος ἥκων ᾿Αδραμητηνοῖς λόγου
πολλοῦ ἄξιον στράτευμα πέμψειεν. οἷς δὴ θαρ-
σοῦντας ἐκέλευε τὴν νύκτα ἐκείνην ἀνακλῖναι
σφίσι πυλίδα μίαν. οἱ δὲ τὰ ἐπηγγελμένα
ἐποίουν. οὕτω τε ὁ Παῦλος ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις
ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου γενόμενος τούς τε πολεμίους
ἅπαντας ἔκτεινε καὶ βασιλεῖ ᾿Αδραμητὸν ἀνεσώ-
σατο" a τε ἀμφὶ Τερμανῷ φήμη ἐνθένδε ἀρξαμένη
ἄχρι ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἐ ἐχώρησεν. οἱ i δὲ Μαυρούσιοι
καὶ ὁ Στότξας ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ταῦτα ἀκού-
σαντες κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν κατωρρώδησάν τε καὶ ἐς
τὰς Λιβύης ἐσχατιὰς φεύγοντες @XOVTO, ἔπειτα
δὲ γνόντες τὸν ἀληθῆ λόγον δεινὰ ἐποιοῦντο, εἰ
αὐτοὶ ᾿Αδραμητηνῶν φεισάμενοι πάντων τοιαῦτα
πρὸς ἐκείνων πεπόνθασι. διὸ δὴ πανταχῆ ἐπι-
σκήψαντες ἀνόσια Λίβυας ἔργα εἰργάσαντο,
οὐδεμιᾶς ἡλικίας “φεισάμενοι, γέγονέ τε τότε ἀν-
θρώπων ἔ ἔρημος ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἡ “χώρα. Λιβύων
γὰρ τῶν ἀπολελειμμένων οἱ μὲν ἐς τὰς πόλεις
διέφευγον, οἱ δὲ ἔς τε Σικελίαν καὶ νήσους τὰς
ἄλλας. οἱ μέντοι λόγιμοι σχεδόν τι ἅπαντες ἐς
Βυζάντιον ἦλθον, ἐν τοῖς καὶ Παῦλος ἣν, ὁ τὴν
᾿Αδραμητὸν ἀνασωσάμενος βασιλεῖ. οἵ τε Μαυ-
ρούσιοι ἀδεέστερον, ἃ ἅτε οὐδενὸς σφίσιν ἐπεξιόντος,
ἦγόν τε καὶ ἔφερον. ἅπαντα καὶ ξὺν αὐτοῖς ὁ
Στότζας ἐν δυνάμει ὧν ἤδη. Ῥωμαῖοι γὰρ αὐτῷ
στρατιῶται πολλοὶ εἵποντο, οἱ μὲν αὐτόμολοι
ἥκοντες, οἱ δὲ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν αἰχμάλωτοι γε-
γενημένοι, ἐθελούσιοι δὲ αὐτοῦ μείναντες. ᾿Ιωάν-
νης δέ, οὗ δὴ λόγος τίς ἣν ἐν Μαυρουσίοις, Σεργίῳ
προσκεκρουκὼς ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν.

414

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxiii. 23-32

Carthage, and had sent a very considerable army to
the citizens of Hadrumetum. And he bade them take
courage at this and open for them one small gate
that night. And they carried out his orders. Thus
Paulus with his followers got inside the fortifications,
and he slew all the enemy and recovered Hadrumetum
for the emperor; and the rumour about Germanus,
beginning there, went even to Carthage. And the
Moors, as well as Stotzas and his followers, upon
hearing this, at first became terrified and went oft
in flight to the extremities of Libya, but later, upon
learning the truth, they counted it a terrible thing
that they, after sparing all the citizens of Hadrume-
tum, had suffered such things at their hands. For
this reason they made raids everywhere and wrought
unholy deeds upon the Libyans, sparing no one what-
ever his age, and the land became at that time for the
most part depopulated. For of the Libyans who had
been left some fled into the cities and some to Sicily
and the other islands. But almost all the notables
came to Byzantium, among whom was Paulus also, who
had recovered Hadrumetum for the emperor. And
the Moors with still less fear, since no one came out
against them, were plundering everything, and with
them Stotzas, who was now powerful. For many
Roman soldiers were following him, some who had
come as deserters, and others who had been in the
beginning captives but now remained with him of
their own free will. And John, who was indeed a
man of some reputation among the Moors, was re-
maining quiet because of the extreme hostility he
had conceived against Sergius.

415

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

XXIV

Ἔν τούτοις δὲ βασιλεὺς ἄλλον ἐς Λιβύην στρα-
τηγὸν ᾿Αρεόβινδον ξὺν στρατιώταις ὀλίγοις τισὶν
ἔπεμψεν, ἄνδρα ἐκ βουλῆς μὲν καὶ εὖ γεγονότα,
ἔργων δὲ πολεμίων “οὐδαμῶς ἔμπειρον. καὶ ξὺν
αὐτῷ ᾿Αθανάσιον ἔπαρχον ἄρτι ἐξ ᾿Ιταλίας
ἥκοντα ἔστελλε καὶ ᾿Αρμενίους ὀλίγους τινάς, ὧν
᾿Αρταβάνης τε καὶ ᾿Ιωάννης ἦρχον, ᾿Ιωάννου
παῖδες, ᾿Αρσακίδαι μὲν γένος, ἔναγχος δὲ ἀπο-
λιπόντες τὸ Περσῶν στράτευμα, ἔς τε Ῥωμαίους
αὖθις 1 ξὺν τοῖς ἄλλοις ᾿Αρμενίοις αὐτόμολοι ἥ ἧκον-
τες. συνῆν δὲ τῷ ᾿Αρεοβίνδῳ ἥ τε ἀδελφὴ καὶ
Πρεϊέκτα ἡ ἡ γυνή, ᾿Βιγλεντίας θυγάτηρ τῆς βασι-
λέως ᾿Ιουστινιανοῦ ἀδελφῆς. οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ Σέργιον
μετεπέμπετο, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτόν τε καὶ ᾿Αρεόβινδον
Λιβύης στρατηγοὺς ἐκέλευεν εἶναι, τήν τε χώραν
καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν τοὺς καταλόγους διελομένους.
ἐπέβαλε δὲ Σεργίῳ μὲν τὸν πόλεμον διενεγκεῖν
πρὸς τοὺς ἐν Νουμιδίᾳ βαρβάρους, ᾿Αρεοβίνδῳ δὲ
τοῖς ἐν Βυξακίῳ Μαυρουσίοις ἀεὶ διαμάχεσθαι.
καταπλεύσαντός τε τοῦ στόλου τούτου ἐς Kapyn-
dova, Σέργιος μὲν ἐπὶ Νουμιδίας ξὺν τῷ οἰκείῳ
στρατῷ ἀπιὼν @XETO, ᾿Αρεόβινδος δὲ "Avranay
τε Kal Στότζαν ἐνστρατοπεδεύεσθαι μαθὼν ἀμφὶ
πόλιν Σικκαβενερίαν, τριῶν ἡμερῶν ὁδῷ Καρχη-
δόνος διέχουσαν, ᾿Ιωάννην τὸν Σισινιόλου ἐπ᾽
αὐτοὺς ἐκέλευεν ἰέναι τοῦ στρατοῦ ἀπολεξάμενον
εἴ τί ἄριστον ἦν" τῷ τε Σεργίῳ ἔγραφε τοῖς ἀμφὶ
τὸν ᾿Ιωάννην ἀναμίγνυσθαι, ἐφ᾽’ ᾧ κοινῇ ἅπαντες

1 αὖθις PO: om. V.
416

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV xxiv. 1-7

XXIV

At this time the emperor sent to Libya, with some
few soldiers, another general, Areobindus, a man
of the senate and of good birth, but not at all skilled
in matters of warfare. And he sent with him Atha-
nasius, a prefect, who had come recently from Italy,
and some few Armenians led by Artabanes and John,
sons of John, of the line of the Arsacidae,1 who had
recently left the Persian army and as deserters had
come back to the Romans, together with the other
Armenians. And with Areobindus was his sister and
Prejecta, his wife, who was the daughter of Vigilantia,
the sister of the Emperor Justinian. The emperor,
however, did not recall Sergius, but commanded both
him and Areobindus to be generals of Libya, dividing
the country and the detachments of soldiers between
them. And he enjoined upon Sergius to carry on
the war against the barbarians in Numidia, and upon
Areobindus to direct his operations constantly against
the Moors in Byzacium. And when this expedition
landed at Carthage, Sergius departed forthwith for
Numidia with his own army, and Areobindus, upon
learning that Antalas and Stotzas were encamped
near the city of Siccaveneria, which is three days’
journey distant from Carthage, commanded John,
the son of Sisiniolus, to go against them, choosing
out whatever was best of the army ; and-he wrote to
Sergius to unite with the forces of John, in order
that they might all with one common force engage

1 Cf, BookIl. iii. 32.
41)

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

«ς la a , id Σέ \
8 ὁμόσε τοῖς πολεμίοις χωρήσουσι. Σέργιος μὲν
΄ \ a 7

οὖν τῶν TE γεγραμμένων καὶ τοῦ ἔργου τούτου
ὀλιγωρεῖν ἔγνω, ὁ δὲ Ἰωάννης ξὺν ὀλίγῳ στρατῷ
ἀμυθήτῳ ἠνάγκαστο πολεμίων πλήθει ἐς χεῖρας

᾽ν 5 \ > a \ ’ f Ψ ey
9 ἰέναι. ἣν δὲ a’T@ τε Kal Στότζᾳ μέγα τι ἀεὶ

1ὅ

ἐς ἀλλήλους ἔχθος, ἑκάτερός τε αὐτοῖν ηὔχετο
φονεὺς θατέρου γενόμενος οὕτω δὴ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων
ἀφανισθῆναι. τότε γοῦν, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα ἡ μάχη
ἐν χερσὶ γίγνεσθαι ἔμεχλεν, ἄμφω ἐκ τῶν στρα-
τοπέδων ἐλαύνοντες ἐπ᾿ ἀλλήλους ἦλθον. ὁ μὲν
οὖν ᾿Ιωάννης ἐντείνας τὸ τόξον ἔτι προσιόντα τὸν
Στότζαν κατὰ βουβῶνα τὸν δεξιὸν ἐπιτυχὼν
βάλλει, ὁ δὲ καιρίαν πληγεὶς 2 αὐτοῦ ἔπεσεν,
οὔπω μὲν τεθνεώς, χρόνον δέ τινα ὀλίγον ταύτῃ
3 A n
δὴ ἐπιβιωσόμενος τῇ πληγῇ. ἐπελθόντες δὲ
πάντες αὐτίκα, ὅσοι τε αὐτῷ εἵποντο καὶ ὁ τῶν
Μαυρουσίων στρατός, Στότζαν μὲν ὀλιγοψυ-
χοῦντα ἐπὶ δένδρου τινὸς ἔθεντο, αὐτοὶ δὲ θυμῷ
πολλῷ ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους χωρήσαντες τόν τε
Ἰωάννην καὶ Ῥωμαίους ἅπαντας, ἅτε πλήθει
πολλῷ ὑπεραίροντες, οὐδενὶ πόνῳ ἐτρέψαντο.
τότε δή φασιν εἰπεῖν τὸν ᾿Ιωάννην ὡς ἡδύν τινα
θάνατον θνήσκοι, ἐπεί οἱ τὰ τῆς εὐχῆς ἀμφὶ τῷ
Στότξᾳ ἐς πέρας ἀφῖκται. χῶρος δέ τις ἣν
κατάντης ἐνταῦθα, οὗ δὴ αὐτὸν ἀποβάλλει
ὀκλάσας ὁ ἵππος. ἐφ᾽ ὃν αὖθις αὐτὸν ἀναθρώ-
σκειν πειρώμενον καταλαβόντες οἱ πολέμιοι κτεί-
νουσιν, ἄνδρα γενόμενον δόξῃ τε καὶ ἀρετῇ μέγαν.
ὅπερ ὁ Στότζας μαθὼν ἐτελεύτησε, τοσοῦτον
εἰπών, ὡς ἥδιστα τὸ λοιπὸν θνήσκοι. ἐν ταύτῃ

1 ἔχθος VPO corr.: ἄχθος O pr. m.
2 πληγεὶς V; tumrels P, τυπεὶς Ο.

418

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxiv. 7-15

with the enemy. Now Sergius decided to pay no
heed to the message and have nothing to do with
this affair, and John with a small army was compelled
to engage with an innumerable host of the enemy.
And there had always been great enmity between
him and Stotzas, and each one used to pray that
he might become the slayer of the other before
departing from the world. At that time, accordingly,
as soon as the fighting was about to come to close
quarters, both rode out from their armies and came
against each other. And John drew his bow, and,
as Stotzas was still advancing, made a successful shot
and hit him in the right groin, and Stotzas, mortally
wounded, fell there, not yet dead, but destined to
survive this wound only a little time. And all came
up immediately, both the Moorish army and those
who followed Stotzas, and placing Stotzas with little
life in him against a tree, they advanced upon
their enemy with great fury; and since they were
far superior in numbers, they routed John and all the
Romans with no difficulty. Then, indeed, they say,
John remarked that death had now a certain sweet-
ness for him, since his prayer regarding Stotzas. had
reached fulfilment. And there was a steep place
near by, where his horse stumbled and threw him
off. And as he was trying to leap upon the horse
again, the enemy caught and killed him, a man who
had shown himself great both in reputation and in
valour. And Stotzas learned this and then died,
remarking only that now it was most sweet to die.

419

PROCOPIUS. OF CAESAREA

τῇ μάχῃ καὶ ᾿Ιωάννης ᾿Αρμένιος ᾿Αρταβάνου
ἀδελφὸς θνήσκει, ἔργα ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπι-
δειξάμενος ἀρετῆς ἄξια. βασιλεὺς δὲ ταῦτα
ἀκούσας περιώδυνός τε τῇ τοῦ ᾿Ιωάννου ἀρετῇ
γεγονὼς μάλιστα, ἀξύμφορόν. τε νομίσας εἶναι
τοῖν δυοῖν στρατηγοῖν' τὴν ἀρχὴν διέπειν," τὸν
μὲν Σέργιον εὐθὺς μεταπεμψάμενος ἐς ᾿Ιταλίαν
ξὺν στρατῷ ἔπεμψεν, ᾿Αρεοβίνδῳ δὲ ἅπαν τὸ
Λιβύης παρέδωκε κράτος.

XXV

Ρόνθαρις δὲ δυοῖν μησὶν ὕστερον ἢ Σέργιος
ἐνθένδε ἀπιὼν ᾧχετο, τυραννίδι. ἐπέθετο τρόπῳ
τοιῷδε. ἐτύγχανε μὲν αὐτὸς τῶν ἐν Νουμίδαις
καταλόγων ἡγούμενος διατριβήν τε διὰ τοῦτο
ἐνταῦθα ἔχων, ἔπρασσε δὲ λάθρα ἐς Μαυρουσίους
ὅπως ἐπὶ Καρχηδόνα: χωρήσωσιν. αὐτίκα τοίνυν
ἔς τε Νουμιδίας καὶ Βυξακίου πολεμίων στρατὸς
ἐς ταὐτὸ ἀγηγερμένος ἐπὶ Καρχηδόνα σπουδῇ
πολλῇ ἤεσαν. ἡγεῖτο δὲ Νουμιδῶν μὲν Κουτζίνας
τε καὶ ᾿Ιαύδας, Βυξακηνῶν δὲ ᾿Αντάλας. ξυνῆν
δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ ᾿Ιωάννης ὁ τύραννος ξὺν τοῖς ἑπο-
μένοις, ὃν δὴ οἱ στασιῶται, Στότξα τετελευτη-
κότος, ἄρχοντα σφίσιν αὐτοῖς κατεστήσαντο.
γνοὺς δὲ ᾿Αρεόβινδος τὴν ἔφοδον ἄλλους τε τῶν
ἀρχόντων ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἐς Καρχηδόνα καὶ
Γόνθαριν μετεπέμπετο. παρῆν δὲ αὐτῷ ξὺν τοῖς

1 Haury prefers τῷ δύο στρατηγώ.

2 διέπειν : μάλιστα διέπειν V, ἔχειν PO.

3 ἔπεμψεν VP: ἔστειλεν O.

‘ καρχηδόνα P pr. πὶ. , Theophanes : καρχηδόνος VP corr., Ὁ.
5 στασιῶται : στρατιῶται PO.

420

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxiv. 15-xxv. 4

In this battle John, the Armenian, brother of Ar.
tabanes, also died, after making a display of valorous
deeds against the enemy. And the emperor, upon
hearing this, was very deeply grieved because of the
valour of John; and thinking it inexpedient for the
two generals to administer the province, he imme-
diately recalled Sergius and sent him to Italy with
an army, and gave over the whole power of Libya
to Areobindus.

XXV

Anp two months after Sergius had departed from
there, Gontharis essayed to set up a tyranny in the
following manner. He himself, as it happened, was
commanding the troops in Numidia and spending his
time there for that reason, but he was secretly treat-
ing with the Moors that they might march against
Carthage. Forthwith, therefore, an army of the
enemy, having been gathered into one place from
Numidia and Byzacium, went with great zeal against
Carthage. And the Numidians were commanded by
Coutzinas and Iaudas, and the men of Byzacium by
Antalas. And with him was also John, the tyrant,
and his followers; for the mutineers, after the death
of Stotzas, had set him up as ruler over themselves.
And when Areobindus learned of their attack, he
summoned to Carthage a number of the officers with
their men, and among them Gontharis. And he was

421

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

᾿Αρμενίοις καὶ ᾿Αρταβάνης. ὁ μὲν οὖν ᾿Αρεό-
βινδος Γόνθαριν ἐξηγεῖσθαι παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ
ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐκέλευεν. ὁ δὲ προθύμως
οἱ τὰ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ὑπηρετήσειν ὑποσχόμενος
ἐποίει τάδε. τῶν οἰκετῶν ἕνα, Μαυρούσιον μὲν
γένος, τέχνην δὲ μάγειρον, ἐς τὸ τῶν πολεμίων 1
στρατόπεδον ἐκέλευσεν ἰέναι, καὶ δόκησιν μὲν
τοῖς ἄλλοις παρέχεσθαι ὅτι δὴ τὸν δεσπότην
ἀποδρὰς ᾧχετο, λάθρα δὲ τῷ ᾿Αντάλᾳ εἰπεῖν ὡς
αὐτῷ Ρόνθαρις κοινωνεῖν βούλοιτο τῆς Λιβύων
ἀρχῆς. ὁ μὲν οὖν μάγειρος κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίει,
ὁ δὲ ᾿Αντάλας τὸν μὲν λόγον ἀσμένως ἤκουσε,
τοσοῦτον δὲ ἀπεκρίνατο, ὡς αἱ γενναῖαι τῶν
πράξεων οὐ διὰ τῶν μαγείρων ἐπιγίνεσθαι τοῖς
ἀνθρώποις πεφύκασι. ταῦτα ἐπεὶ Τόνθαρις
ἤκουσε, τῶν δορυφόρων ἕνα, Οὐλίθεον ὄνομα, ᾧ
δὴ μάλιστα πιστοτάτῳ ἐχρῆτο, παρὰ τὸν ᾿᾽Αν-
τάλαν εὐθὺς ἔπεμψεν, ὡς ἀγχοτάτω Καρχηδόνος
αὐτὸν παρακαλῶν ἰέναι. οὕτω γάρ οἱ τὸν ᾿Αρεό-
βινδον ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανιεῖν ἐπηγγέλλετο. ὁ
μὲν οὖν Οὐλίθεος κρύφα τῶν ἄλλων βαρβάρων
᾿Αντάλᾳ ξυμβαίνει, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ Βυζξακίου μὲν ᾿Αντάλας
ἄρχοι, τὸ τε ἥμισυ τῶν ᾿Αρεοβίνδου χρημάτων
ἔχων καὶ πεντακοσίους τε καὶ χιλίους στρατιώτας
Ῥωμαίους σὺν αὑτῷ ἐπαγόμενος, Γόνθαρις δὲ τὸ

/ > ἐφ / » Ν
βασιλέως ἀξίωμα λάβοι, Καρχηδόνος τε τὸ
κράτος καὶ Λιβύης τῆς ἄλλης ἔχων. ταῦτά τε
ιαπεπραγμένος ἐπανῆκεν ἐς τὸ Ρωμαίων στρατό-
πεδον, ὅπερ ἅπαν πρὸ τοῦ περιβόλου πεποίηντο,2
ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς τὰ φυλακτήρια πύλης ἑκάστης

1 πολεμίων Ὗ : ἐναντίων PO.
3 πεποίηντο Hoeschel in marg. : πεποίηνται MSS,

422

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxv. 4-11

joined also by Artabanes and the Armenians. Areobin-
dus, accordingly, bade Gontharis lead the whole army
against the enemy. And Gontheris, though he had
promised to serve him zealously in the war, proceeded
to act as follows. One of his servants, a Moor by
birth and a cook by trade, he commanded to go to the
enemy’s camp, and to make it appear to all others that
he had run away from his master, but to tell Antalas
secretly that Gontharis wished to share with him the
rule of Libya. So the cook carried out these direc-
tions, and Antalas heard the word gladly, but made
no further reply than to say that worthy enterprises
are not properly brought to pass among men by
cooks. When this was heard by Gontharis, he im-
mediately sent to Antalas one of his body-guards,
Ulitheus by name, whom he had found especially
trustworthy in his service, inviting him to come as
close as possible to Carthage. For, if this were done,
he promised him to put Areobindus out of the way.
So Ulitheus without the knowledge of the rest of
the barbarians made an agreement with Antalas that
he, Antalas, should rule Byzacium, having half. the
possessions of Areobindus and taking with him fifteen
hundred Roman soldiers, while Gontharis should
assume the dignity of king, holding the power over
Carthage and the rest of Libya. And after settling
these matters he returned to the Roman camp, which
they had made entirely in front of the circuit-wall,
distributing among themselves the guarding of each

423

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

νειμάμενοι. οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον
an an x
εὐθὺ Καρχηδόνος σπουδῇ. πολλῇ -ἤεσαν, ἔν τὲ
χωρίῳ τῷ Δεκίμῳ καλουμένῳ στρατοπεδευσάμενοι
A ,
ἔμενον. ἐνθένδε τε ἄραντες TH ὑστεραίᾳ πρόσω
na ¢ ’ὔ
ἐχώρουν. τινὲς δὲ ὑπαντιάσαντες τοῦ Ῥωμαίων
στρατοῦ, ἐς χεῖράς τε αὐτοῖς ἀπροσδόκητοι ἦλθον
Ἵ \
καὶ Μαυρουσίους ot συχνοὺς ἔκτειναν. ods δὴ
id ’ 3 \ > ls la “ 3
ὁ Tov@apis εὐθὺς ἀνεκάλει κακίζων ἅτε ἀνεπι-
σκέπτως τε θρασυνομένους καὶ τὰ Ῥωμαίων
πράγματα ἐθέλοντας ἐς προῦπτόν τινὰ ἐμβαλεῖν
κίνδυνον. Se
Ά yA
Ἔν τούτῳ δὲ ᾿Αρεόβινδος πέμψας παρὰ. τὸν
Kourtivay λάθρα ἔπρασσε προδοσίας πέρι. καί
οἱ ὁ Κουτζίνας ὡμολόγησεν, ἐπειδὰν ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ
γένωνται, ἐπί τε ᾿Αντάλαν καὶ Μαυρουσίους τοὺς
ἐν, Βυζακίῳ τραπέσθαι. Μαυρούσιοι γὰρ οὔτε
πρὸς ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων τινὰς οὔτε πρὸς ἀλλήλους
τὸ πιστὸν ἔχουσι. ταῦτα ἐς Γόνθαριν ᾿Αρεό-
«ς
βινδος ἐξήνεγκεν. ὁ δὲ παρακρούεσθαί τε καὶ
b) / \ n 72 2 ͵ ᾿ A
ἀναβάλλεσθαι τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐθέλων παρήνει τῷ
ν᾿
᾿Αρεοβίνδῳ τὸ πιστὸν ἐς Κουτξίναν ὡς ἥκιστα
ἔχειν, ἢν μὴ τοὺς παῖδας ἐν ὁμήρων λόγῳ παρ᾽
> A t ? , \ 3 \ 7
αὐτοῦ λάβοι. ᾿Αρεόβινδος μὲν οὖν καὶ Kouttivas
Δ > 9 / = / ? \ a
λάθρὰ παρ᾽ ἀλλήλους ἀεὶ πέμποντες ἀμφὶ τῇ ἐς
3 ΄ 3 a \ 3 ,
Αντάχαν ἐπιβουλῇ διατριβὴν εἶχον. Τόνθαρις
\ = \ ἧς / 7 ” a?
δὲ αὖθις τὸν Οὐλίθεον στείχας ἔκπυστα τῷ Av-
τάλᾳ ἐποίησε τὰ πρασσόμενα. καὶ ὃς οὔτε τι
τῷ Ἰζουτζίνᾳ ἐπικαλεῖν ἔγνω οὔτε ὅτι ἐπέπυστο
τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ἔνδηλος αὐτῷ ἐγεγόνει, οὐ μὴν
οὐδέ τι ἐξήνεγκε τῶν αὐτῷ τε καὶ Γονθάριδι
/ >
ξυγκειμένων. ἀλλήλοις δὲ ἄμφω πολέμιοί. τε
1 μαυρουσίους οὐ V: μαυρουσίων PO.

424

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxv. 11-21

gate. And the barbarians not long afterwards pro-
ceeded straight for Carthage in great haste, and they
made camp and remained in the place called Deci-
mum.! And departing from there on the following
day, they were moving forward. But some of the
Roman army encountered them, and engaging with
them unexpectedly, slew a small number of the
Moors. But these were straightway called back by
Gontharis, who rebuked them for acting with reckless
daring and for being willing to give the Romans
foreknowledge of the danger into which they were
thrown. ;

But in the meantime Areobindus sent to Coutzinas
secretly and began to treat with him with regard to
turning traitor. And Coutzinas promised him that,
as soon as they should begin the action, he would
turn against Antalas and the Moors of Byzacium.
For the Moors keep faith neither with any other
men nor with each other. This Areobindus reported
to Gontharis. And he, wishing to frustrate the en-
terprise by having it postponed, advised Areobindus
by no means to have faith in Coutzinas, unless he
should receive from him his children as hostages. So
Areobindus and Coutzinas, constantly sending secret
messages to each other, were busying themselves with
the plot against Antalas. And Gontharis sent Uli-
theus once more and made known to Antalas what
was being done. And he decided not to make any
charges against Coutzinas nor did he allow him to
know that he had discovered the plot, nor indeed did
he disclose anything of what had been agreed upon
by himself and Gontharis. But though enemies and

1 Cf. Book III. xvii. 11, xxi. 23.
425

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

καὶ δυσμενεῖς ταῖς γνώμαις ὄντες νῷ τε πονηρῷ
ξυνετάσσοντο, ἐπί τε τὸν οἰκεῖον ἑκάτερος φίλον
ἀλλήλοις ξυστρατεύοντες ἤεσαν. τοιαύτῃ μὲν
γνώμῃ Κουτξίνας τε καὶ ᾿Αντάλας ἐπὶ Καρχηδόνα
τὸν Μαυρουσίων στρατὸν ἐπῆγον. Γόνθαρις δὲ
κτεῖναι μὲν τὸν ᾿Αρεόβινδον διενοεῖτο, τοῦ δὲ μὴ
δοκεῖν τυραννίδος ἐπιβατεύειν, ἐν παρατάξει
λάθρα τοῦτο δρᾶν ἤθελεν, ὅ ὅπως πρὸς ἑτέρων μὲν
ἡ ἐπι βουλὴ ἐς τὸν στρατηγὸν γεγενῆσθαι δόξειεν,
αὐτὸς δὲ ἀναγκασθείη " τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ
ἀνελέσθαι τὴν Λιβύης ἀρχήν. ἀπάτῃ τοίνυν
τὸν ᾿Αρεόβινδον περιελθὼν πείθει τοῖς πολεμίοις
ἐπεξελθόντα ὁμόσε ἰέναι, ἤδη που Καρχηδόνος
ἄγχιστα ἥκουσιν. ἐδόκει γοῦν αὐτῷ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ
παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐξηγήσεσθαι ἐπὶ τοὺς πολε-
μίους ἅμα ἡλίῳ ἀνίσχοντι. ἀλλ᾽ ᾿Αρεύβινδος
ἀπείρως τε λίαν ἐς τὸ πρᾶγμα τοῦτο καὶ ὀκνηρῶς
ἔχων μελλήσει ἐχρῆτο οὐδενὶ λόγῳ. μελετῶν τε
γὰρ ὅπως ἐνδύσαιτο τὴν τῶν ὅπλων σκευὴν καὶ
τἄλλα ἐξαρτυόμενος ἐς τὴν ἔξοδον τὸν πλεῖστον
τῆς ἡμέρας ἀνάλωσε χρόνον. διὸ δὴ τὴν παρά-
ταξιν ἐς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἀποθέμενος ἡσυχῆ ἔμενε.
Γόνθαρις δὲ αὐτὸν ἐξεπίτηδες τὴν μέλλησιν
πεποιῆσθαι ὑποτοπήσας ἅτε τῶν πρασσομένων
αἰσθανόμενον, ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανοῦς τόν τε φόνον τοῦ
στρατηγοῦ καὶ τῆς τυραννίδος τὴν ἐπίθεσιν ἐπι-
τελεῖν ἔγνω.

XXVI

Ἡμέρᾳ τε τῇ ἐπιγενομένῃ ἐποίει τάδε. τὰς
πύλας ἀναπετάσας οὗ δὴ αὐτὸς φυλακὴν εἶχε,
1 ἀναγκασθείη Vi: ἀναγκασθεὶς ΡΟ,

426

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxv. 21-xxvi. 1

hostile at heart to one another, they were arrayed
together with treacherous intent, and each of them
was marching with the other against his own particular
friend. With such purposes Couizinas and Antalas
were leading the Moorish army against Carthage.
And Gontharis was intending to kill Areobindus,
but, in order to avoid the appearance of aiming at
sole power, he wished to do this secretly in battle,
in order that it might seem that the plot had been
made by others against the general, and that he
had been compelled by the Roman army to assume
command over Libya. Accordingly he circumvented
Areobindus by deceit, and persuaded him to go out
against the enemy and engage with them, now that
they had already come close to Carthage. He decided,
therefore, that on the following day he would lead
the whole army against the enemy at sunrise. But
Areobindus, being very inexperienced in this matter
and reluctant besides, kept holding back for no good
reason. For while considering how he should put on
his equipment of arms and armour, and making the
other preparations for the sally, he wasted the greatest
part of the day. He accordingly put off the engage-
ment to the following day and remained quiet. But
Gontharis, suspecting that he had hesitated purposely,
as being aware of what was being done, decided
openly to accomplish the murder of the general and
make his attempt at the tyranny.

XXVI

Anp on the succeeding day he proceeded to act as
follows. Opening wide the gates where he himself

427

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

λίθους μὲν ὑπερφυεῖς ἔνερθεν ἔθηκεν, ὡς μή τις
αὐτὰς ἐπιτιθέναι εὐπετῶς δύναιτο, ἄνδρας τε
τεθωρακισμένους καὶ τὰ τόξα ἐν χερσὶν ἔχοντας
ἀμφὶ τὰς ἐπάλξεις πολλοὺς ἔστησεν, αὐτός τε
τὸν θώρακα ἐνδὺς εἱστήκει ἐν μέσαις ταῖς πύλαις.
ἐπενόει δὲ ταῦτα οὐ Μαυρουσίων ἕνεκα, ὅπως τῇ
πόλει αὐτοὺς δέξηται (ἀβέβαιοι γὰρ. Μαυρούσιοι
παντάπασιν ὄντες ὑπόπτως ἔχουσιν ἐς πάντας
ἀνθρώπους. τοῦτό τε αὐτοῖς οὐκ ἀπὸ τοῦ εἰκότος
γενέσθαι ξυμβαίνει: ἐπεὶ ὅστις ἄπιστος és} τοὺς
πέλας καθέστηκε φύσει, οὐδὲ αὐτὸς πιστεύειν
ὁτῳοῦν δύναται, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπόπτως ἔχειν ἀναγκάζεται
ἐς πάντας ἀνθρώπους ἐκ τῆς αὑτοῦ γνώμης τὸν
τοῦ πέλας σταθμώμενος τρόπον. διὸ δὴ οὐδὲ
Μαυρουσίους ἤλπιζε TévOapis πιστεύσαντάς οἱ
ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου γενήσεσθαι), GAN ὅπως
᾿Αρεόβινδος ἐμπεσὼν ἐς μέγα τι δέος ἐς φυγήν τε
εὐθὺς ὁρμηθείη καὶ κατὰ τάχος Καρχηδόνα ἀπο:
λιπὼν ἐπὶ Βυζαντίου κομίξζοιτο. καὶ ἔτυχέ γε
τῆς ἀληθοῦς ἐννοίας, εἰ μὴ χειμὼν μεταξὺ ἐπι-
γενόμενος διεκώλυσε. μαθὼν δὲ ᾿Αρεόβινδος τὰ
ποιούμενα, τόν τε ᾿Αθανάσιον καὶ τῶν δοκίμων
τινὰς μετεπέμπετο. παρῆν δέ οἱ καὶ ᾿Αρταβάνης
ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου τρίτος αὐτός, τῷ τε ἸΑρεο-
βίνδῳ παρήνει μήτε ἀναπεπτωκέναι μήτε τόλμῃ
τῇ Τονθάριδος ἐνδιδόναι, ἀλλ’ αὐτίκα μάλα ἐπ᾽
αὐτὸν ὁμοῦ ξὺν πᾶσι τοῖς οἱ ἑπομένοις ἰόντα
ἔργου ἔχεσθαι, πρίν τι περαιτέρω γεγονέναι
κακόν. τὼ μὲν οὖν πρῶτα πέμψας ᾿Αρεόβινδος
παρὰ Τόνθαριν τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τινά, Φρέδαν
ὄνομα, ἐκέλευεν ἀποπειρᾶσθαι τῆς αὐτοῦ γνώμης.
1 ἐς P: πρὸς Ο.
428

HISTORY OF THE WARS, ΙΝ. xxvi. 1-8

kept guard, he placed huge rocks under them, that
no one might be able easily to shut them, and he
placed armoured men with bows in their hands about
the parapet in great numbers, and he himself, having
put on his breastplate, took his stand between the
gates. And his purpose in doing this was not that
he might receive the Moors into the city; for the
Moors, being altogether fickle, are suspicious of all
men. And it is not unnatural that they are so; for
whoever is by nature treacherous toward his neigh-
bours is himself unable to trust anyone at all, but he
is compelled to be suspicious of all men, since he
estimates the character of his neighbour by his own
mind. For this reason, then, Gontharis did not hope
that even the Moors would trust him and come inside
the circuit-wall, but he made this move in order that
Areobindus, falling into great fear, might straightway
rush off in flight, and, abandoning Carthage as
quickly as he could, might betake himself to
Byzantium. And he would have been right in his
expectation had not winter come on just then and
frustrated his plan. And Areobindus, learning what
was being done, summoned Athanasius and some
of the notables. And Artabanes also came to him
from the camp with two others and he urged
Areobindus neither to lose heart nor to give way
to the daring of Gontharis, but to go against him
instantly with all his men and engage him in battle,
before any further trouble arose. At first, then,
Areobindus sent to Gontharis one of his friends,
Phredas by name, and commanded him to test the

429

544-545 αὖ

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

9 ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Φρέδας ἐπανήκων οὐδαμῆ ἀπαρνεῖσθαι

Ρόνθαριν τὴν τυραννίδα ἐσήγγελλεν, ἤδη ἐπ᾽
αὐτὸν ὡς ἐς μάχην ἰέναι διενοεῖτο. ,

Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Γόνθαρις ᾿Αρεόβινδον εἰς τοὺς
στρατιώτας ᾿διέβαλεν, ὡς ἄνανδρός τε εἴη καὶ ἅμα
μὲν δέει ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐχόμενος, ἅμα δὲ τὰς
συντάξεις σφίσιν ὡς ἥκιστα ἐθέλων διδόναι,
δρασμόν τε Evy Αθανασίῳ βουλεύεται καὶ αὐτίκα
ἐκ Μανδρακίου ἀποπλεῖν μέλλουσιν, ὅπως οἱ
στρατιῶται λιμῷ τε καὶ Μαυρουσίοις μαχόμενοι
διαφθείρωνται," ἐπυνθάνετό τε εἴπερ αὐτοῖς βου-
λομένοις εἴη ἄμφω ξυλλαβοῦσιν ἐ ἐν φυλακῇ ἐ ἔχειν.
οὕτω γὰρ ἤλπιζεν ᾿Αρεόβινδον ἢ ἢ τοῦ θορύβου
ἠσθημένον φυγῇ χρήσεσθαι, ἢ καταληφθέντα
πρὸς τῶν ,»στρατιωτῶν διαφθαρήσεσθαι οὐδενὶ
λόγῳ. χρήματα μέντοι αὐτὸς οἴκοθεν ὡμολόγει
τοῖς στρατιώταις προΐεσθαι ὅσαπερ αὐτοῖς τὸ
δημόσιον ὦφλε. καὶ οἱ μὲν τούς τε λόγους
ἐπήνουν" καὶ θυμῷ ἐς τὸν ᾿Αρεόβινδον πολλῷ
εἴχοντο, μεταξὺ δὲ ᾿Αρεόβινδος ξύν τε ᾿Αρταβάνῃ
καὶ τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἐνταῦθα ἀφίκεται. καὶ γίνεται
μάχη ἔν τε ταῖς ἐπάλξεσι καὶ κάτω ἀμφὶ τὰς
πύλας οὗ I όνθαρις εἱστήκει, ἐν 7 οὐδέτεροι τὸ
ἔλασσον é ἔσχον. ἔμελλόν τε ξυλλεγόμενοι € ἐκ τῶν
στρατοπέδων, ὅ ὅσοι βασιλεῖ εὐνοϊκῶς εἶχον, τοὺς
στασιώτας ὃ κατὰ κράτος ἑλεῖν. οὐ γὰρ ἅπαντας
ὁ Γόνθαρίς πω ἐξηπατήκει, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ πλεῖστοι ἔτι
ταῖς γνώμαις ἀκραιφνεῖς ἔ ἔμενον. ᾿Αρεόβινδος δὲ
τότε πρῶτον ἄνδρας κτεινομένους ἰδὼν (οὐ γάρ

ΕΣ μαχομένοις διαφθείρονται V, διαφθείρωνται μαχόμενοι PO.
2 ἐπήνουν--- εἴχοντο Υ: ἐνεδέχοντο ῬΟ.
3 στασιώτας V: στρατιώτας ΡΟ,

430

HISTORY OF THE WARS, ΙΝ. xxvi. 9-16

other’s purpose. And when Phredas returned and
reported that Gontharis by no means denied his
intention of seizing the supreme power, he purposed
immediately to go against him arrayed for battle.
But in the meantime Gontharis slandered Areo-
bindus to the soldiers, saying that he was a coward
and not only possessed with fear of the enemy, but
at the same time quite unwilling to give them, his
soldiers, their pay, and that he was planning to run
away with Anastasius and that they were about to
sail very soon from Mandracium,! in order that the
soldiers, fighting both with hunger and with the
Moors, might be destroyed; and he enquired
whether it was their wish to arrest both and keep
them under guard. For thus he hoped either that
Areobindus, perceiving the tumult, would turn to
flight, or that he would be captured by the soldiers
and ruthlessly put to death. Moreover he promised
that he himself would advance to the soldiers money
of his own, as much as the government owed
them. And they were approving his words and
were possessed with great wrath against Areobindus,
but while this was going on Areobindus together
with Artabanes and his followers came there. And
a battle took place on the parapet and below about
the gate where Gontharis had taken his stand,
and neither side was worsted. And all were about
to gather from the camps, as many as were well
disposed to the emperor, and capture the mutineers
by force. For Gontharis had not as yet deceived
all, but the majority remained still uncorrupted in
mind. But Areobindus, seeing then for the first
time the killing of men (for he had not yet, as it

1 The port of Carthage ; see III. xx. 3.
431

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

πω ἐθὰς τοῦ θεάματος τούτου ἐτύγχανεν ὧν)
κατεπλάγη τε καὶ ἀποδειλιάσας οὐκ ἐνεγκών τε
τὰ ὁρώμενα φεύγει. ;
Ἔστι δέ τις ἐντὸς τοῦ Καρχηδόνος περιβόλου
νεὼς πρὸς “τῇ τῆς θαλάσσης ἀκτῇ, οὗ δὴ ἄνδρες
οἰκοῦσιν οἷς τὰ ἐς τὸ θεῖον ἀκριβῶς ἤσκηται"
μοναχοὺς καλεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἀεὶ νενομίκαμεν'
τοῦτον Σολόμων δειμάμενος τὸν νεὼν οὐ πολλῷ
πρότερον τειχίσματί τε περιβαλὼν φρούριον ἐχυ-
ρώτατον κατεστήσατο. ἐνταῦθα καταφυγὼν ᾿Αρεό-
βινδος ἐσεπήδησεν, ἔνθα τήν τε γυναῖκα καὶ τὴν
ἀδελφὴν ἐτύγχανε πέμψας. τότε καὶ ᾿Αρταβάνης
ἀπιὼν OXETO, kal οἱ λοιποὶ ξύμπαντες ἐνθένδε
ἀνεχώρουν ὡς ἕκαστός πη ἐδύνατο. Τόνθαρις δὲ
κατὰ κρώτος νενικηκὼς ξὺν τοῖς στασιώταις 1 τὸ
Παλάτιον ἔσχε, καὶ τάς τε πύχας τόν TE λιμένα
ἐνδελεχέστατα ἤδη ἐφύχαττε. πρῶτα μὲν οὖν τὸν
᾿Αθανάσιον μετεπέμπετο, καὶ ὃς αὐτῷ οὐδὲν μελ-
λήσας ἦλθε, θωπείᾳ τε πολλῇ χρώμενος δόκησιν
παρείχετο ὡς αὐτὸν ὅτι μάλιστα ἡ πρᾶξις ἀρέσκοι.
ἔπειτα δὲ τὸν τῆς πόλεως ἱερέα πέμψας ᾿Αρεό-
βινδον ἐκέλευε τὰ πιστὰ λαβόντα ἐς Παλάτιον
ἥκειν, ἀπειλήσας πολιορκήσειν τε ἀπειθήσαντα
καὶ μηκέτι αὐτῷ ὑπὲρ τῆς σωτηρίας τὰ πιστὰ
δώσειν, ἀλλὰ πάσῃ μηχανῇ ἐξελὼν κτείνειν. ὁ
μὲν οὖν ἱερεὺς Ρεπάρατος ἰσχυρίζετο Γονθάριδος.
γνώμῃ τῷ ᾿Αρεοβίνδῳ ὀμεῖσθαι, μηδὲν αὐτῷ
ἄχαρι πρὸς ἐκείνου ξυμβήσεσθαι, φράσας ‘Kal
ὅσα μὴ πειθομένῳ τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ ἠπείλησε. δείσας
, CS , a a
δὲ “ApedBivdos ὡμολόγησεν αὐτίκα τῷ ἱερεῖ

1 στασιώταις VO: στρατιώταις P,

432

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxvi. 16-25

happened, become acquainted with this sight), was
terror-stricken and, turning coward, fled, unable to
endure what he saw.

Now there is a temple inside the fortifications of
Carthage hard by the sea-shore, the abode of men who
are very exact in their practice of religion, whom
we have always been accustomed to call “monks”’ ;
this temple had been built by Solomon not long
before, and he had surrounded it with a wall and
rendered it a very strong fortress. And Areobindus,
fleeing for refuge, rushed into the monastery, where
he had already sent his wife and sister. Then
Artabanes too ran away, and all the rest withdrew
from Carthage as each one could. And Gontharis,
having taken the city by assault, with the mutineers
took possession of the palace, and was already guard-
ing both the gates and the harbour. most. carefully.
First, then, he summoned Athanasius, who came to
him without delay, and by using much flattery
Athanasius made it appear that what had been done
pleased him exceedingly. And after this Gontharis
sent the priest of the city and commanded Areo-
bindus, after receiving pledges, to come to the
palace, threatening that he would besiege him if he
disobeyed and would not again give him pledges
of safety, but would use every means to capture
and put him to death. So the priest, Reparatus,
stoutly declared to Areobindus that. in accordance
with the decision of Gontharis he would swear that
no harm would come to him from Gontharis, telling
also what he had threatened in case he did not
obey. But Areobindus became afraid. and agreed
that he would follow the priest immediately, if the

433

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἕψεσθαι, ἢν τὸ θεῖον λουτρὸν ἱερουργήσας, ἧπερ
εἴθισται, εἶτα πρὸς αὐτοῦ οἱ ἀπομοσάμενος ἀμφὶ
τῇ σωτηρίᾳ τὰ πιστὰ δοίη. ὁ μὲν οὖν ἱερεὺς
κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίει. ᾿Αρεόβινδος δὲ οὐδέν τι
μελλήσας αὐτῷ εἵπετο, ἱμάτιον ἀμπεχόμενος
οὔτε στρατηγῷ οὔτε ἄλλῳ στρατευομένῳ ἀνδρὶ
ἐπιτηδείως ἔχον, ἀλλὰ δούλῳ ἢ ἰδιώτῃ παντά-
Tact πρέπον" κασοῦλαν αὐτὸ τῇ Λατίνων φωνῇ
καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι. ἐπειδή τε ἀγχοῦ τοῦ Παλα-
τίου ἐγένοντο, τὰ θεῖα ἐν χερσὶ λόγια παρὰ τοῦ
ἱερέως λαβὼν τῷ Γονθάριδι ἐς ὄψιν ἦλθε. πρη-
vis τε πεσὼν χρόνον πολὺν αὐτοῦ ἔκειτο, τὴν
ἱκετηρίαν αὐτῷ τά τε θεῖα λόγια προτεινόμενος
καὶ τὸ παιδίον ὅπερ τοῦ θείου ἀξιωθὲν χουτροῦ
ἔτυχεν, ἐφ᾽ οὗ οἱ τὴν πίστιν ὁ ἱερεύς, ὥσπερ μοι
ἐρρήθη, παρέσχετο. ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτὸν ἐξανέστησεν
ὁ TovOapis μόλις, πρὸς 5 τῶν ἱερῶν ἁπάντων
ἀνεπυνθάνετο τοῦ Τονθάριδος, εἴ οἱ τὰ τῆς σω-
τηρίας ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ κεῖται. καὶ ὃς θαρσεῖν αὐτὸν
ἰσχυρότατα ἤδη ἐκέλευεν: οὐδὲν γὰρ ἄχαρι πρὸς
αὐτοῦ πείσεσθαι, ἀλλὰ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ξύν τε τῇ
γυναικὶ καὶ τοῖς χρήμασιν ἐκ Καρχηδόνος οἰχής-
σεσθαι. εἶτα τὸν ἱερέα ‘Perdpatoy ἀποπεμψά-
μενος, ᾿Αρεόβινδόν τε καὶ ᾿Αθανάσιον δειπνεῖν
ξὺν αὑτῷ ἐν Παλατίῳ ἐκέλευε. καὶ δειπνοῦντα
μὲν τὸν ᾿Αρεόβινδον ἐτίμα: πρῶτον γὰρ αὐτὸν
ἐπὶ τῆς στιβάδος κατέκλινε" δειπνήσαντα δὲ οὐ
μεθῆκεν, ἀλλὰ καθεύδειν ἐν κοιτῶνι μόνον ἠνάγ-
καξεν' οὗ δὴ τὸν Οὐλίθεον ξὺν ἑτέροις τισὶν ἐπ᾽
αὐτὸν ἔπεμψεν. οἵπερ αὐτὸν κωκύοντά τε καὶ
ὀλολυγαῖς συχναῖς χρώμενον πολλά τε πρὸς
1 παρὰ PO: πρὸς V. 2 mpos V: παρὰ PO.
434

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxvi. 25-33

priest, after performing the rite of the sacred bath?
in the usual manner, should swear to him by that
rite and then give him pledges for his safety. So the
priest did according to this. And Areobindus with-
out delay followed him, clad in a garment which
was suitable neither for a general nor for any one
else in military service, but altogether appropri-
ate to a slave or one of private station; this garment
the Romans call “casula”’ 2in the Latin tongue. And
when they came near the-palace, he took in his hands
the holy scriptures from the priest, and so went
before Gontharis. And falling prone he lay there a
long time, holding out to him the suppliant olive-
branch and the holy scriptures, and with him was
the child which had been counted worthy of the
sacred bath by which the priest had given him the
pledge, as has been told. And when, with difficulty,
Gontharis bad raised him to his feet, he enquired of
Gontharis in the name of all things holy whether
his safety was secure. And Gontharis now bade him
most positively to be of good cheer, for he would
suffer no harm at his hands, but on the following day
would be gone from Carthage with his wife and his
possessions. Then he dismissed the priest Reparatus,
and bade Areobindus and Athanasius dine with him
in the palace. And during the dinner he honoured
Areobindus, inviting him to take his place first
on the couch; but after the dinner he did not
let him go, but compelled him to sleep in a chamber
alone; and he sent there Ulitheus with certain others
to assail him. And while he was wailing and crying
aloud again and again and speaking many entreating

1 2,6. baptism.
2 A garment with a cowl, like the cucullus.

435

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

/
ἔχεον ἐπταγωγὰ φθεγγόμενον ἐς αὐτοὺς κτείνουσιν.
εν a 35
᾿Αθανασίου μέντοι ἐφείσαντο, τὸ γῆρας, οἶμαι,
τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ὑπεριδόντες.

XXVIT

Τῇ δὲ ἐπιγενομένῃ ἡμέρᾳ τὴν μὲν ᾿Αρεοβίνδου
κεφαλὴν παρὰ τὸν ᾿Αντάλαν ὁ Γόνθαρις ἔπεμψε,
τὰ δὲ χρήματα καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας αὐτὸν ἀπο.
στερεῖν ἔγνω. ᾿Αντάλας τοίνυν, ὅτε τέ οἱ τῶν
ξυγκειμένων οὐδὲν ἐπετέλει, δεινὰ ἐποιεῖτο, καὶ
τά τε ὀμωμοσμένα τά τε εἰργασμένα τῷ Γονθάριδι
ἐς τὸν ᾿Αρεόβινδον ἐννοῶν ἤσχαλλεν. οὐ γάρ οὗ
ἐδόκει ὁ τοιούτους ὅρκους ἠδικηκὼς οὔτε αὐτῷ

», ” ig “ Ν ” Sy
πότε οὔτε ἄλλῳ οτῳοῦν πιστὸς ἔσεσθαι. πολλὰ
γοῦν ἐν αὑτῷ λογισάμενος ἸἸουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ
προσχωρεῖν ἤθελε: διὸ δὴ ὀπίσω ἀπήλαυνε.
γνούς τε Μαρκέντιον, ὃς τῶν ἐν Βυζακίῳ καταλό-
γῶν ἦρχεν, ἐς νῆσόν τινα τῶν ταύτῃ ἐπικειμένων
καταφυγεῖν, πέμψας παρ᾽ αὐτὸν φράσας τε τὸν
πάντα λόγον καὶ τὰ πιστὰ δούς, τὸν ἄνθρωπον
ἐπηγώγετο. καὶ Μαρκέντιος μὲν ἔμενε ξὺν τῷ
᾿Αντάλᾳ ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ, στρατιῶται δὲ ὅσοι
ἐν Βυζακίῳ διατριβὴν εἶχον, εὐνοϊκῶς βασιλεῖ
ἔχοντες, ᾿Αδραμητὸν πόλιν ἐφύλασσον. οἱ δὲ
τοῦ Στότζα στρατιῶται, οὐχ ἥσσους ἢ χίλιοι
ὄντες, αἰσθόμενοι τῶν ποιουμένων, ᾿Ιωάννου
σφίσιν ἡγουμένου, παρὰ τὸν ΓΠόνθαριν ἐχώρησαν

ρόμῳ" καὶ ὃς αὐτοὺς ἀσμένως τῇ πόλει ἐδέξατο.
ἦσαν δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν πεντακόσιοι, Οὖννοι δὲ
ὀγδοήκοντα μάλιστα, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ Βανδίλοι

436

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxvi. 33-xxvii. 8

words to them to move them to pity, they slew him.
Athanasius, however, they spared, passing him by, I
suppose, on account of his advanced age.

XXVII

Anp on the following day Gontharis sent the head
of Areobindus to Antalas, but decided to deprive him
of the money and of the soldiers. Antalas, therefore,
was outraged, because he was not carrying out any-
thing of what had been agreed with him, and at the
same time, upon considering what Gontharis. had
sworn and what he had done to Areobindus, he was
incensed. For it did not seem to him that one who
had disregarded such oaths would ever be faithful
either to him or to anyone else at all. So after con-
sidering the matter long with himself, he was desirous
of submitting to the Emperor Justinian ; for this
reason, then, he marched back. And learning that
Marcentius, who commanded the troops in Byzacium,
had fled to one of the islands which lie off the coast,
he sent to him, and telling him the whole story and
giving pledges, persuaded him by kind words to come
to him. And Marcentius remained with Antalas in
the camp, while the soldiers who were on duty in
Byzacium, being well disposed to the emperor, were
guarding the city of Hadrumetum. But the soldiers
of Stotzas, being not less than a thousand, perceiving
what was being done, went in great haste, with John
leading them, to Gontharis; and he gladly received
them into the city. Now there were five hundred
Romans and about eighty Huns, while all the rest

437

12
14

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ἅπαντες. καὶ ᾿Αρταβάνης τὰ πιστὰ λαβὼν ἔς τε
τὸ Παλάτιον ξὺν τοῖς ᾿Αρμενίοις ἀνέβη καὶ τῷ
τυράννῳ ὑπηρετήσειν ἐπιτάσσοντι ὡμολόγησε.
λάθρα δὲ ἀνελεῖν τὸν Τόνθαριν ἐβουλεύετο, Τ᾽ρη-
γορίῳ τε τῷ ἀνεψιῷ καὶ ᾿Αρτασίρῃ τῷ δορυφόρῳ
κοινολογησάμενος τὸ βούλευμα τοῦτο. Γρηγόριος
δὲ αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐνάγων ἔλεξε τοιάδε:
“᾿Αρταβάνη, viv σοι πάρεστι μόνῳ τὸ Βελι-
σαρίου ἀναδήσασθαι κλέος," μᾶλλον δὲ αὐτὸ καὶ
πολλῷ ἔτι ὑπερβαλέσθαι. ὁ μὲν γὰρ στρατιὰν
ἀξιολογωτάτην καὶ χρήματα μεγάλα παρὰ βασι-
λέως λαβὼν ἐνταῦθα ἧκεν, ἄρχοντας μὲν ἔχων
τούς οἱ ἑπομένους καὶ ξυμβούλους πολλούς,
στόλον δὲ νηῶν οἷον οὔπω ἡμεῖς ἀκοῇ ἴσμεν,
ἵππον τε πολλὴν καὶ ὅπλα καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἁπλῶς
εἰπεῖν ἅπαντα ἐπαξίως οἱ παρεσκευασμένα τῆς
Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῆς. οὕτω τε πόνῳ πολλῷ ἀνεσώ-
σατοῦ Λιβύην Ρωμαίοις. ἅπερ ἅπαντα οὕτως
ἀπόλωλεν ὥστε, εἰ μηδὲ ἀρχὴν ἐγεγόνει, ἔν γε τῷ
παρόντι ἐν ἴσῳ εἶναι" πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι ἀποκέκριται
“Ῥωμαίοις τανῦν ἐκ τῆς Βελισαρίου νίκης τοῖς τε
σώμασι καὶ τοῖς χρήμασιν ἐζημιῶσθαι, καὶ πρός
γε τὸ μηδὲ φυλάξαι τἀγαθὰ δυνατοῖς γεγονέναι.
τὸ δὲ πάντα ταῦτα ἀνασώσασθαι τανῦν βασιλεῖ
ἐν τῇ σῇ μόνῃ ψυχῇ τε καὶ γνώμῃ καὶ δεξιᾷ
κεῖται. οὐκοῦν ἐκλογίζου μὲν ὡς εἶ ᾿Αρσακίδης
ἀνέκαθεν γένος, ἐνθυμοῦ δὲ ὡς τοῖς εὖ γεγονόσιν
ἀνδραγαθίζεσθαι ἀεί τε καὶ πανταχῆ πρέπει.
πολλὰ γοῦν σοι ἔργα ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας θαυ-

1 μόνῳ VP: πόνω Ο. 2 κλέος VP: κράτος Ο,
ὃ ἀνεσώσατο V: διεσώσατο P, ἀνενεώσατο Ο.

438

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxvii. 8-17

were Vandals. And Artabanes, upon receiving
pledges, went up to the palace with his Armenians,
and promised to serve the tyrant according to his
orders. But secretly he was purposing to destroy
Gontharis, having previously communicated this pur-
pose to Gregorius, his nephew, and to Artasires, his
body-guard. And Gregorius, urging him on to the
undertaking, spoke as follows:

“ Artabanes, the opportunity is now at hand for
you, and you alone, to win the glory of Belisarius—
nay more, even to surpass that glory by far. For
he came here, having received from the emperor
a most formidable army and great sums of money,
having officers accompanying him and advisers in
great numbers, and a fleet of ships whose like we have
never before heard tell of, and numerous cavalry, and
arms, and everything else, to put it in a word, pre-
pared for him in a manner worthy of the Roman
empire. And thus equipped he won back Libya for
the Romans with much toil. But all these achieve-
ments have so completely come to naught, that they
are, at this moment, as if they had never been—
except indeed, that there is at present left to the
Romans from the victory of Belisarius the losses they
have suffered in lives and in money, and, in addition,
that they are no longer able even to guard the good
things they won. But the winning back of all these
things for the emperor now depends upon the
courage and judgment and right hand of you alone.
Therefore consider that you are of the house of the
Arsacidae by ancient descent, and remember that it
is seemly for men of noble birth to play the part of
brave men always and in all places. Now many
remarkable deeds have been performed by you in

439

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

δ VE > / ΄ a Ἅ le
μαστὰ “πέπρακται. ᾿Ακάκιον yap, νέος dv ἔτι;
Ν 3, , ΕΣ Ν 7 \ ς ὕὔ
τὸν Ἀρμενίων ἄρχοντα, καὶ Σίτταν τὸν Ῥωμαίων
στρατηγὸν ἔκτεινας, καὶ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ Χοσρόῃ βασι-
a , \ \ 7) a Pda ἀν S815 la
λεῖ γνώριμος γεγονὼς Evy αὐτῷ ἐπὶ “Ῥωμαίους

> ΄ > \ \ ‘4 οὐ ς \ 2
ἐσπτράτευσας. ἐπεὶ δὲ THALKOTSE εἶ, WS σὸν εἶναι
“ « 7
μὴ περιορᾶν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν ὑπὸ κυνὶ μεθύ-
οντι, κεῖσθαι, ἐνδείκνυσο τανῦν ὡς εὐγενείᾳ τε καὶ
n > lel b lal 5 ’ t ’ Ὕ
Ψυχῆς ἀρετῇ ἐκεῖνα, ὦ ᾿γαθέ, τὰ πρόσθεν eip-
7 > XN la NAS. la “ ΦΨ
γάσω" ἐγὼ δέ σοι καὶ ᾿Αρτασίρης ὅδε ἅπαντα
” ;
ἐπιτάττοντι ὅση δύναμις ὑπουργήσομεν. ,
a τ n 3 ᾽ ΄ \
Γρηγόριος. μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπεν" ᾿Αρταβάνου δὲ
τὴν διάνοιαν ἐπὶ τὸν τύραννον ert μᾶλλον ὥρμησεν.
© \ ἐς ᾽ ’ὔ Ν / a.
ὁ δὲ Τόνθαρις ᾿Αρεοβίνδου μὲν τήν te γυναῖκα
Ν \ 3 \ > nA la > \ > ,
καὶ τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἐκ τοῦ φρουρίου ἐξαγαγὼν ἐπί
τινος οἰκίας ἠνάγκασε μένειν, οὔτε τι ὑβρίσας
7 e a \
λόγῳ ἢ ἔργῳ ὁτῳοῦν ἐς αὐτὰς οὔτε τὰ ἐπιτήδεια
, A , b) fe ”
ἐνδεεστέρως ἢ κατὰ τὴν χρείαν ἐχούσας οὔτε τι
Ζ tal n
ἄλλο βιασθείσας εἰπεῖν ἢ πρᾶξαι, πλήν γε δὴ
ὅτι γράψαι πρὸς τὸν θεῖον ἡ Πρεϊέκτα ἠνώγκαστο
ὡς Τόνθαρις μὲν αὐτάς τε τιμῴη ἐς ἄγαν καὶ
Ν 3, a
καθαρὸς εἴη παντάπασι τοῦ τἀνδρὸς φόνου,
/ \ \ ἣν ? ,
Οὐλιθέῳ δὲ τὸ κακὸν ἐργασθείη, Γονθάριδος
οὐδαμῆ ἐπαινοῦντος. ἔπρασσε δὲ ταῦτα ὁ Γόν-
7 > 4 ? \ , Ν
θαρις Ἰ]ασιφίλῳ ἀναπεισθείς, ἀνδρὶ γεγονότι μὲν
τῶν ἐν Βυξακίῳ στασιωτῶν πρώτῳ, ξυναραμένῳ
- \ “
δὲ αὐτῷ μάλιστα ἐς τὴν τῆς τυραννίδος ἐπίθεσιν.
/ ¢ fal
ἰσχυρίζετο yap ὁ Πασίφιλος, ἢν ταῦτα ποιοίη,
a Ὁ Ν / \ la \ “
ξυνοικιεῖν τε αὐτῷ βασιλέα τὴν κόρην καὶ προῖκα

440

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxvii. 17-22

behalf of freedom. For when you were still young,
you slew Acacius,! the ruler of the Armenians, and
Sittas,? the general of the Romans, and as a result
of this becoming known to the king Chosroes, you
campaigned with him against the Romans. And
since you have reached so great a station that it
devolves upon you not to allow the Roman power to
lie subject to a drunken dog, show at this time that
it was by reason of noble birth and a valorous heart
that at the former time, good sir, you performed
those deeds; and I as well as Artasires here will
assist you in everything, so far as we have the power,
in accordance with your commands.”

So spoke Gregorius; and he excited the mind
of Artabanes still more against the tyrant. But
Gontharis, bringing out the wife. and_ the sister
of Areobindus from the fortress, compelled them to
remain at a certain house, showing them no insult
by any word or deed whatsoever, nor did they have
provisions in any less measure than they needed, nor
were they comelled to say or to do anything except,
indeed, that Prejecta was forced to write to her
uncle? that Gontharis was honouring them exceed-
ingly and that he was altogether guiltless of the
murder of her husband, and that the base deed had
been done by Ulitheus, Gontharis by no means
approving. And Gontharis was persuaded to do this
by Pasiphilus, a man who had been foremost among
the mutineers in Byzacium, and had assisted Gontharis
very greatly in his effort to establish the tyranny.
For Pasiphilus maintained that, if he should do
this, the emperor would marry the young woman
to him, and in view of his kinship with her would

1 Οἵ, Book II. iii. 25. 3 Cf. Book II. iii.15, 3 Justinian.

VOL. II p 44)

28
29

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

κατὰ τὸ ξυγγενὲς ἐπιδώσειν χρημάτων μεγάλων.

᾿Αρταβάνην τε τῷ στρατῷ ἐξηγεῖσθαι ἐπί τε
᾿Αντάλαν καὶ Μαυρουσίους τοὺς ἐν Βυζακίῳ
ἐκέλευε. Κουτζίνας γάρ, ἅτε τῷ ᾿Αντάλᾳ προσ-
κεκρουκώς, ἀπέστη τε αὐτοῦ ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανοῦς καὶ

Ρονθάριδι προσεχώρησεν" ᾧ δὴ τόν τε παῖδα καὶ
τὴν μητέρα ἐν ὁμήρων λόγῳ παρέσχετο. τὸ μὲν
οὖν στράτευμα ἡγουμένου ᾿Αρταβάνου εὐθὺς ἐπὶ

τὸν ᾿Αντάλαν ἐχώρει. ξυνῆν δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ
Ἰωάννης, ὁ τῶν Στότξα στασιωτῶν ἄρχων, καὶ
Οὐλίθεος ὁ ὁ δορυφόρος" εἵποντο δὲ καὶ Μαυρούσιοι,

ὧν Κουτζίνας ἦρχε. πόλιν τε ᾿Αδραμητὸν δια- ᾿

μείψαντες καταλαμβάνουσι τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐν-
ταῦθά πη ὄντας, καὶ στρατοπεδευσάμενοι ὀλίγῳ
ἄποθεν τῶν “πολεμίων ηὐλίσαντο. τῇ δὲ ὑ ὑστεραίᾳ
᾿Ιωάννης μὲν καὶ Οὐλίθεος, μοῖράν τινα τοῦ

στρατοῦ ἔχοντες, αὐτοῦ ἔμειναν, ᾿Αρταβάνης δὲ
καὶ Ἀουτζίνας. ἐπῆγον ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους τὸ

στράτευμα. ods δὴ οὐ ξυνενεγκόντες ἷ οἱ ξὺν τῷ
᾿Αντάλᾳ Μαυρούσιοι “ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμηντο. ἀλλ᾽
ἐθελοκακήσας ᾿Αρταβάνης ἐ ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου στρέ-

‘ras τε τὸ σημεῖον ὀπίσω ἀπήλαυνε. διὸ δὴ
Οὐλίθεος αὐτὸν ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον ἥ ἥκοντα κτείνειν.
διενοεῖτο. παραιτούμενος δὲ ᾿Αρταβάνης ἔφασκε [

δεῖσαι μὴ Μαρκέντιος ἐξ ᾿Αδραμητοῦ πόλεως,

᾿

ἐπιβοηθήσας τοῖς ἐναντίοις, ὅπη ἐνταῦθα ἐτύγ-. Ι
χανεν ὦν, ἀνήκεστα σφᾶς ἔργα ἐργάσηται" ἀλλὰ

DovOapw χρῆναι παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐπὶ τοὺς
πολεμίους ἰέναι. καὶ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα ἐβουλεύετο,

ἐς ᾿Αδραμητὸν ἰὼν ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις τῷ βασιλέως.

οὐ ξυνενεγκόντες MSS. : Haury would write οὐκ ἐνεγκόντες. Ὁ

= Book II. xxv. 29.
442

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxvii. 22-33

give also a dowry of a large sum of money. And
Gontharis commanded Artabanes to lead the army
against Antalas and the Moors in Byzacium. For
Coutzinas, having quarrelled with Antalas, had
separated from him openly and allied himself with
Gontharis; and he gave Gontharis his son and
his mother as hostages. So the army, under the
leadership of Artabanes, proceeded immediately
against Antalas. And with Artabanes was John also,
the commander of the mutineers of Stotzas, and
Ulitheus, the body-guard of Gontharis; and there
were Moors also following him, led by Coutzinas.
And after passing by the city of Hadrumetum, they
came upon their opponents somewhere near there,
and making a camp a little apart from the enemy,
they passed the night. And on the day after that
John and Ulitheus, with a detachment of the army,
remained there, while Artabanes and Coutzinas led
their army against their opponents. And the Moors
under Antalas did not withstand their attack and
rushed off in flight. But Artabanes of a sudden
wilfully played the coward, and turning his standard
about marched off towards the rear. For this reason
Ulitheus was purposing to kill him when he came
into the camp. But Artabanes, by way of excusing
himself, said he feared lest Marcentius, coming to
assist the enemy from the city of Hadrumetum, where
he then happened to be, would do his forces irreparable
harm ; but Gontharis, he said, ought to march against
the enemy with the whole army. And at first he
considered going to Hadrumetum with his followers

443

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA Ξ

a > 4 7 4 € DY

στρατῷ ἀναμίγνυσθαι. ἄμεινον δέ οἱ πολλὰ.
up 54 Pd , 2 > ΄
διαχλογισαμένῳ ἔδοξεν εἶναι Πόνθαριν ἐξ ἀνθρώ-
mov ἀφανίσαντι βασιλέα τε καὶ Λιβύην πραγ-
’ὔ > / , > ,ὔ μὴ
μάτων ἀπαλλάξαι δυσκόλων. ἀναστρέψας οὖν
ἐς Καρχηδόνα τῷ τυράννῳ ἀπήγγεχλεν ὅτε δὴ
στρατεύματος αὐτῷ “πλείονος ἐπὶ. τοὺς πολε-
/ / ς \ I lA
pious δεήσει. ὁ δὲ Πασιφίλῳ κοινολογησάμενος
ἅπαντα μὲν ἐξοπλίσαι τὸν στρατὸν ἤθελεν, αὐτὸς.
δὲ φυλακὴν ἐν ἹΚαρχηδόνι καταστησάμενος * ἐπὶ
ποὺς πολεμίους τῷ στρατῷ ἐξηγήσασθαι. πολ-
λοὺς μὲν οὖν ἐς ἡμέραν ἑκάστην ἀνήρει ἐς ods
¢ , \ ΄ ᾽ J 4 > a ae
ὑποψίᾳ τινὶ καὶ λόγον οὐκ ἐχούσῃ ἐχρῆτο. τῷ
δὲ Πασιφίλῳ ἐπέστελλεν, ὃν δὴ καταστήσεσθαι
/ a

ἐπὶ Καρχηδόνος φυλακῇ ἔμελλε, τοὺς Γραικοὺς
ἅπαντας οὐδὲν ὑπολογισαμένῳ κτεῖναι.

XXVIII

Τά te ἄλλα διοικησάμενος ὅπη οἱ ἐδόκει ὡς
ἄριστα ἔχειν, τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους ἑστιᾶν ἔγνω, ὡς
ἡμέρᾳ τῇ ἐπιούσῃ τὴν ἔξοδον ποιησόμενος. ἔν
τε οἰκήματι οὗ δὴ στιβάδες ἐν παρασκευῇ ἦσαν
ἐκ παλαιοῦ τρεῖς, τὴν θοίνην ἐποίει. αὐτὸς μὲν
οὖν ἐπὶ στιβάδος κατεκλίνετο, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, τῆς
πρώτης, ἔνθα δὴ καὶ ᾿Αθανάσιός τε καὶ ᾿ΑΆρτα-
βάνης ἦσαν, τῶν τε Τονθάριδι γνωρίμων τινές,
καὶ Ἰ]έτρος Θρᾷξ μὲν γένος, δορυφόρος δὲ Σολό-
μωνοὸς γενόμενος πρότερον. ἐν ἀμφοτέραις δὲ
ταῖς ἄλλαις στιβάσι Βανδίχων οἱ πρῶτοί τε καὶ
ἄριστοι ἦσαν. ᾿Ιωάννην μέντοι, ὃς τῶν Στότζα
στασιωτῶν ἦρχε, Πασίφιλος ἰδίᾳ εἱστία, καὶ τῶν

1 καταστησάμενος Ὗ : παραστησάμενος ΡΟ. )

444

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxvii. 33-xxviii. 5

and uniting with the emperor’s forces. But after long
deliberation it seemed to him better to put Gontharis
out of the world and thus free both the emperor
and Libya from a difficult situation. Returning, ac-
cordingly, to Carthage, he reported to the tyrant
that he would need a larger army to meet the enemy,
And Gontharis, after conferring with Pasiphilus,
consented, indeed, to equip his whole army, but
purposed to place a guard in Carthage, and in person
to lead the army against the enemy. Each day,
therefore, he was destroying many men toward
whom he felt any suspicion, even though groundless.
And he gave orders to Pasiphilus, whom he was
intending to appoint in charge of the garrison of
Carthage, to kill all the Greeks! without any con-
sideration.

XXVIII

Anp after arranging everything else in the very
best way, as it seemed to him, Gontharis decided to
entertain his friends at a banquet, with the intention
of making his departure on the following day. And in
a room where there were in readiness three couches
which had been there from ancient times, he made
the banquet. So he himself reclined, as was natural,
upon the first couch, where were also Athanasius and
Artabanes, and some of those known to Gontharis,
and Peter, a Thracian by birth, who had previously
been a body-guard of Solomon. And on both the
other couches were the first and noblest of the
Vandals. John, however, who commanded the mu-
tineers of Stotzas, was entertained by Pasiphilus in

1 A contemptuous term for ‘‘ subjects of the emperor.”

445
BZ

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

n 4
ἄλλων ἕκαστον," ὅπη ἑκάστῳ τῶν Τονθάριδι ἐπι-

τηδείων φίλον 5 ἔδοξεν. εἶναι. ᾿Αρταβάνης τοίνυν
ἡνίκα ἐπὶ ταύτην δὴ τὴν θοίνην ἐκαλεῖτο, τοῦτόν
οἱ τὸν καιρὸν ἐπιτηδείως ἔ ἔχειν ἐς τὸν τοῦ τυράν-
νου φόνον οἰόμενος, τὸ βούλευμα ἐπιτελεῖν
διενοεῖτο. ἐς Γρηγόριον. οὗν καὶ ᾿Αρτασίρην καὶ
δορυφόρους ἑτέρους τρεῖς τὸ πρᾶγμα ἐξενεγκὼν
τοὺς μὲν δορυφόρους ξὺν τοῖς ξίφεσιν ἐκέλευσεν
εἴσω γενέσθαι" (ἀρχόντων γὰρ ἑστιωμένων ὄπι-
σθεν ἑστάναι τοὺς δορυφόρους νόμος) εἴσω δὲ
γενομένους ἐγχειρεῖν ἄφνω, ἡνίκα ἂν σφίσι δοκῇ
ὃ καιρὸς ὦ ὡς μάλιστα ἐπιτηδείως ἔ ἔχειν, πρῶτόν τε
τὸν ᾿Αρτασίρην ἐ ἔργου ἔχεσθαι. τῷ δὲ L'pnyopio
ἐπέστελλε τῶν ᾿Αρμενίων πολλοὺς τοὺς μάλιστα
εὐτολμοτάτους ᾿ἀπολεξαμένῳ ἐς τὸ ikaNeeee
ἐπαγαγέσθαι, τὰ ξίφη μόνα. ἐν “χερσὶ φέροντας" ὃ

(ἄχλῳ γὰρ οὐδενὶ τοὺς τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ἐν πόλει
ἑπομένους ὁπλίξεσθαι θέμις) τούτους τε ἐν τῷ
προστώῳ ἀπολιπόντι εἴσω ξὺν τοῖς δορυφόροις
γενέσθαι, καὶ αὐτῶν τὸ μὲν βούλευμα μηδενὶ
ἐξειπεῖν, τοσοῦτον δὲ εἰπεῖν μόνον, ὡς ἐς τὸν
TovOapw ὑπόπτως ἔχοι, ἐπὶ πονηρῷ τῷ ᾽Αρτα-
βάνους ἐς τὴν "θοίνην αὐτὸν κεκληκέναι" βούλε-
σθαι τοίνυν ἑστάναι μὲν αὐτοὺς παρὰ τοὺς
Ρονθάριδος φύλακας οἵπερ ἐνταῦθα ἐπὶ φυλακῇ
ἐτετάχατο, τοῦ 4 δὲ παίζειν δόκησίν τινα παρεχο-
μένους τῶν μὲν ἀσπίδων ἅσπερ ἐκεῖνοι φέρουσιν
ἅπτεσθαι, πάλλοντας δὲ αὐτὰς καὶ ἄλλως κενοῦν-
Tas ἄνω κάτω ἐς ἀεὶ στρέφειν' θορύβου δὲ ἢ
κραυγῆς ἐντὸς γενομένης ἀραμένους τὰς ἀσπίδας

1 ἕκαστον V: ἕκαστος PO. 3 Haury would prefer φίλος.
3 φέοοντας VP: txovrasO. 4 τοῦ Haury; τοὺς MSS.

446

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxviii. 5-9

his own house, and each of the other leaders wher-
ever it suited the several friends of Gontharis to
entertain them. Artabanes, accordingly, when he
was bidden -to this banquet, thinking that this
occasion furnished him a suitable opportunity for the
murder of the tyrant, was planning to carry out
his purpose. He therefore disclosed the matter to
Gregorius and to Artasires and three other body-
guards, bidding the body-guards get inside the hall
with their swords (for when cormmanders are enter-
tained at a banquet it is customary for their body-
guards to stand behind them), and after getting
inside to make an attack suddenly, at whatever
moment should seem to them most suitable; and
Artasires was to strike the first blow. At the same
time he directed Gregorius to pick out a large number
of the most daring of the Armenians and bring them
to the palace, carrying only their swords in their
hands (for it is not lawful for the escort of officers
in a city to be armed with anything else), and leaving
these men in the vestibule, to come inside with the
body-guards ; and he was to tell the plan to no one
of them, but to make only this explanation, that he
was suspicious of Gontharis, fearing that he had
called Artabanes to this banquet to do him harm,
and therefore wished that they should stand beside
the soldiers of Gontharis who had been stationed
there on guard, and giving the appearance of indulg-
ing in some play, they were to take hold of the
shields which these guards carried, and waving them
about and otherwise moving them keep constantly
turning them up and down; and if any tumult or
shouting took place within, they were to take up
these very shields and come to the rescue on the

447

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

αὐτὰς 1 βοηθεῖν δρόμῳ. ᾿Αρταβάνης μὲν ταῦτα
ἐπήγγελλεν, ὁ δὲ Γ ρηγόριος. ἐπιτελῆ ἐποίει. ὅ τε
᾿Αρτασίρης ἐπενόει τάδε" τῶν βελῶν τινα διελὼν
δίχα τῷ ee ome τῆς εὐωνύμου χειρὸς ἐπέθετο
κατὰ τὰς Topas” μέχρι és τὸν ἀγκῶνα. ἱμᾶσί τε
αὐτὰ ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς σφίγξας ὕπερθε τὸ ταύτῃ τοῦ
χιτωνίσκου μέρος ἐπέβαλλεν. ἐποίει δὲ ταῦτα,
ὅπως, ἦν τις αὐτῷ τὸ ξίφος ἐπανατεινάμενος
ἐγχειρῇ παίειν, μηδὲν αὐτῷ δεινὸν πεπονθέναι
ξυμβαίη, προβεβλημένῳ μὲν τὴν λαιὰν χεῖρα,
τοῦ δὲ σιδήρου ἀποκαυλιζομένου ἐν τῇ ἐς τὸ
ξύλον ἐπιφορᾷ καὶ τοῦ σώματος ἅψασθαι οὐδαμῆ
ἔχοντος.

Τοιαύτῃ μὲν γνώμῃ ᾿Αρτασίρης, ὥσπερ μοι
ἐρρήθη, ἐποίει. τῷ δὲ ᾿Αρταβάνῃ ἔλεξεν ὧδε'
“᾿Εγὼ τὸ μὲν ἐγχείρημα ὀκνήσει οὐδεμιᾷ ὑπο-
στήσεσθαι καὶ ξίφει τῷδε τοῦ Ρονθάριδος σώ-
ματος ψαύσειν ἐλπίδα ἔ ἔχω, τὸ δὲ ἐνθένδε οὐκ ; ἔχω
εἰπεῖν, πότερα ὁ θεὸς τῷ τυράννῳ χαλεπῶς ἔχων
ξυγκατεργάσεταί μοι τὸ τόλμημα τοῦτο, ἤ τινα
ἐμὴν ἁμαρτάδα τιννύμενος ἐνταῦθά τε ἀπαντήσας
ἐμπόδιος εἴη. ἢν τοίνυν οὐκ ἐν καιρίῳ πληγέντα
τὸν τύραννον ἴδῃς, σὺ δή" pe τῷ ξίφει τῷ ἐμῷ
μηδέν τι μελλήσας ἀπόκτεινον, ὅπως μὴ, πρὸς
αὐτοῦ αἰκιζόμενος γνώμῃ τε τῇ σῇ ἐς τὴν πρᾶξιν
ὡρμηκέναι εἰπὼν αἴσχιστά τε αὐτὸς διαφθαρείην
καί σε προσαπολεῖν ἀναγκασθείην ἀκούσιος."
τοσαῦτα καὶ ᾿Αρτασίρης εἰπὼν ξύν τε Τ᾽ρηγορίῳ
καὶ τῶν δορυφόρων ἑνὶ παρὰ τὰς στιβάδας ἐχθὼν

1 Haury would read αὐτούς.
3 Haury proposes κατὰ μιάς, “one by one,” for κατὰ τὰς
τομάς. Ὁ δή Hoeschel: δέ MSS.

448

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxviii. 9-14

run. Such were the orders which Artabanes gave,
and Gregorius proceeded to put them into execution.
And Artasires devised the following plan: he cut
some arrows into two parts and placed them on the
wrist of his left arm, the sections reaching to his
elbow. And after binding them very carefully with
straps, he laid over them the sleeve of his tunic.
And he did this in order that, if anyone should raise
his sword over him and attempt to strike him, he
might avoid the chance of suffering serious injury ;
for he had only to thrust his left arm in front of
him, and the steel would break off as it crashed upon
the wood, and thus his body could not be reached
at any point.

With such purpose, then, Artasires did as I
have said. And to Artabanes he spoke as follows:
« As for me, I have hopes that I shall prove equal
to the undertaking and shall not hesitate, and
also that I shall touch the body of Gontharis with
this sword ; but as for what will follow, I am unable
to say whether God in His anger against the tyrant
will co-operate with me in this daring deed, or
whether, avenging some sin of mine, He will stand
against me there and be an obstacle in my way.
If, therefore, you see that the tyrant is not wounded
in a vital spot, do you kill me with my sword without
the least hesitation, so that I may not be tortured
by him into saying that it was by your will that
I rushed into the undertaking, and thus not only
perish myself most shamefully, but also be compelled
against my will to destroy you as well.” And after
Artasires. had spoken such words he too, together
with Gregorius and one of the body-guards, entered
the room where the couches were and took his

449

1ὅ

20
21

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

ὄπισθεν ᾿Αρταβάνου ἑστήκει. οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ παρὰ
τοὺς φύλακας μένοντες τὰ σφίσιν ἐπηγγελμένα
ἐποίουν.

‘O μὲν οὖν ᾿Αρτασίρης, ἀρξαμένης που τῆς
θοίνης, ἔργου ἔχεσθαι διενοεῖτο, ἤδη τε τῆς τοῦ
ἀκινάκου λαβῆς ἥπτετο. ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ Γρηγόριος
διεκώλυσεν ἔτι τὸν Γόνθαριν ὅλον! εἰπὼν τῇ
᾿Αρμενίων φωνῇ ἐν αὑτῷ εἶναι, οὔπω ἐκπεπωκότα
τοῦ οἴνου τι μέγα. ἀνοιμώξας τοίνυν ᾿Αρτα-

, <c? ” » 9 cone \ ” ,
σίρης, “᾽ΩὯ ἄνθρωπε," εἶπεν, “ ὡς καλὴν ἔχοντά
με ψυχὴν οὐ δέον ἐν τῷ παρόντι κεκώλυκας."
προϊόντος δὲ τοῦ πότου, ἤδη που καταβεβρεγ-
μένος ὁ ΤΓόνθαρις τοῖς δορυφόροις τῶν βρώσεων
ἐδίδου, φιλοτιμίᾳ τινὶ χρώμενος. οἱ δὴ ταύτας
λαβόντες ἐσθίειν ἤδη τοῦ οἰκήματος ἔξω γενόμενοι
ἔμελλον, μόνων ἀπολελειμμένων παρὰ τὸν Γόν-
θαριν δορυφόρων τριῶν, ὧνπερ Οὐλίθεος εἷς
ἐτύγχανεν ὦν. ἐξήει δὲ καὶ ᾿Αρτασέρης, ὡς τῶν
βρώσεων ξὺν τοῖς ἑτέροις γευσόμενος. ἐνταῦθά
τίς αὐτῷ γέγονεν ἔννοια μή τί οἱ σπάσασθαι
βουλομένῳ τὸν ἀκινάκην ἐμπόδιον εἴη. ἔξω
τοίνυν γενόμενος ἔρριψε μὲν λάθρα τοῦ ξίφους
τὴν θήκην, γυμνόν τε αὐτὸ ὑπὸ μάλης λαβὼν
πρὸς τῆς ἐπωμίδος κεκαλυμμένον παρὰ τὸν Τόν-
θαριν ἐσεπήδησεν, ὡς κρύφα τι τῶν ἄλλων ἐρῶν.
« n [οἷ lol
ὅπερ Αρταβάνης ἰδὼν τῷ τε θυμῷ ζέων καὶ τῇ
τῆς ἀγωνίας ὑπερβολῇ ἐς βαθεῖάν τινα ἐμπεσὼν
μέριμναν, κινεῖν τε τὴν κεφαλὴν ἤρξατο καὶ
πολλὰς ἀμείβειν τοῦ προσώπου χρόας, ἔνθους τέ
τις τῷ μεγέθει τῆς πράξεως γεγενῆσθαι παντελῶς
ἔδοξεν. ὅπερ ὁ Ἰ]έτρος ἰδὼν ξυνῆκε τὸ ποιούμε-

1 ὅλον V: om, PO.
450

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxviii. 14-24

stand behind Artabanes. And the rest, remaining
by the guards, did as they had been commanded.
“So Artasires, when the banquet had only just
begun, was purposing to set to work, and he was
already touching the hilt of his sword. But Gregorius
prevented him by saying in the Armenian tongue
that Gontharis was still wholly himself, not having
as yet drunk any great quantity of wine. Then
Artasires groaned and said: “My good fellow, how _
fine a heart I have for the deed, and now you have
for the moment wrongfully hindered me!” And as
the drinking went on, Gontharis, who by now was
thoroughly saturated with wine, began to give por-
tions of the food to the body-guards, yielding to a
generous mood. And they, upon receiving these
portions, went outside the building immediately and
were about to eat them, leaving beside Gontharis
only three body-guards, one of whom happened to
be Ulitheus. And Artasires also started to go out
in order to taste the morsels with the rest. But
just then a kind of fear came over him lest, when
he should wish to draw his sword, something might
prevent him. Accordingly, as soon as he got
outside, he secretly threw away the sheath of the
sword, and taking it naked under his arm, hidden
by his cloak, he rushed in to Gontharis, as if to say
something without the knowledge of the others.
And Artabanes, seeing this, was in a fever of excite-
ment, and became exceedingly anxious by reason of
the surpassing magnitude of the issue at stake ; he
began to move his head, the colour of his countenance
changed repeatedly, and he seemed to have become
altogether like one inspired, on account of the great-
ness of the undertaking. And Peter, upon seeing

451

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

νον, ov μέντοι ἐξήνεγκεν ἐς TOV ἄχλων τινά, ἐπεὶ
αὐτὸν βασιλεῖ εὐνοϊκῶς ἔχοντα λίαν ἤρεσκε τὰ
πρασσόμενα. τὸν δὲ ᾿Αρτασίρην, ἄγχιστά πη τοῦ
τυράννου ἐλθόντα, τῶν τις οἰκετῶν ὦσε, “μικρόν
τε ὄπισθεν ἀποκεχωρηκότος κατενόησε τὸ ξίφος
γυμνὸν ἀνέκραγέ τε, “Ti τοῦτο, βέλτιστε";
λέγων. ὁ μὲν οὖν Γόνθαρις παρὰ τῶν OTOV τὸ
δεξιὸν τὴν χεῖρα ἐπιβαλὼν στρέψας τε τὸ πρόσ-
ὠπον ἐς αὐτὸν ἔβλεπεν. ᾿Αρτασίρης δὲ αὐτὸν
τῷ ξίφει μεταξὺ ἔπαισε καὶ τοῦ βρέγματος
μοῖράν τινα ξὺν τοῖς δακτύλοις ἀπέκοψε. Πέτρος
δὲ ἀναβοήσας ἐνεκελεύετο τῷ ᾿Αρτασίρῃ τὸν
ἀνοσιώτατον κτείνειν ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων. ἀνα-
θρώσκοντα δὲ TovOapw ᾿Αρταβάνης ἰδὼν (ἐγγύθι
γὰρ κατεκλίνετο) μάχαιραν ἀμφήκη σπασάμενος,
ἥ οἱ παρὰ τὸν μηρὸν ἀπεκρέματο μεγάλη τις
οὖσα, ἐς τὴν ἀριστερὰν τοῦ τυράννου πλευρὰν
ἄχρι ἐς τὴν λαβὴν ξύμπασαν @oas ἐνταῦθα
μεθῆκε. καὶ ὃς οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ἀναθορεῖν ἐπε-
χείρησεν, ἅτε δὲ καιρίαν λαβὼν αὐτοῦ ἔπεσεν.
ὁ μὲν οὖν Οὐλίθεος τῷ ᾿Αρτασίρῃ τὸ «ξίφος ὡς
κατὰ κόρρης κατάξων ἐπήνεγκεν" ὁ δὲ τῆς
κεφαλῆς “χεῖρα τὴν ἀριστερὰν προβαλλόμενος
τῆς ἐννοίας τῆς αὑτοῦ ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις
ἀπώνατο. τοῦ ξίφους γάρ οἱ τὴν ἀκμὴν πο-
θεμένου. ἐν ταῖς ἐπὶ τῆς χειρὸς τῶν βελῶν
ἐκτομαῖς, αὐτὸς ἀπαθὴς γεγονὼς ἔκτεινε τὸν
Οὐλίθεον οὐδενὶ πόνῳ. Πέτρος δὲ καὶ ᾿Αρταβά-
νης, ὁ μὲν τὸ Γονθάριδος ξίφος, ὁ δὲ τὸ τοῦ
Οὐλιθέου πεπτωκότος ἁρπάσας, τῶν δορυφόρων
τοὺς λειπομένους αὐτοῦ ἔκτειναν. γέγονε τοίνυν,
1 τῶν ὥτων τὸ : τὸν νῶτον τὸν PO.

452

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxviii. 24-34

this, understood what was being done, but he did not
disclose it to any of the others, because, being well
disposed to the emperor, he was exceedingly pleased
by what was going on. And Artasires, having come
close to the tyrant, was pushed by one of the
servants, and as he retreated a little to the rear,
the servant observed that his sword was bared and
cried out saying: “What is this, my excellent
fellow?” And Gontharis, putting his hand to his
right ear, and turning his face, looked at him. And
Artasires struck him with his sword as he did so,
and cut off a piece of his scalp together with his
fingers. And Peter cried out and exhorted Artasires
to kill the most unholy of all men. And Arta-
banes, seeing Gontharis leaping to his feet (for he
reclined close to him), drew a two-edged dagger
which hung by his thigh—a rather large one—and
thrusting it into the tyrant’s left side clean up to the
hilt, left it there. And the tyrant none the less tried
to leap up, but having received a mortal wound, he
fell where he was. Ulitheus then brought his sword
down upon Artasires as if to strike him over the
head; but he held his left arm above his head, and
thus profited by his own idea in the moment of
greatest need. For since Ulitheus’ sword had its
edge turned when it struck the sections of arrows
on his arm, he himself was unscathed, and he killed
Ulitheus with no difficulty. And Peter and Arta-
banes, the one seizing the sword of Gontharis and
the other that of Ulitheus who had fallen, killed
on the spot those of the body-guards who remained.

453

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

an \ a /
ὡς τὸ εἰκός, κραυγῆς Te Kal ταραχῆς μέγα τι
a , Ud / “ an ?
χρῆμα. αἰσθομενοί te ταύτης ὅσοι τῶν “Ap-
na ΄ “
μενίων παρὰ τοὺς τοῦ τυράννου φύλακας ἵσταντο,
ἈΝ \ i
τὰς ἀσπίδας εὐθὺς ἀνελόμενοι κατὰ τὰ σφίσι
Μ ΄
ξυγκείμενα ἐπὶ τὰς στιβάδας ἐχώρουν δρόμῳ,
͵ "ἢ
καὶ τούς τε Βανδίλους ξύμπαντας τούς τε Tov-
θάριδι ἐπιτηδείους ἀνεῖλον, οὐδενὸς σφίσιν ἀντι-
στατοῦντος. ὶ
? ΄ UA
Tote ᾿Αρταβάνης tov ᾿Αθανάσιον ἐμαρτύ-
fal fal ,
ρατο ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τῶν ἐν Παλατίῳ χρημά-
“ Ν ᾽ ,ὔ / 5) a
των: ὅσα yap ‘ApeoBivd@ ἐλέλειπτο ἐνταῦθα
cd > \ \ c ΄ Ν ¢
εἶναι. ἐπεὶ δὲ οἱ φύλακες τὴν Τονθάριδος
a >
τελευτὴν ἔμαθον, ξυνετάσσοντο τοῖς ᾿Αρμενίοις
> ,ὔ Ψ a \ > [4 Ὁ; €
αὐτίκα πολλοί: τῆς yap ᾿Αρεοβίνδου οἰκίας οἱ
lal ’
πλεῖστοι ἦσαν. ξυμφρονήσαντες τοίνυν “lov-
στινιανὸν ἀνεβόων καλλίνικον. ἣ τε φωνὴ
“A \ 2 £ 2 ΄ > / \
προϊοῦσα μὲν ἐκ πλήθους ἀνθρώπων, ἐξαισία δὲ
ς aA = 9 f > fal A Ἂν
ὑπερφυῶς οὖσα ἐς πόλιν ἐξικνεῖσθαι τὴν πολλὴν
ἴσχυσεν. ἐνθένδε οἱ τῷ βασιλεῖ εὐνοϊκῶς ἔχοντες
a n \
ἐσπηδήσαντες ἐς τῶν στασιωτῶν TAS οἰκίας τοὺς
μὲν ὕπνον αἱρουμένους, τοὺς δὲ σιτία, ἐνίους δὲ
θαμβήσαντάς τε τῷ δέει καὶ ἀπορίᾳ δεινῇ
ἐχομένους εὐθὺς ἔκτειναν. ἐν τοῖς καὶ Ἰ]ασίφιλος
ἦν. ᾿Ιωάννης γὰρ ξὺν Βανδίλων τισὶν ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν
, \
καταφεύγει. οἷς δὴ ᾿Αρταβάνης τὰ πιστὰ
,
παρασχόμενος ἔνθεν τε ἐξαναστήσας és Βυζάντιον
Ν -
ἔπεμψε καὶ τὴν πόλιν βασιλεῖ ἀνασωσάμενος
΄ / «ς fal
διεφύλαξε. γέγονε δὲ ὁ τοῦ τυράννου φόνος ἕκτῃ
\ a \ an
καὶ τριακοστῇ ἀπὸ τῆς τυραννίδος ἡμέρᾳ, ἔνατον
Ν / ’ a
καὶ δέκατον ἔτος ᾿Ιουστινιανοῦ βασιλέως τὴν
αὐτοκράτορα ἀρχὴν ἔχοντος.
᾽ , a
AptaBavns te ἐκ τοῦ ἔργου τούτου κλέος
454

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxviii. 34-42

Thus there arose, as was natural, an exceedingly
great tumult and confusion. And when this was
perceived by those of the Armenians who were
standing by the tyrant’s guards, they immediately
picked up the shields according to the plan which
had been arranged with them, and went on the
run to the banquet-room. And they slew all the
Vandals and the friends of Gontharis, no one
resisting.

Then Artabanes enjoined upon Athanasius to take
charge of the money in the palace: for all that had
been left by Areobindus was there. And when the
guards learned of the death of Gontharis, straight-
way many arrayed themselves with the Armenians ;
for the most of them were of the household of
Areobindus. With one accord, therefore, they pro-
claimed the Emperor Justinian triumphant. And the
ery, coming forth froma multitude of men, and being,
therefore, an exceedingly mighty sound, was strong
enough to reach the greater part of the city. Where-
fore those who were well-disposed to the emperor
leaped into the houses of the mutineers and straight-
way killed them, some while enjoying sleep, others
while taking food, and still others while they were
awe-struck with fear and in terrible perplexity. And
among these was Pasiphilus, but not John, for he with
some of the Vandals fled to the sanctuary. To these
Artabanes gave pledges, and making them rise from
there, sent them to Byzantium, and having thus re-
covered the city for the emperor, he continued to
guard it. And the murder of the tyrant took place
on the thirty-sixth day of the tyranny, in the nine-
teenth year of the reign of the Emperor Justinian

And Artabanes won great fame for himself from

455

545-546 a,b.

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

περιεβάλετο μέγα ἐς πάντας ἀνθρώπους. καὶ
wf N > \ e? ye ἈΝ /
Πρεϊέκτα μὲν εὐθὺς ἡ ᾿Αρεοβίνδου γυνὴ μεγάλοις
αὐτὸν ἐδωρήσατο χρήμασι, βασιλεὺς δὲ στρατη-
J- >
yov αὐτὸν κατεστήσατο Λιβύης ἁπάσης. οὐ
he Niet > ΄ \ ye
πολλῷ δὲ ὕστερον ᾿Αρταβάνης μὲν ἔχρῃζε βασι-
λέως ὅπως αὐτὸν ἐς Βυζάντιον μεταπέμποιτο,
βασιλεὺς δὲ τὴν δέησιν ἐπιτελῆ ἐποιεῖτο. καὶ
τὸν ᾿Αρταβάνην μεταπεμψάμενος, ᾿Ιωάννην τὸν
ue 2 Ν 7 Ν “ Sy Ἂν
ΠΠάππου ἀδελφὸν Λιβύης στρατηγὸν μόνον αὐτὸν
κατεστήσατο. οὗτος ᾿Ιωάννης ἐπεὶ τάχιστα ἐν
Λιβύῃ ἐγένετο, ᾿Αντάλᾳ τε καὶ Μαυρουσίοις τοῖς
ἐν Βυζξακίῳ ἐς χεῖρας. ἐλθὼν καὶ μάχῃ νικήσας
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456

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxviii. 42-51

this deed among all men. And straightway Prejecta,
the wife of Areobindus, rewarded him with great
sums of money, and the emperor appointed him
general of all Libya. But not long after this Arta-
banes entreated the emperor to summon him to By-
zantium, and the emperor fulfilled his request.. And
having summoned Artabanes, he appointed John,
the brother of Pappus, sole general of Libya. And
this John, immediately upon arriving in Libya, had
an engagement with Antalas and the Moors in Byza-
cium, and conquering them in battle, slew many ;
and he wrested from these barbarians all the standards
of Solomon, and sent them to the emperor—standards
which they had previously secured as plunder, when
Solomon had been taken from the μου]. And the
rest of the Moors he drove as far as possible from
the Roman territory. But at a later time the
Leuathae came again with a great army from the
country about Tripolis to Byzacium, and united with
the forces of Antalas, And when John went to
meet this army, he was defeated in the engagement,
and losing many of his men, fled to Laribus. And
then indeed the enemy, overrunning the whole
country there as far as Carthage, treated in a terrible
manner those Libyans who fell in their way. But
not long afterward John collected those of the soldiers
who had survived, and drawing into alliance with him
many Moors and especially those under Coutzinas,
came to battle with the enemy and unexpectedly
routed them. And the Romans, following them up
1 See Book IV. xxi. 27.

457

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

TE αὐτοῖς φεύγουσι κόσμῳ οὐδενὶ ἐπισπόμενοι
μοῖραν μὲν αὐτῶν πολλὴν ἔκτεινον, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ

52 ἐς τῆς Λιβύης τὰς ἐσχατιὰς διέφυγον. οὕτω τε
Λιβύων τοῖς περιγενομένοις, ὀλίγοις τε καὶ λίαν
πτωχοῖς οὖσιν, ὀψὲ καὶ μόλις ἡσυχίαν τινὰ ξυνη-
νέχθη γενέσθαι.

458

HISTORY OF THE WARS, IV. xxviii. 51-52

as they fled in complete disorder, slew a great part
of them, while the rest escaped to the confines of
Libya. Thus it came to pass that those of the
Libyans who survived, few as they were in number
and exceedingly poor, at last and after great toil
found some peace.

459

INDEX

Abigas River, in Numidia, flowing
down from Mt. Auvrasium, Iv.
xix. 7, 11, xiii. 20; its many
channels, Iv. xix. 11-13; turned
upon the Roman camp, Iv. xix.

14
Abydus, city on the Hellespont,
1π. i. 8; the Roman fleet de-
layed there, 111. xii. 7—xili. 5
Acacius, ruler of Armenians ; slain
by Artabanes, IV. xxvii. 17
Acacius, priest of Byzantium, de-
livers over Basiliscus, IM. vii. 22
Achilles, Bath of, in Byzantium,
It. xili. 16
Achilles, The, of the Vandals,
name applied to Hoamer, III.

ix. 2

Aclas, suburb of Carthage, IV.
vii. 13

Adaulphus, king of the Visigoths,
Ill. ii. 37

Adriatic Sea, divided from the
Tuscan Sea by the islands
Gaulus and Melite, 11. xiv. 16;
crossed by the Roman. fleet,
Tl. xiii. 21; the scene of one of
Gizeric’s atrocities, 11. xxii. 18

Aetius, Roman general; his splen-
did qualities, mI. iii. 14, 15;
rival of Boniface, II. iit, 15;
whom he slanders to Placidia,
ui. iii. 17; writes a deceitful
letter to Boniface, ΠΙ. iii. 18,
28 spared by Placidia by reason
of his great power, Ul. iii. 29;
defeats Attila, ml. iv. 24;
Maximus plans to destroy him,
i. iv. 24, 25; slandered to the
emperor, Ill. iv. 26; his death,
tt. iv. 27, vi. 7; a great loss
to the emperor, III. iv. 23

Aetna, mountain in Sicily, Ul.
xiii. 22

Aigan, a Massagete, bodyguard of
Belisarius, 11. xi. 7, 9, IV. x. 4;
commander of cavalry, Il. xi.
7; on the right wing at the
battle of Tricamarum, Iv. iii.
4; makes a successful attack
upon the Moors in Byzacium,
Iv. x. 5; his force in turn anni-
hilated by the Moors, Iv. x. 6 ff. ;
his death, Iv. x. 10, xi. 22

Alani, a Gothic people, allies of the
Vandals in their migration,
Il. iii, 1; with the Vandals in
Africa, 1. v. 18, 19, xxiv. 3;
lose their individuality as a
people, II. v. 21

Alaric, king of the Visigoths, in-
vades Europe, Il. ii, 7; cap-
tures Rome by a trick, m1. ii.
14-23; plunders the city, ΠΙ.
ii, 24; declares Attalus emperor
of the Romans, Ml. ii. 28;
marches with Attalus against
Ravenna, Il. ii. 29; opposes
sending of commanders to Libya
by Attalus, U1. ii. 30; quarrels
with Attalus, and reduces him
from the kingship, UI. ii. 36;
dies of disease, II. ii. 37

Alexandria, the home of Calony-
mus, II. xi. 14.

Althias, commander of Roman
auxiliaries, 1. xi. 6; on the left
wing at the battle of Trica-
marum, Iv. iii. 4; commander of
Huns in Numidia, Iv. xiii. 2;
his encounter with Iaudas, Iv.
xiii. 3-16; his fame from the
deed, Iv. xiii. 17

Amalasountha, mother of Anta-
laric; makes an agreement
with Justinian, Il. xiv. 5;
courts his friendship to secure
orotection, I. xiv 6; appealed

461

INDEX

to by the Goths in regard to
Lilybaeum, Iv. v_18

Amalafrida, sister of Theoderic ;
sought and given in marriage
to Trasamundus, ΠῚ. viii. 11,
12; presented with Lilybaeum,
1Π. viii. 13; put under guard by
the Vandals, 111. ix. 4

Ammatas, brother of Gelimer; in-
structed to prepare to meet the
Romans near Carthage, II.
xvii. 113 xviii. τι Kills "his
kinsmen in prison, II. xvii. 12;
his inopportune arrival at Deci-
mum, Il. xviii. 4, 5, on the day
before Easter, 1. xxi. 23;
engages with John there and i
defeated, II. xviii. 5, 6; his
death, Ill. xviii. 6; xix. 30,
xx. 6, xxv. 15; his body found
by the Romans, II. xix. 14

Anastasius, emperor of the East,
keeps peace with the Vandals,
IIL. vii. 26, viii. 14

Ancon, a dungeon in the royal
residence in Carthage, III. xx.
4; unexpected release of Roman
merchants confined there, I.
xx, 5-9

Antaeus, the mythical wrestler,
king in Libya, Iv. x. 24

Antalas, ruler of the Moors in
Byzacium, ΠΙ. ix. 3, Iv. xxv. 2;
remains faithful to the Romans,
Iv. xii. 30; becomes hostile to
Solomon, IV. xxi. 17; joins
forces with the Leuathae, Iv
xxi. 18; gathers almost all the
Moors under him, Iv. xxii, 5;
writes a letter to Justinian, Iv.
xxii 6-10; gathers his army
again, IV. xxiii. 1; Areobindus
sends an army against him, Iv.
xxiv. 6; makes an agreement
with Gontharis for the destruc-
tion of Areobindus, Iv. xxv.
6-10; Coutzinas agrees to turn
against him, Iv. 25, 15, 18; hears
of the plot of Coutzinas and
keeps his knowledge secret, Iv.
xxv. 19-21; resents the sending
of the head of Areobindus to
him by Gontharis, Iv. xxvii. 1;
2; decides to side with Jus-
tinian, Iv. xxvii. 4; persuades

462

Antonina, wife of

Marcentius to come to him, Iv.
xxvii. 5, 6; Artabanes sent
against him, Iv. xxvii. 23; his
quarrel with Coutzinas, Iv.
xxvii. 24; Artabanes marches
against him, Iv. xxvii. 25; his
army spared by Artabanes, Iv.
XXvii. 28, 29; defeated by John,
IV. xxviii. 46, 47

Anthemius, a wealthy senator,

appointed emperor of the West
by Leon, ΠΙ. vi. 5; killed by his
son-in-law, Rhecimer, II. vii. 1
Belisarius,
mother-in-law of IIldiger, Iv.
viii. 24; sets sail with Beli-
sarius for Africa, mI. xii. 2;
areas drinking water for
elisarius and his attendants,
Ill. xiii. 23, 24; with the army
at Decimum, ΠΙ. xix. 11, xx. 1

Apollinaris, a native of Italy;

comes to Justinian to seek sup-
port for Ilderic, Iv. v. 7, 8; his
good services to the Romans,
IV. v. 9; sent to the islands of
Ebusa, Majorica, and Minorica,
with an army, IV. v. 7

Aquileia, city in Italy, I. iii. 9;

its size and importance, II. iv.
30; besieged and captured by
Attila, 11. iv. 80 ff.

Arcadius, elder son of Theodosius

I; receives the eastern empire,
ΠῚ. i. 2; brother of Honorius and
Placidia, m. iii. 4; his alliance
with the Visigoths, πὶ. ii. 7;
succeeded by his son Theo-
dosius 11, 11, ii. 33

Archelaus, a patrician; manager of

expenditures of the African ex-
pedition, I. xi. 17; advises
against disembarking on the
African coast, UI. xv. 2-17;
ordered by Belisarius not to
take the fleet into Carthage,
Ill. xvii. 16; commands the
fleet to anchor off Carthage,
HI. xx)

Ardaburius, son of Aspar, Roman

general; sent against the tyrant
John, 1. iii. 8; destroyed by
Leon, Ill. vi. 27

Areobindus, a senator; sent as

general to Libya, Iv. xxiv. 1;

INDEX

his inexperience in warfare, Iv.
παῦε Ὁ ἴσχυε 125, ΟΣ Χο 716;
accompanied by his sister and
‘wife, IV. xxiv. 3; shares the rule
of Libya with Sergius, IV. xxiv.
4,5; sends John against Antalas
and Stotzas, IV. xxiv. 6; writes
to Sergius to unite with John,
IV. xxiv. 7; made sole com-
mander of Libya, Iv. xxiv 16;
sends Gontharis against the
Moors, IV. xxv. 4, 5; arranges
with Coutzinas to turn against
the other Moors, Iv. xxv. 15;
tells Gontharis of his dealings
with Coutzinas, IV. xxv. 16;
persuaded by G. to postpone the
engagement, IV. xxv. 17, 18;
his death planned and finally
accomplished by Gontharis, Iv.
xxv. 22-xxvi. 83; treasure left
by him in the palace, IV. xxviii.
35; sister of, IV. xxiv. 3; placed
in a fortress for her safety, IV
xxvi. 18; removed from the
fortress by Gontharis, IV. xxvii

Arethusa, harbour of Syracuse,
Ti xive 11

Ariadne, daughter of Leon, wife
of Zenon, and mother of Leon the
younger, I. vii. 2; flees to
jsauria with Zenon, 11. vii. 18

Arian faith, disqualified one for the
office of emperor, Il. vi. 3;
followed by all Goths, I. ii, 5;
by the Vandals, Il. viii. 4,
xxi, 20; by some among the
Roman soldiers, 1v. i, 4, xiv. 12,
21; adhered to steadfastly by
Gelimer, Iv. ix. 14; Arian priests
of the Vandals, HI. xxi. 23, 25

Armenia, WI. xi. 5. Armenians,
sent with Areobindus to Libya,
Iv. xxiv. 2; follow Artabanes in
entering the service of Gontharis,
IV. xxvii. 9; support Artabanes
in his plot against Gontharis, IV
XXvili. 8, 34, 36 β

Arsacidae, the ancient royal family
of Armenia, IV. xxiv. 2, xxvii.
16

Artabanes, son of John, of the
Arsacidae; sent to Libya in
command of Armenians, IV.

xxiv. 2; known to Chosroes for
his brave deeds, IV xxvii. 17;
brother of John, IV. xxiv. 15;
uncle of Gregorius, IV xxvii. 10;
joins Areobindus, Iv. xxv. 4:
supports him against Gontharis,
Iv. xxvi. 7, 13, 195 enters the
service of Gontharis, IV. xxvii.
9; his plot to kill the tyrant,
Iv. xxvii. 10; urged on by
Gregorius, IV. xxvii. 11-19;
sent against Antalas, IV. xxvii.
23, 25; joins battle, but allows
the enemy to escape, IV. xxvii.
27-29; threatened by Ulitheus,
Iv. xxvii. 30; his excuses, Iv.
xxvii. 31, 32; after deliberation
returns to Carthage, IV. xxvii.
33, 85; entertained by Gon-
tharis at a banquet, Iv. xxviii.
3; arranges to carry out his
plot against Gontharis, Iv.
xxviii. 6-9; Artasires makes a
request of him, Iv. xxviii. 12, 13 ;
he succeeds in destroying Gon-
tharis with his own hand, Iv.
XXViii. 15-30; assisted by Peter,
cuts down the body-guards who
remain, IV. xxviii. 33; directs
Athanasius to look after the
treasure of Areobindus, _ IV.
xxviii. 35 ; sends John and others
to Byzantium, Iv. xxviii. 40;
wins great fame, IV. xxviii. 42 ;
rewarded with money by Pre-
jecta, IV. xxviii. 43; made
general of all Libya, IV. xxviii.
43; summoned to Byzantium,
IV. xxviii. 44.

Artasires, body-guard of Arta-
banes; shares knowledge of his
plot against Gontharis, Iv. xxvii.
10, 18; renders good service in
the execution of the plot, Iv.
xxviii. 7-32; his ingenious pro-
tection for his arm, IV. xxviii.
10, 11, 31

Asclepiades, a native of Palestine
and friend of Theodorus, Iv.
xviii. 3; reveals the plot of
Maximinus to Theodorus and
Germanus, IV, xviii. 4

Asia, the continent to the right
of the Mediterranean as one sails
into it, HI. i. 5; distance from

463

INDEX

Europe at different points, Ti.
i. 7,8; distance along the Asiatic
side of the Euxine, II. i. 11
_Asiaticus, father of Severianus, Iv.
xxii. 6
Aspar, Roman general; father of
Ardaburius, It. iii. 8; of the
Arian faith, m1. vi. 3; his great
power in Byzantium, Ul. iy. 8;
sent against the tyrant John,
Ill. iii. 8; defeated by the Van-
dals in Libya, m. iii. 35; re-
turns home, II. iii. 36; makes
Leon emperor of the East, III.
v. 7; his friendship sought by
Basiliscus, WI. vi. 2; quarrels
with Leon, Ul. vi. 3; urges
Basiliscus to spare the Vandals,
lll. vi. 4, 16 ; destroyed by Leon,
ΠΙ. vi. 27; the emperor Marcian
had been his adviser, III. iv. 7
Atalaric, son of Amalasuntha;
tuler of the Goths, mm. xiv 5;
succeeded his grandfather Theo-
deric, Il. xiv. 6
Athanasius, sent. with Areobindus
to Libya, Iv. xxiv. 2; summoned
by Areobindus, Iv. xxvi. 6;
being summoned by Gonthatis,
pretends to be pleased, Iv, xxvi.
21, 22; with Areobindus enter-
tained by Gontharis, Iv. xxvi.
31; spared by the assassins of
Gontharis, Iv. xxvi. 33; enter-
tained by Gontharis at a second
banquet, IV. xxviii. 83; directed
by -Artabanes to look after the
treasure of Areobindus, 1Υ.
xxviii, 35
Athens, its distance from Megara
a Measure of one day’s journey,
In, i. 17
» Made king of the Visi-
goths and declared emperor of
the Romans by Alaric, ΠΙ. ii. 28;
of noble family, ibid.; his lack of
discretion, II. ii. 29; marches
with Alaric against Ravenna,
ibid.; sends commanders alone
to Libya against the advice of
Alaric, U1. ii. 30, 32 ; failure of
his attempt upon Libya, ibid. ;
quarrels with Alaric, and is
reduced from the kingship,
ΠΙ. ii. 36

464

Attila, leader of the Huns, defeated
by Aetius, m1. iv. 24; overruns
Europe, Il. iv. 29; besieges and
captures Aquileia; mI. iv. 30 ff.

Augustus, emperor of the West,
1Π. vii. 15

Aurasium, a mountain in Numidia ;
‘distance from Carthage, 111.
viii. 5, IV. xiii. 22; its great size,
fruitful plateaus, and defences,
Iv. xiii. 23-25; source of the
Abigas River there, Iv. xiii. 20,
xix. 11; adjoins First Maure-
tania, IV. xx. 30; taken by the
Moors from the Vandals, m1.
viii. 5, Iv. xiii, 26; its west side
also held by the Moors, Iv. xiii.
27; Moors of, ruled by Iaudas,
Iv. xii. 29, xiii, 1; Solomon
marches thither, Iv. xiii. 18;
Iaudas establishes himself there,
Iv. xiii. 21; ascended by Solo-
mon, IV. xiii. 30 ff.; the Romans
eluded _by the Moors on the
mountain, Iv. xiii. 35, 36;
Solomon prepares more carefully
for a second attempt, Iv. xiii.
40; in which. he succeeds com-
pletely in dislodging the Moors
from. there, Iv. xix, 5-xx. 20;
fortified and held by the Romans,
IV. xx. 22; capture of Iaudas’
treasure there, Iv. xx. 23-29;
fugitive Vandals return thither,
IV. xiv. 19

Babosis, place in. Numidia, rv.
xix.-16

Bacchus, brother of Solomon, and
father of Cyrus and Sergius, Iv.
xxi. 1; 19; father of Solomon
the younger, Iv. xxi. 19, xxii. 17

Bagais, ἃ deserted city near the
Abigas River, Iv. xix. 7

Bagradas River, in Libya, Iv, xv.
13

Balas, leader of the Massagetae,
Il. xi. 12

Bandifer, “standard-bearer’’(Latin),
ef. Bandum, Iv. x. 4

Bandum, the Latin term for “ stan-
ee * in Procopius’ time, ry.
ii.

Barbaricini, name applied to the
Moors in Sardinia, Ly. xiii, 44

Basiliscus, son οὗ

INDEX

Barbatus, commander of Roman
cavalry, I. xi. 7, IV. xv. 60°
on the Roman right wing at the
battle of Tricamarum, IV [1].
4; his death, Iv. xv. 59

Basiliscus, brother of Berine ; com-
mander of an expedition against
the Vandals, HI. vi. 2; his aspira-
tions to the throne, ibid. ; urged by
Aspar to spare the Vandals, Il.
vi. 4; landing in Africa, makes
a complete failure of the expedi-
tion, Ut. vi. 10-24, x. 2; re-
turning to Byzantium, becomes a

suppliant, Il. vi. 26; saved by

Berine, ibid.; makes himself
tyrant in Byzantium, ΠῚ. vii.
18; his misrule, 1m. vii. 19;
sends an army under Harmatus
to meet Zenon, Ul. vii. 20;
becomes a suppliant, II. vii. 22;
exiled to Cappadocia and dies,
Wit. vii. 24, 25 4
i Harmatus, III.
vii. 21; made Caesar and then
removed by Zenon, Ill. vii. 23
Belisarius, Roman general; a
native of “Germany,” I. xi.
2i; summoned from the Hast,
Im. ix. 25; ordered to be in
readiness to lead the African
expedition, Il. x, 21; made
commander-in-chief of the Afri-
can expedition with unlimited
power, I. xi. 18, 20; sets sail
for Africa, Wt. xii. 2; punished
two Massagetae for murder,
ΠῚ. xii. 9; addresses the army at
Abydus, 11. xii, 10-21; provides
for the safe navigation of the
fleet, UI. xiii. 1-4; disembarks
the army at Methone, Il. xiii.
9 ff.; provides a supply of bread
for the army, I. xiii. 20; his
wife preserves the drinking
water, Il. xiii. 23, 24; sends
Procopius to Syracuse to get
information, I. xiv. 3 ff.; his
anxiety regarding the Vandals
and the attitude of his own
soldiers, MI. xiv. 1, 2; starts
from Sicily toward Africa, III.
xiv. 15; holds a consultation
regarding disembarking on the
Atrican coast, HI. xv 1 ff.; dis-

VOL. ΤΙ

embarks the army and fortifies
a camp, Ill. xv. 31-33; orders
the fleet not to put in at Car-
thage, II. xvii. 16; commands
five men to remain on each ship,
1Π. xv. 36; punishes some of the
soldiers for stealing and addresses
the army, Il. xvi. 1-8 ; advances
with the army to Decimum,
where he defeats the Vandals in
an engagement, UI. xvi. 9—xix.
33, xxi. 16, xxii. 14; captures
with ease the unwalled cities of
Libya, lI. v. 9; prevents the
army from entering Carthage on
the evening of their arrival, 11.
xx. 2; his commands respected
by the greater part of the fleet,
I. xx, 15; enters Carthage with
his army, ΠΙ. xx. 17; exhorts the
soldiers to moderation, Ill. xx.
18-20; sits upon the throne of
Gelimer, ΠΙ. xx. 21; hears and
answers complaints of Car-
thaginian citizens, MI. xx. 22, 23 ;
lunches in Gelimer’s palace, Il.
xxi. 1, 5; enjoys great renown
by reason of the peaceful entry
into Carthage, Ill. xxi. 83

treaties with the Moors, III. xxv.
2-9, Iv. viii. 11 ff., xi. 9; con-
siders the repair of the forti-
fications of Carthage, III. xxi. 11;
presses on the work of repairing
them, I. xxiii. 19, 20; spares the
messengers of Tzazon, lI. xxiv.
6; and the envoys of Gelimer,
Ill. xxiv. 17; takes measures to
prevent desertions to the Van-
dals, tv. i. 7-11; addresses the
army, IV i. 12-25; defeats the
Moors in the battle of Tri-
camarum, Iv. ii. 1-ili, 18;
attacks the Vandal camp, IV.
iii. 19; takes measures to stop
the disorder in the Roman army,
Iv. iv. 6-8; sends John the
Armenian to pursue Gelimer, IV.
iv. 9; himself follows Gelimer,
Ivy. iv. 13; mourns the death of
John the Armenian, Iv. iv. 24;
spares Uliaris, IV. iv, 25; con-
tinues the pursuit of Gelimer,
Iv. iv. 26; leaves Pharas to
besiege Gelimer, IV. iv. 28;

465
Q

INDEX

sends suppliant Vandals to
Carthage, Iv. iv. 32; captures
Boniface with the treasures of
Gelimer, Iv. iv 33-41; returns
to Carthage, IV. v. 1; sends out
armies to recover many lost
provinces, V. v. 1-10; makes an
unsuccessful expedition to Sicily,
IV. v. 11; writes a letter to the
Goths, IV. v. 12-17; their reply,
Iv. v. 18-24; reports to Jus-
tinian, Iv. v. 25; receives the
report of Pharas regarding Geli-
mer, IV. vii. 10; sends Cyprian
with instructions, Iv. vii. 11;
receives Gelimer at Aclas, Iv.
vii. 13, 14; reports the capture
of Gelimer, IV. vii. 17; the victim
of unjust slander, IV. viii. 1, 2;
given choice of going to Byzan-
tium.or remaining in Carthage,
IV, viii. 4; chooses the former,
IV. viii. 5; learns of the accusa-
tion of treason to be brought
against him, Iv. viii. 6, 7; hears
the report of the uprising of the
Moors, IV. viii. 22; leaves Solo-
mon in charge of Libya, Iv. viii.
23; returning to Byzantium,
receives great honours, IV. ix.
1 ff.; brings Vandals with him,
Iv. ix. 1, xiv. 17; pays homage
to Justinian in the hippodrome,
Iv. ix. 12; later celebrates a
“triumph ’’ in the old manner, Iv.
ix. 15; becomes a consul, ibid. ;
distributes much wealth of the
Vandals to the people, Iv. ix.
16; subjugates Sicily, Iv. xiv.
1; passes the winter in Syracuse,
IV. xiv. 4, 41 ; Solomon begs him
to come to Carthage from Syra-
cuse to put down the mutiny,
IV. xiv. 41, 42; arrives at Car-
thage in time to prevent its
surrender, IV, xv. 9-10; pursues
and overtakes the fugitives, Iv.
xv. 11, 12; encamps at the
Bagradas River and prepares for
battle, IV. xv. 13-15; addresses
the army, IV. xv. 16-29 ; defeats
Stotzas’ army, Iv. xv. 40 ff. R
forbids pursuit of the enemy, but
allows their camp to be plundered,
Iv. xv. 46, 47; returns to Car-

466

thage, IV. xv. 47; upon receipt
of unfavourable news, sets sail
for Sicily, Iv. xv. 48,49; Solomon
sends suspected soldiers to him, |
Iv. xix. 3; counted the chief
cause of the defeat of the Van-
dals, Iv. xi. 44,

Berine, wife of the Emperor Leon, —
and sister of Basiliscus, ΠῚ. vi. —
2; gains clemency for Basiliscus,
Ill. vi. 26

Boniface, Roman _ general; his
splendid qualities, m1. iii. 14,
15; rival of Aetius, UI. iii. 15;
made general of all Libya, m1.
iii. 16; slandered by Aetius,
ΠΙ. iii. 17; summoned to Rome
by Placidia, 1. iii. 18; refuses
to come, Il. iii. 20; makes an —
alliance with the Vandals, ΠῚ.
iii. 22, 25; the true cause of his
conduct discovered by his friends,
Ii. iii. 27, 28; urged by Placidia
to return to Rome, Il. iii. 29;
unable to persuade the Vandals
to withdraw, meets them in
battle and is twice defeated,
Til, iii. 30-35, xxi. 16; returns to
Rome, Il. iil. 36

Boniface, the Libyan, a native οὗ
Byzacium ; entrusted by Geli-
mer with his wealth, Iv. iv. 33,
34; falls into the hands of
Belisarius, Iv. iv. 35-41

Boriades, body-guard of Belisarius ;
sent to capture Syllectus, ΠῚ.
xvi. 9

Boulla, Plain of, distance from
Carthage, II. xxv. 1; near the
boundary of Numidia, ibid.; the
Vandals gather there, Ill. xix. 32,
xxv. 1; the only territory left
to the Vandals, IM. xxv. 16;
Gelimer and. Tzazon meet there,
Ill. xxv. 22; mutineers gather
there, IV. xv. 1

Bourgaon, mountain in Byzacium ;
battle there with the Moors, ry.

xii. 3 ff.

Britain, counted in the Western
empire, Ill. i. 18; revolts from
the Romans, II. ii. 31; not
recovered by the Romans, but
held by tyrants, I. ii. 88

Byzacium, a Moorish province in

INDEX

Libya, I. xix. 32; a dry region,
Il. xv. 34; the town Hermicne
there, Im. xiv. 10; Moors of,
defeat the Vandals, Il. ix. 3;
Moors, of, scek alliance with the
Romans, Ill. xxv..3; the home
of Boniface, the Libyan, Iv.
iv. 33; Moors of, revolt, IV. viii.
9, x. 2, xii. 1, 2; Roman force
annihilated there, Iv. x. 3 ἢ;
Solomon marches thither to
confront the Moors, Iv. xi. 14;
Moors of, suffer a crushing de-
feat, IV. xii. 21-25; abandoned

by the Moors, IV. xii. 29; except_

those under Antalas, IV. xii. 30;
plundered by the Leuathae, Iv.
xxi. 17; Moors gather there once
more, IV. xxiii. 1; Himerius of
Thrace commander there, IV.
xxiii. 8, 14 ; Moors march thence
against Carthage, IV. xxv. 2;
defeated by John, Iv. xxviii.
46; subsequent battles, Iv.
xxviii. 47 ff.

Byzantium, distance from _ the
mouth of the Danube, II. i. 10;
from Carthage, li. x. 14; its
chief priest Epiphanius, MI. xii.
2; natives of, as rowers in the
Roman fleet, II. xi. 16

Cabaon, a Moorish ruler, prepares
to meet the Vandals, Il. viii.
15-16; sends spies to Carthage,
Wl. viii. 17 ff.; receives the
report of his spies, II. viii. 24;
prepares for the conflict, TI.
viii. 25, 26, Iv. xi. 17; defeats
the enemy, II. viii. 28 ;

Caenopolis, name of ‘Taenarum in
Procopius’ time, II. xiii. 8

Caesar, a title given to one next
below the emperor in station,
Il. vii. 21, 23

Caesarea, first city of ‘Second
Mauretania,” Iv. xx. 31; situ-
ated at its eastern extremity, IV.
x, 29; distance from Carthage,
Iv. v. 5; recovered for the
Romans by Belisarius, bid.,
IV. Xx. 32 ‘ ς

Calonymus, of Alexandria, admiral
of the Roman fleet, MI. xi. 14;
ordered by Belisarius not to

take the fleet into Carthage,
I. xvii. 16; enters the harbour
Mandracium with a few ships,
and plunders the houses along
the sea, HI. xx. 16; bound by
oath to return his plunder, ΠῚ].
xx. 23; disregards his oath, but
later dies of apoplexy in Byzan-
tium, III, xx. 24, 25

Capitolinus, see Jupiter.

Cappadocia, Basiliscus
thither, UI vii. 24

Caputvada, a place on the African
coast; distance from Carthage,
ll. xiv. 17: the Roman army
lands there, ibid.

Caranalis, town in Sardinia, cap-
tured by Tzazon, UI. xxiv. 1,
xxv. 10, Iv. xiii. 44

Carthage, city in Africa, founded
by Dido, Iv. x. 25; grows to be
the metropolis of Libya, Iv. x.
26,27; captured by the Romans,
Iv. x. 28; after the Vandal
occupation, its wall preserved by
Gizeric, 111. v. 6; the only city
with walls in Libya, Ill. xv. 9;
its defences neglected by the
Vandals, 111. xxi. 11, 12; entered
by the Roman army _ under
Belisarius, 1. xx. 17, 21; its
fortifications restored by Beli-
sarius, III. xxiii. 19, 20; besieged
by Gelimer, Iv. i. 3; by Stotzas,
Iv. xv. 8; its surrender pre-
vented by Belisarius, IV. xv.
9, 10; the harbours, Stagnum,
ΠΙ. xv. 15, xx. 15, and Man-
dracium, IM. xx. 3, 14, IV.
xxvi. 10; the ship-yard Misuas,
Iv. xiv. 40; its suburb Aclas,
IV. vii. 13; and Decimum, II.
xvii. 11; its aqueduct, Iv. 1. 2;
its hippodrome, Iv. xiv. 31,
xviii. 11; its palace, II. xx. 21,
Iv. xiv. 34, xviii. 8, xxvi. 20;
the priest of the city, Reparatus,
IV. xxvi. 24, 31; monastery built
and fortified there by Solomon,
Iv. xxvi. 17; an ancient saying
among the children there, I.
xxi. 14-16; church of St.
Cyprian, and a special annual
festival in his honour, UI. xxi
17,18; distance from Aurasium,

467

exiled

INDEX

1Π. viii. 5, IV. xiii. 22; from the
Plain of Boulla, ml. xxv. 1;
from Byzantium, 11. x. 14;
from Caesarea, IV. v. 5; from
Caputvada, UI, xiv. 17; from
Decimum, Wi. xvii. 17; from
Grasse, Il. xvii. 8; from Hippo
Regius, IV. iv. 26; from louce,
lil. xv. 8; from Membresa, Iv.
xv. 12; from Mercurium, I.
vi. 10; from Siccaveneria, Iv.
xxiv. 6; from Stagnum, ill. xv.
15, xx. 15; from Tebesta, Iv
xxl. 19; from Tricamarum, Iy.

ii, 4

Casula (Latin), garment befitting one
of humble station, Iv. xxvi. 26

Caucana, place in Sicily, Ill. xiv,
4, 11, 14; distance from Syra-
cuse, III, xiv. 4

Centenarium, a sum of money, so
called because it “ weighs one
hundred pounds” (I. xxii. 4),
ΠΙ. vi. 2

Centuriae, place in Numidia, Iv
xiii, 2

Chalcedon, city opposite Byzan-
tium, Il. i. 8, 9; distance from
the Phasis River, I. i. 11

Chiliarch, 101. v. 18, Iv. iii. 8

Chosroes, Persian king; Artabanes
known to him, Iv, xxvii. 17

Christ, His temple in Byzantium,
Ill. vi. 26

Christians, persecuted by Honoric,
Itt. vii. 8, 4, xxi. 19; by Gunda-
mundus, Ill. viii. 7; courted by
Trasamundus, UI. viii. 9, 10;
not troubled by Ideric, HI. ix. 1;
Justinian reproached for not
protecting them, 1Π. x. 19; the
church of St. Cyprian taken from
them by the Vandals, I. xxi.
19; consoled in a dream sent
by St. Cyprian, WI. xxi. 21;
recover the church of St. Cyprian,
11. xxi. 25; in Jerusalem, re-
ceive the treasures of the temple,
Iv. ix. 9; reverence their churches
and their worship, 1. viii. 17,
18, 20, 24; their rite of baptism,
In. xii. 2, IV. xxvi. 25, 28; their
feast of Easter, Iv. xiv. 7; if
not of the orthodox faith, ex-
cluded from the church, Ivy. xiv.

468

14; Christian scriptures, Ivy.
xxi. 21, xxvi. 28; Christian
teachings, offended against by
Basiliscus, ΠῚ. vii. 22

Cilicians, as sailors in the African
expedition, I. xi. 14 ἢ

Clipea, city in Africa, Iv. x. 24

Clyrea, see Shield Mountain

Colchis, at the end of the Black >
Sea, ΠῚ i. 11

Constantina, city in Africa; dis-
tance from Gazophyla, IV. xv. 52

Constantine the Great; division of
the Roman empire dating from
his time, 01.1.3; his enlargement —
of Byzantium and giving of his
name to the city, ibid. :

Constantinus, chosen king by the
soldiers in Britain, m1. ii. 31; |
his invasion of Spain and Gaul,
ibid ; defeated and killed in
battle, 111. ii. 37

Constantius, husband of Placidia,
partner in the royal power with
Honorius; his brief reign and
death, Ill. iii. 4; father of Valen-
tinian, U1. iii, 5

Corsica, called Cyrnus in ancient
times, IV. v. 3; Cyril sent thither
with an army, ibid.; recovered for _
tiie Roman empire, Iv. v. 4

Coutzinas, a Moorish ruler, joins
in an attack upon a Roman force,
Iv. x. 6; agrees to turn against
the other Moors, Iv. xxv. 2, 15;
his further dealings with Areo-
bindus, IV. xxv. 17, 18 ; ignorant
of Antalas’ knowledge of his
plot, 1V. xxv. 20, 21; separates
from Antalas, and sides with
Gontharis, IV. xxvii. 24 ; marches
with Artabanes against Antalas,
Iv. xxvii. 25, 27; in alliance with
Jolu, Iv. xxviii. 50

Cteanus, name applied to Theo-
dorus, II, xi. 7 :

Cyanean Rocks, or ‘‘ Dark Blue
Rocks” at the mouth of the
Bosphorus, I. i. 8

Cyprian, commander of Romau
auxiliaries, M1. xi. 6; on the lett
wing at the battle of Trica:
marum, IV. iii. 4; sent by Beli-
sarius to bring (elimer from
Papua, IV. vii. 11.

INDEX

Cyprian, a saint, especially rever-
enced at Carthage, Ill. xxi. 17;
a church to him there and a
festival celebrated in his honour,
lil. xxi. 18; 23, 25; sends’ a
dream to devout Christians,
HTS sexs 2}

Cypriana, a periodic storm on the
African coast, II. xx. 12

Cypriana, a festival celebrated at
Carthage, in honour of Cyprian,
from which the storm was
named, π|. xxi. 18.

Gyrene, city in Africa, marking the

division between the eastern and _

western empires, III. i. 16

Cyril, sent as commander of an army
to Sardinia, 1% xi. 1, 6; avoids
Sardinia and sails to Carthage,
DI. xxiv. 19; sent to Sardinia
and Corsica with an army, IV. v.
2, 3; wins them back for the
empire, IV. v. 4; commander of

- auxiliaries in Numidia, Ivy. xv.

503; his death, Iv. xv. 59

Cyrnus, ancient name of Corsica,
Iv. v. 3

Cyrus, son of Bacchus and brother
of Sergius; becomes ruler of
Pentapolis in Libya, Iv. xxi. 1,
16; brother of Solomon the
younger, Iv. xxi. 19; marches
with Solomon against the Moors,
ibid.

Dalmatia, held by Marcellianus as
tyrant, I. vi. 7

Danube River, called also the
Ister, 11. i. 10

Daras, city on the eastern frontier
of the empire; home of Solomon,
Il. xi. 9

December, IV. iii. 28

Decimum, suburb of Carthage, ΠΙ.
xvii. 11, 17, xviii. 5, xix. 1, 14,
23, 33, xx. 6, 7, 10, xxi. 23, 24,
Iv. xxv. 12; the Vandals routed
there, 1 xviii 7-11, xixin dt 5

distance from Carthage, ΠΙ.
xvii. 17; from Pedion Halon,
Wit. xviii. 12

Delphi, tripods first made there,
I. xxi. 3

Delphix, a word used by the Ro-
mans to designate a royal

banquet room, 11 xxi. 2, 3;
in the palace of Gelimer, ΠΙ
xxi. 5

Dido, her emigration from Phoe-
nicia, IV. x. 25

Diogenes, guardsman of Beli-
sarius; his notable exploit on
~ roa expedition, It. xxiii.

Dolones, the large sails on ships,
Ill. xvii. 5

Domesticus, a title designating a
kind of confidential adviser,. III.
iv 7, xi. 5

Domnicus, senator, accompanies
Germanus to Libya, Iv. xvi. 2;
at the battle of Scalae Veteres,
Iv. xvii. 4; summoned to
Byzantium, Iv. xix. 1

Dorotheus, general of Armenia;
commander of. auxiliaries, ΠῚ
xi. 5; his death; 1. xiv. 14

Dromon, a swift ship of war, ΠΙ
xi. 15, 16, xv. 36

Dryous, city on the east coast of
Italy, 11. h 9, 12

Dyrrachium, the name of Epidam-
nus in Procopius’ time, II. i.
16, xi 8

Easter, a feast of the Christians,
Iv. xiv. 7; Arians annoyed by
exclusion from it, Iv. xiv. 15

Ebusa, island in the western Mediter-
ranean, so-called by the natives,
i. i. 18; Apollinarius sent
thither with an army, IV. v. 7

Egypt, formerly marked the limit
of Phoenicia, Iv. x. 15; densely
populated from ancient times,
iv. x. 19; the migration of the
Hebrews from there, Iv. x. 13;
the Phoenicians pass through it
on their way to Libya, Iv. x. 18

Egyptians, as sailors in the African
expedition, II. xi. 14

Iemesa, city in Syria;
Severianus, IV. xxiii. 6

Epidamnus ( Dyrrachium), city on
the Ionian Sea, UI. i. 16; home
of John, M1. xi. 8

Epiphanius, chief priest of Byzan-
tium ; blesses the fleet, 111. xii. 2

Eruli, Roman auxiliaries in the
African expedition, πὶ xi. 11;

469

home of

INDEX

their untrustworthy character,
Iv. iv. 30; of the Arian faith,
Ivy. xiv. 12; dissuade Stotzas
from attacking Germanus, Iv.
xvii. 14, 15

Esdilasas, a Moorish ruler; joins
in an attack upon a Roman force,
Iv. x. 6 ff.; surrenders himself
to the Romans, Iv. xii. 26;
brought to Carthage, IV. xii. 29

Euagees, brother of Hoamer;
imprisoned by Gelimer, mI. ix.
9. 14; killed in prison by
Ammatas, II. xvii. 12

Eudocia, daughter of Eudoxia;
taken captive by Gizeric, m1. v.3;
married to Honoric, m1. v. 6

Eudoxia, daughter of Theodosius
and wife of Valentinian, mT. iv.
15, 20; mother of Eudocia and
Placidia, 11. v. 3; forced to be
the mistress of Maximus, II.
iv. 36; invites Gizeric to avenge
her, Ill. iv. 37-39; taken captive
by Gizeric, 11. v. 3; sent to
Byzantium, It, v. 6

Eulogius, Roman envoy to Godas,
Ill. x. 32, 33; returns with his
reply, Ill. x. 34

Europe, the continent opposite
Asia, Il. i. 7, xxii. 15; distance
from Asia at different points,
1Π. i. 7, 8; distance along the
European side of the Euxine,
ΠΙ. i. 10; extent of the western
empire in, ΠΙ. i. 14; invaded by
Alaric, I. ii. 7; all its wealth
plundered by the Visigoths, 111. ii.
135 overrun by Attila, 1. iv. 29

Eustratius, sent to Libya to assess
the taxes, IV. viii. 25

Eutyches, heresy of, III. vii. 22

Euxine Sea, distance around it,
ΠΙ. i. 10, 113; receives the waters
of the Phasis, I. i. 11

Excubitori, a Latin name for
* guard,” Iv. xii. 17

Foederati, auxiliary troops, mI.
xi. 2, 3, 5, xix. 18, 14, IV. iii. 4,
vii. 11, xv. 50

Foedus (Latin) “treaty,” m1. xi. 4

Franks, name used for all the
Germans in Procopius’ time, II,

470

Fuscias, sent as envoy to Spain by

Gelimer, I. xxiv. 7 ff.

Gadira, the strait of Gibraltar at
the western extremity of the
Mediterranean, I. i. 4, 5, xxiv.
8, IV. v. 5,6; width of the strait,
ΤΠ. i. 7; distance from Tripolis, —
Im. i. 14; and from the Ionian -
Sea, ΠΙ. 1. 16; marking the limit -
of Mauretania, Iv. x. 29; the
Vandals cross there, ΠΙ. iii. 26;
see Heracles, Pillars of

Galatia, lands there given to Geli-
mer, IV. ix. 13

Gaulus, island between the Adriatic
ant Tyrrhenian Seas, I. xiy.

Gaul, the Visigoths retire thither, |
Im. ii. 18, 37; invaded by Con-
stantius, UI. ii. 31

Gazophyla, place in Numidia, Iv,
xv. 52; distance from Con-
stantina, ibid.; Roman com-
Manders take sanctuary there,
Iv, xv. 59

Geilaris, son of Genzon and father
of Gelimer, II. ix. 6

Gelimer, king of the Vandals; son
of Geilaris, m1. ix. 6; brother
of Tzazon, ΠΙ. xi. 28, xxiv. 1;
and of Ammatas, IM. xvii. 11;
uncle of Gibamundus, mt. xviii.
1; his character, iii. ix. 7:
encroaches upon the authority
of Ilderic, ΠΙ. ix. 8; secures the
royal power, ibid. ; allowed by the
Goths to hold Lilybaeum, rv.
v 13; imprisons Ideric, Hoamer,
and Euagees, lI. ix. 9; defies
Justinian, and shews further
cruelty to the imprisoned princes,
ΠΙ. ix, 14; replies to Justinian,
Wm ix. 20-23; Justinian pre-
pares an expedition against him,
ll. x. 1 ff.; sends envoys to
Spain, ΠῚ. xxiv. 7; his slave
Godas becomes tyrant of Sar-
dinia, I. x. 25-27; sends an
expedition to Sardinia, m1. xi.
22, 23; his ignorance of the
approaching Roman expedition,
ΠΙ. xiv. 10; entrusts his wealth
to Boniface, Iv. iv. 343; confines
Roman merchants in a dungeon

INDEX

in the palace, I. xx. 5, 6;
expected by Belisarius to make
an attack, UI. xvii. 4; writes
to his brother in Carthage, ΠΙ.
xvii. 11; follows the Roman
army, I. xvii. 14; plans his
attack upon the Roman army,
i. xviii. 1; comes upon the
Romans with a large force of
cavalry, I. xix. 18; anticipates
them in seizing a point of advan-
tage, UI. xix. 20-22; by a great
blunder loses the chance of de-
feating the Roman armies, ΠῚ.
xix. 25-29; attacked and routed

by Belisarius, U1. xix. 30, as

xxi. 16: flees to the Plain o
Boulla, 1. xix. 32; Belisarius
sits upon his throne, ΠῚ. xx. 21;
his banquet-hall, servants, and
even food, used by the Romans,
I. xxi. 1-6; reason for his not
staying in Carthage, II. xxi. 12 ;
encourages Libyan farmers to
kill Roman soldiers, mi. xxiii.
1-4; eluded by a party of
Roman scouts, M1. xxiii. 6-16 ;
Tzazon writes to him from Sar-
dinia, M1. xxiv. 2-4; collects
the Vandals in the Plain of

Boulla, UI. xxv. 1; sends a
letter to Tzazon in Sardinia,
lI. xxv. 10-18; leads the

Vandals against Carthage, Iv.
i. 1; cuts the aqueduct and tries
to besiege the city, Iv. i. 2, 3;
prepares the Vandals for battle
at Tricamarum, and addresses
the army, IV. li. 8-22; at the
battle of Tricamarum, Iv. iii,
9; fiees from the Vandals’
camp, IV. iii. 20; pursued by
John the Armenian, IV. iv. 9, 14;
and by Belisarius, 1V. iv. 13, 26;
escapes his pursucrs, and takes
refuge on Mt. Papua, IV. iv. 26,
28; Moors there friendly to him,
Iv. iv. 27; Pharas set to guard
nim, Iv. iv. 28, 31; suffers great
misery on Mt. Papua, IV. vi. 4,
14; receives. ἃ letter from
Pharas, Iv. vi. 15-26; replies
with a letter, Iv. vi. 27-30; the
meaning of his strange request,
Iv. vi. 31-33; after enduring

extreme suffering, is induced by
a piteous sight to surrender
Tye vis, 1-6); writes a secon
time to Pharas, Iv. vii. 6-9;
Cyprian comes to Papua to take
him prisoner, IV. vii. 11; sur-
renders himself, Iv. vii. 12;
meets Belisarius at Aclas, IV
vii. 14; his unexpected laughter,
Iv. vii. 14-16; marvels at the
restoration of the fortifications
of Carthage by Belisarius, ΠΙ.
xxiii. 20, 21; his capture re-
ported by Belisarius, IV. vii. 17 ;
reaches Byzantium with Beli-
sarius, IV. ix. 1; a slave in Beli-
sarius’ triumph, Iv. ix. 10;
before Justinian in the hippo-
drome, Iv. ix. 11, 12; given
lands in Galatia, but not made

a pa Iv. ix, 138, 14;
nephew of, Iv. vii. 4
Geminianus, Rock of, on Mt

Aurasium, IV. xx 23

Genzon, son of Gizeric; receives
Libyan slaves, UI. v. 11; tries
to save John, 1Π. vi. 24; father
of Gundamundus and Trasa-
mundus, If. viii 6, 8; and of
Geilaris, I. ix. 6; his death,
τ ΠΝ

Gergesites, ancient people of Phoe-
nicia, IV. x. 17; emigrate to
Egypt ani then to Libya, Iv.
x. 18,19

Gepaides, one division of the Gothic
peoples, mi. ii. 2; their location,
ΠΙ. ii. 6

Getic, a name sometime applied to
the Gothic peoples, ΠΙ. li. 2

Gezon, a Roman infantryman, pay-
master of his company, IV. Xx.
12; scales the fortress of Toumar
and leads the army to its capture,
Iv. xx. 13-16

Germania, the home of Belisarius,
I. xi. 21

Germans, called Franks in Pro-
copius’ time, III. iii, 15 according
to one account killed Gontharis,
Ill. iii. 33

Germanus, Roman general, nephew
of Justinian; sent to Libya,
Iv. xvi. 1; makes a count of the
loyal part of the army, IV. xvi.

41:

INDEX

3; wins over many mutineers by
persuasion, IV. xvi. 4-63 pre-
pares to meet Stotzas in battle,
Iv. xvi. 7.3; arrays his army for
hattle, Iv. xvi. 10°; addresses his
troops, IV. xvi. 11-24; follows
the mutineers into Numidia, Iv.
xvii. 2; overtaking the enemy at
Scalae Veteres, prepares for
battle, Iv. xvii. 8-6; receives
offers of desertion from the Moors
‘with Stotzas, Iv. xvii. 9; not
able to trust them, Iv. xvii. 10;
Stotzas. proposes to attack his
division, Iv. xvii. 13; rallies the
Romans, IV. xvii. 18; routs tha
mutineers, Ivy. xvii. 19, 20; his
horse killed under him, Iv. xvii.
23; orders his men to distin-
guish their comrades by the
countersign, IV. xvii. 22; cap-
tures and plunders the enemy’s
camp, IV, xvii. 24-29; tries to
restore order in the army, Iy.
xvii. 30; defeats Stotzas in a
second battle, Iv. xvii. 34;
learns the plot of Maximinus
from Asclepiades; Iv. xviii.
4; invites Max. to join his
body-guards, Iv. xviii. 5, 6;
frustrates the attempt of Maxi-
minus, IV. xviii. 8-15; examines
Max. and impales him, Iv. xviii.
17, 18; summoned to Byzan-
tium, IV. xix. 1; false report of
his coming to Carthage, Iv.
xxiii. 23, 25

Gibamundus, nephew of Gelimer,
1Π. xviii. 1; sent to attack the
Roman army on the left, ibid. ;
his force destroyed at Pedion
Halon, ΠΙ. xviii 12, 19, xix. 18,
19, xxv. 15 τ

Gizeric, king of the Vandals; son
of Godigisclus and brother of
. Gontharis, 11. iii, 28; father of
Honoric, Genzon, and. Theo-
dorus, 117. v. 6, 11, vi. 24; be.
comes ruler of the Vandals with
his brother, Il. iii. 23; according
to one account destroyed -his
brother Gontharis, 111. iii, 33;
his great ability, m1. iii, 24;
invited by Boniface to share
Libya, I. iii, 25; leads the

472

Vandals into Libya, m1. iii. 33;
besieges Hippo Regius, um. iii.
32,34; discovers Marcian among
Roman captives, MI. iv. 3-8;
spares his life and makes him —
swear friendship to the Vandals,
Ill. iv. 9, 10; secures possession
of Tibya, I. xxi. 16, xxii. 4;
secures his power by making
a compact with Valentinian and
giving his son as a hostage; 111. |
iv. 12-14, xvi. 13; receives his
son back, Ill. iv. 14; > receives
ambassadors from the Vandals
who had not emigrated, Mm.
xxii. 7; at first hears them with
favour, but later refuses their
petition, I. xxii. 9-11; makes
an attempt on Taenarum, MI.
xxii. 16; attacks Zacynthus and
brutally massacres many of the
inhabitants, WI. xxii. 17, 18;
invited by. Eudoxia to punish
Maximus, Il. iv. 38, 39; de-
spoils the city of Rome, ΠΙ. ν.
1 ff. Iv. ix. 5, 8; takes captive
Eudoxia and her daughters, I.
v.3; removes the walls of Libyan
cities, MI. v. 8, xv. 9; wins
ridicule thereby in later times,
lll. v. 9; destroyed all. the tax
records of Libya, Iv. viii. 25;
enslaves notable Libyans and
takes property from others,
I. v. 11, 12; exempts con-
fiscated lands from taxation,
TIl. v. 14 ; with the Moors, makes
many inroads into Roman pro-
vinees, Ill. v. 22-25; Aspar
urges Basiliscus to spare him,
Ill. vi. 4; desires the appoint-
ment of Olyvrius as emperor of
the West, II. vi. 6; his fear of
Teon, I vi. 113 persuades
Basiliscus to delay, m1. vi. 12-16 ;
destroys the Roman fleet, m1.
vi. 17-21; receives Majorinus
disguised as an envoy, Il. vii.
6,7, 9,10; prepares to meet the
army of Majorinus, mI. vii. 12;
forms a compact with Zenon, I.
vii. 26, ix. 23; his death and
his will, 11. vil. 29, 30. ix. 10,
xvi. 13; the “law of Gizeric,”
Til. ix. 12

INDEX

Glycerius, emperor of the West,
dies after a very short reign,
Ill. vii. 15

Godas, a Goth, slave of Gelimer ;
sets up a tyranny in Sardinia,

© ὑπ] ῦ- ΘΟ Υ ἾΣΙ ΤΩ, 0am 115
invites Justinian to support him,
i. x, 28-31; receives the
envoy EHulogius, ΠῚ. x. 33;
sends him back with a letter,
mi. x. 34; the Vandals send an
expedition against him, MI.
XI. 23, xiv.9; killed by Tzazon,
xi, xxiv. 1, 3, Iv. ii, 27

Godigisclus, leader of the Vandais
in their migration, It. iii. 2,
xxii. 8, 5; settles in Spain by
agreement with Honorius, ΠῚ.
iii. 2; dies in Spain, Ill. iii. 23;
father of Gontharis and Gizeric,
Ill. iii. 23

Gontharis, son of Godigisclus and
brother of Gizeric ; becomes ruler
of the Vandals with his brother,
ti. ii. 23; his mild character,
I. iii. 24; invited by Boniface
to share Libya, 1. iii. 25; his
death, Ill. iii 32, 33.

Gontharis, body-guard of Solomon ;
sent forward against the Moors,
Iv. xix. 6; camps near the
Abigas River, iv. xix. 7; de-
feated by the Moors and besieged
in his camp, IV. xix. 8; receives
support from Solomon, IV. xix.
9; attempts to set ΠΡ a tyranny,
Iv. xxv. 1 ff.; summoned
Carthage and sent against the
Moors, IV. xxv. 4, 5; makes an
agreement with Antalas to be-
tray the Romans, Iv. xxv. 6-10;
recalls Roman skirmishers, Iv.
xxv. 14; hears of the treasonable
plan of Coutzinas, Iv. xxv. 16;
persuades Areobindus to postpone
the engagement, Iv. xxv. 17, 18;
reveals the plot to Antalas, Iv.
xxv. 19; plans to kill Areo-
bindus, IV. xxv. 22; persuades
him to join battle with the
Moors, IV. xxv. 23 ff.; openly
sets about establishing his tyr-
anny, Iv. xxv 28 ff.; summons
Athanasius, IV. xxvi. 21; and
‘Areobindus, IV. xxvi. 28; his

reception of Areobindus, Iv.
xxvi. 27-32; has him assas-
sinated, IV. xxvi. 32, 33; offends
Antalas by ‘sending him the
head of Areobindus, Iv; xxvii.
1, 2; receives the mutineers
under’ John, Iv. xxvii. 7, 8;
removes the wife and sister of
Areobindus from the fortress,
Iv. xxvii. 20; compels Prejecta
to. write a false report in a letter
to Justinian for his own advan-
tage, IV. xxvii. 20-22; sends
Artabanes against Antalas, Iv.
xxvii. 23; Coutzinas sides with
him, IV. xxvii. 24; Artabanes
determines to kill him, Iv. xxvii.
34; prepares a larger army
against Antalas, IV. xxvii. 36;
destroys many in the city, Iv.
xxvii. 37, 38; entertains Arta-
banes and others at a banquet,
Iv. xxviii. 1 ff.; his murder
planned by Artabanes, IV. xxviii.
6 ff. ; his death, Iv. xxviii. 27-30

Gospels, the sacred writings of the
Christians; oaths taken upon
them, IV. xxi. 21.

Gothaeus, sent as envoy to Spain
by Gelimer, Il. xxiv. 7 ff.

Goths, general description of the
Gothic peoples, I. ii, 2 ff. ;
their migrations, U1. ii. 6 ff. ;
their common religion and lan-
guage, Il. ii. 5; enter Pannonia
and then settle in Thrace for a
time, 1. ii. 39; subdue the
western empire, Ill. ii. 40; in
Italy, Belisarius sent against
them, Iv. xiv. 1; furnish the
Roman fleet a market in ‘Sicily,
1Π. xiv. 5; refuse to give up
Lilybaeum, Iv. v. 115 receive a
letter of remonstrance from
Belisarius, IV. v. 12-17; their
reply, IV_ v. 18-24

Grasse, a place in Libya, Ul, xvii.
8, 14, 17; its pleasant park, 1.
xvii. 9, 10; distance from
Carthage, II. xvii. 8

Greece, plundered by Gizeric, II.
Vv. 23

Greeks, contemptuous term for the
subjects of. the emperor, IV.
xxvii. 38

473

INDEX

Gregorius, nephew of Artabanes ;
with him plans the murder of
Gontharis, IV. xxviii. 7-9; urges
Artabanes to carry out the plot,
Iv. xxvii. 10-19; takes his stand
in the banquet-hall, 17. xxviii.
14; restrains Artasires, IV
XXxviii. 16

Gundamundus, son of Gezon; be-
comes king ‘of the Vandals, ΠΙ.
viii. 6; his reign and death, Il.
viii. 7; brother of Trasamundus,
πι. viii. 8

Hadrumetum, city in Libya, 1.
xvii. 8, IV. xxvii. 26, 31, 33;
taken by the Moors, Iv. xxiii.
11-15; recovered by Paulus, a
priest, IV. xxiii. 18-25, 29;
guarded for the emperor, Iv.
xxvii. 6

Harmatus, Roman General; mar-
ches against Zenon, ΠΙ. vii. 20;
surrenders to him, ΠΙ. vii. 21;
killed by Zenon, 1. vii. 23

Hebrews, their migration from
Egypt. to Palestine, IV. x. 13;
history of the, Iv. x. 17

Hebrew Scripture, quoted by Geli-
mer, Iv. ix. 11

Hellespont, strait between Sestus
and Abydus, Ill. i. 7

Heracleia, the name of Perinthus
in Procopius’ time, II. xii. 6

Heracles, wrestled with Antaeus in
Clipea, Iv. x. 24

Heracles, Pillars of, Gibraltar, m1.
i. 5, 9, 15, 18. vii. P1j1v. x: 20

Heraclius, defeats the Vandals in
Tripolis, UI. vi. 9; returns to
Byzantium, Ut. vi. 25

Hermes, called Mercury by the
Romans, ΠῚ. vi. 10; town of
Hermes or Mercurium, on the
coast of Libya, U1. vi. 10, xvii
τὺ ἘΝῚ 10

Hermione, town in Byzacium ; dis-
tance from the coast, UI. xiv. 10,
xvii. 4, 11

Hieron, near the mouth of the Bos-
phorus, I. i. 8

Himerius of Thrace, commander in
Byzacium; fails to unite with
John, and falls into the hands of
the Moors, IV. xxiii. 83-5 ; guarded

474

by the Moors, Iv. xxiii. 10; puts
Hadrtmetum into their hands, Iv.
Xxill. 10-15; escapes to Carthage,
IV. xxiii. 17”

Hippo Regius, a strong city of

Numidia, m1. iii. 31, 1V. iv. 32;
besieged by the Vandals, I.
iii. 32, 34; distance from Car-
tbage, IV. iv. 26; Boniface the
Libyan captured there, Iv iv
34, 36,

Hoamer. nephew of Ilderic; acts
as his general, I. ix. 2; im-
prisoned by Gelimer, II. ix. 9;
blinded by Gelimer, m1. ix. 14,
17; his death, 11. xvii. 12

Honoric, son of Gizeric ; given asa
hostage to Valentinian, 1. iv.
13; returned, I. iv. 14; mar- |
ties Eudocia, ‘nt. v. 6; receives -
Libyan slaves, ll v. 11; suc-
ceeds to the throne of the Vandals,
Ti. viii. 1, xxi. 19; makes war
on the Moors, Wl. viii. 1, 2;
persecutes the Christians, mm.
viii. 3, 4; his death, τι. viii. 5;
father of Ilderic, πη. ix. Ἐπ: in
his reign the church of St. cyp-
rian taken by the Arians, III.
xxi. 19

Honorius, younger son of Theo-
dosius; receives the western
empire, ΠΙ. i. 2, ii. 1; brother of
Arcadius and Placidia, m1. iii.
4; the western empire overrun
by barbarians during his reign,
I. ii. 1; retires from Rome to
Ravenna, ΠΙ. fi. 8,9; accused of
bringing in the Visigoths, Il.
ii 10; his stupid remark upon
hearing of the fall of Rome, mI.
ii. 25, 26; displaced from’ the
throne of the western empire by
Attalus, U1. ii. 28; prepares for
flight either to ‘Libya or to
Byzantium, 1. ii. 32; his good
fortune in extreme * peril, ΠΙ.
ii. 34-87; allows the Vandals to
settle in Spain, WW. iii, 25 pro-
vides that they’ shall not acquire
possession of the land, IIl. iii. 3 ;
shares royal power with Gon:
stantius, 1Π. ili, 4; his death,
Ut. iii. 4

Ifuns, see Massagetae

INDEX

Iaudas, ruler of the Moors in Auras-
ium, IV. xii. 29, xxv. 2; the best
warrior among the Moors, Iy.
xiii. 13; plunders Numidia, Iv.
xiii. 1; his combat with Althias
at Tigisis, Iv. xiii. 10-16; Solo-
mon marches against him, Iv.
xiii. 18 ; accused before Solomon
by other Moorish rulers, IV. xiii.
19; slays his father-in-law
Mephanius, ibid. ; establishes him-
self on Mt. Aurasium, IV. xiii.
21; with the mutineers of
Stotzas, Iv. xvii. 8; Solomon
marches against him, IV xix. 5;
remains on Mt. Aurasium, IV.
xix. 19; goes up to the top of
Mt. Aurasium, Iv. xix. 21;
escapes wounded from Toumar,
IV. xx. 21; deposited his trea-
sures in a tower at the Rock of
Geminianus, IV. xx. 24

Iideric, son of Honoric, becomes
king of the Vandals, ΠΙ. ix.1; an
unwarlike ruler, ibid.; uncle of
Hoamer, Ul. ix. 2; suspected
plot of the Goths against him,
tt. ix. 4; on terms of special
friendship with Justinian, HI.
ix. 5; makes large gifts to
Apollinarius, Iv. v. 8; allows
Gelimer to encroach upon his
authority, 11. ix. 8; dethroned
and imprisoned, Il. ix. 8, 9, 14,
17; killed in prison by Ammatas,
i. xvii. 11, 12; his sons and
other offspring receive rewards
from Justinian and Theodora,
Iv. ix. 13 ;

[ldiger, son-in-law of Antonina,
IV. viii. 24; sent to Libya with
an army, ibid.; made joint com-
mander of Carthage with Theo-
dorus, IV. xv. 49; at the battle
of Scalae Veteres, Iv. xvii 6, 19

Iyricum, U1. xi. 17, 21; plundered
by Gizeric, II. v. 23 “ὦ

lonian Sea, Ut. i. 9, 12, 15, ii. 9, 11

Jonians, as sailors in the African
expedition, mi. xi. 14

Touce, distance from Carthage, III.
xv. 8

Iourpouthes, a Moorish ruler, joins
in an attack upon a Roman force,
Iv. x. 6 fi.

Ister, called also the Danube, UI.
1. 10, ii. 6; crossed by the Goths,
1Π. ii, 39

Italy the brutal destruction of its
cities and people by the Visi-
goths, Il. ii. 11, 12; invaded by
Gizeric, ΠῚ. v. 1 ff., 22, 23

Jebusites, ancient people of Phoe-
nicia, IV. x. 17; emigrate to
Egypt and then to Libya, lv. x.
18,19

Jerusalem, captured by Titus, rv.
ix. 5; Christians there receive
back the treasures of the temple,
Iv. ix. 9

Jews, their treasures brought to
Byzantium by Belisarius, Iv.
ix 5; sent back to Jerusalem by
Justinian, IV. ix. 9; one of them
warns the Romans not to keep
the treasures of the temple in
Jerusalem, IV. ix. 6-8

John the Armenian; financial
manager of Belisarius, ΠῚ. xvii.
1,2; commanded to precede the
Roman army, Ill. xvii. 2, xviii.
3; engages with Ammatas at
Decimum and defeats his force,
Ill. xviii. 5, 6; pursues the fugi-
tives to Carthage, IU. xviii. 10,
xix. 30; rejoins Belisarius, MI.
xix. 33; entrusted with the
command of a skirmishing force,
Ivy. ii. 1; in the centre at the
battle of Tricamarum, IV, iii. 5;
begins the fighting, Iv. iii. 10,
12, 13; pursues Gelimer, Iv.
iv. 9, 14; killed accidentally by
Uliaris, IV. iv. 18, 19; his char-
acter, IV. iv. 20; cared for and
buried by his soldiers, Iv. iv. 22 ;
mourned by Belisarius, IV. iv. 24

John, father of Artabanes and John,
of the Arsacidae, IV. xxiv. 2

John, commander of auxiliaries, II.
xi. 6; on the left wing at the
battle of Tricamarum, IV. iii. 4;
sent with an army to Caesarea,
IVaiv. 5

John, a general under Basiliscus ;
his excellent fighting against the
Vandals, Il. vi. 22-24

John the Cappadocian, urges Jus-
tinian not to make war on the

475

INDEX

Vandals, 1Π. x. 7-17; praetorian
erfect; supplies the army with
ad bread, Π|. xiii. 12 ff.

John, guardsman of Belisarius ; sent
to the Pillars of Heracles with an
army, IV. v. 6

John, a Roman soldier, chosen
emperor, III. iii. 5; his virtues as
a ruler, 1Π. iii. 6, 7; reduced
from power by Theodosius, ΤΠ.
iii.8; captured, brutally abused,
and killed by Valentinian, ΤΠ,
iii. 9

John of Epidamnus, commander-
in-chief 0 infantry, ΠΙ. xi. 8, Iv.
xvi. 2

John, son of John, of the Arsacidae ;
sent to Libya’ in command οἱ
Armenians, IV. xxiv. 2; brother
of Artabanes, IV. xxiv. 15; his
death, ibid.

John the mutineer, succeeds Stot-
zas as general of the mutineers,
IV. xxv. 3; leads the mutineers
to join Gontharis, IV. xxvii. 7;
marches with Artabanes against
Antalas, IV. xxvii. 25; does not
take part in the battle, Iv. xxvii.
27; entertained by. Pamphilus
at a banquet, IV. xxviii. 5; taken
from sanctuary, cand sent to
Byzantium, Iv, xxviii. 39, 40

John, brother of Pappus ; ’at the
battle of Scalae Veteres, Iv. xvii.
6, 16; made general of Libya,
Iv. xxviii, 45; his varying for-
tunes in fighting with the
Moors, IV. xxviii. 46-51

John, son of Sisiniolus; sent -as
commander to Libya, Iv. xix. mee
especially hostile to ‘Sergius, IV.
Xxiis 35545 marches against the
Moors, ἵν. xxiii. 2; fails to meet
Himerius, IV. xxiii. 3- —5 3 quarrels
with Sergius, ιν. xi 39 sent
against Antalas and Stotzas, Iv.
xxiv. 6; meets the enemy at a
great disadvantage, Iv. xxiv. 8;
his enmity against Stotzas, Iv.
xxiv. 9; gives him a mortal
wound in the battle, IV. xxiv. 11;
his army routed by the Moors,
Iv xxiv. 12: his death, Iv. xxiv.
13, 14; Justinian’s. sorrow at
his death, IV. xxiv. 16

416

Joseph, an imperial scribe, sent as
envoy to. Stotzas, IV. xv. 7;
killed by Stotzas, Iv. xv. 8

Joshua (‘ Jesus’ ὮΝ sop of Nun
(* Naues ”), brings the Hebrews
inte Palestine, 1v. x. 13; sub-
jugates the country, Ὁ, X14 ¢
mentioned in a Phoenician in-
scription, IV. x. 22

Juppitetr ΠΕΣ ΤΕΥ temple of, in
Rome, despoiled by Gizeric, ‘iM.

ν. 4

J istintaiit succeeds his uncle Jus-
tinus as emperor, HI. vii. 27; on
terms of esnecial friendship with
lideric, 111. ix. 5; sends warning
to Gelimer, 11. ix. 10-13; sends
a second warning to Gelimer, ul.
ix. 15-19; approached by Apol-

- linarius and other Libyans seek-
ing help for Ilderic, Iv. v. 8; pre-
pares to make war upon Gelimer,
Il. ix. 24, 25; summons Beli-
sarius from the East to command
the African expedition, ΠῚ. ix.
25; makes Med det a for ane
expedition, Ul. x. 1 Σ᾿ dis-
couraged by John the, “Cappa-
docian, Ill. x. 7 ff.; urged by a
priest to prosecute the war, Ill.
x. 18-20; continues preparations
ll. x. 21; invited by Godas to
support him in Sardinia, m1.
x. 28-31; sends an envoy to him,
ut. x. 323 and latcr an army,
Tl. xi. 1; sends Valerianus and
Martinus in advance of the
African expedition, ΠῚ xi. 24;
despatches the expedition, tl,
xii. 1 ff.; makes an agreement
with Amalasountha for a market,
it. xiv. 5; their mutual friend-
ship, III. xiv. 6; his letter to the
Vandals, III. xvi. 12-14; never
properly delivered, tT. Xvi. 16;
the Goths appeal to him as ar-
biter, Iv. vy. 24; receives report
of Belisarius regarding the dis-
pute with the Goths, Iv. v. 25;
hears slander against Belisarius,
Iv. viii. 2; sends Solomon to
test him, Iv. viii. 4; sends the
Jewish treasures back to Jer-
usalem, IV. ix. 93 receives the
homage of Gelimer and of Beli-

INDEX

sarius, IV. 1x..12; distributes
rewards to Gelimer and others,
Iv. ix. 13; sends Belisarius against
the Goths in Italy, Iv. xiv. 1;
sends Germanus to Libya, IV.
xvi. 1; entrusts Solomon again
with the command of Libya, [v.
xix. 1; receives a letter from
Antalas, Iv. xxii. 6-10; refuses
to recall Sergius, IV. xxii. 11;
sends Areobindus to Libya IV.
xxiv. 1; recalls Sergius and
sends him to Italy, Iv. xxiv. 16;
appoints Artabanes general of
Libya, IV. xxviii. 43; sum-
mons him to Byzantium, Iv.
xxviii. 44; uncle of Germanus,
Iv. xvi. 1; and of Vigilantia,
Iv. xxiv. 3; the Vandals of, IV.
xiv. 17: excluded all not of the
orthodox faith from the church,
Iv. xiv. 14; years of reign noted,
Il. xii. 1, Iv. xiv. 6, xix. 1, xxi.
1, xxviii. 41
Justinus, Roman emperor, uncle of
Justinian, WI. vii. 27; not a
vigorous or skilful ruler, MI. ix.
5; Ilderic accused of betraying
the Vandals to him, Il. ix. 8

Laribus, or Laribous, city in Libya,
Iv. xxii, 14, xxviii. 48; attacked
by the Moors, Iv. xxii. 18-20 |

Latin tongue, the, ΠῚ i. 6, IV. xiii.

Laurus, a Carthaginian ; impaled
by Belisarius, Iv. i. 8

leon, emperor of the Hast, WI. v
7; sends an expedition against
the Vandals, U1. vi. 1 ff., xx. 2;
quarrels with Aspar, Ill. vl. oe
appoints Anthemius emperor of
the West, MI. vi. 5; wins over the
tyrant Marcellianus and sends
him against the Vandals in
Sardinia, Ul. vi. 8; dreaded by
Gizeric, I. vi. 11 ; his expedition
destroyed by the Vandals, Il.
vi. 17 ff.; destroys Aspar and
Ardaburius, 1. vi. 27; _ his
death, 11. vii. 2; husband of
Berine, Ul. vi. 2; father of
‘Ariadne, WI. vii. 2

Leon the younger, son of Zenon
and Ariadne, Ml. vii. 2; becomes

emperor while an infant, 011. vii.
2; dies soon afterwards, II.
vii. 3
Leontius, son of Zaunus, sent as
commander to Libya, IV. xix. 1;
fights valorously at the capture
of Toumar, Iv. xx. 19; brother
of Rufinus, ibid.
Leptes, city in Libya, ΠΙ. xvii. 8
Leptimagna, city in Tripolis;
threatened by an army ot
Leuathae, IV. xxi. 2, 13, 15
Lesbos, passed by the fugitive
Vandals, Iv. xiv. 18
Leuathae, tribe of Moors; present
demands to Sergius, IV. xxi. 2;
their representatives received by
Sergius and killed, Iv. xxi. 4-10;
come in arms against lepti-
magna, IV. xxi. 12; routed by
the Romans, IV. xxi 14; march
against the Romans a_ second
time, IV. xxi. 16; scorn the over-
tures of Solomon, IV. xxi. 20-22 ;
capture Solomon, son of Bacchus,
IV. Χχίϊ. 118: release/him, IV,
xxii. 16; besiege Laribus, IV
xxii. 18; depart to their homes,
Iv. xxii.. 20; join the Moors of
Byzacium against the Romans,
IV. xxviii. 47
Libya, included in “ Asia,” Ill. i.
5; its aborigines, IV. x. 23; the
Phoenicians emigrate thither,
Iv. x. 19 ; Phoenician tongue used
there, IV. x. 20; subjugated by
the Romans, IV. x. 28; failure of
the Visigothic king Attalus to get
a foothold there, π|. ii. 30, 32,
36; lost by Valentinian, I
iii. 12; occupied by the Vandals.
Il. iii. 26, xxii. 4; who remove
the walls of the cities, 1. v. 8,
xv. 9; recovered for the Romans
by Belisarius, m1. xvi. 9. ff.;
prospers under the rule of Solo-
mon, IV. xix. 3. xx. 33; who
restores the walls of the cities,
IV. xix. 3, xx. 29; overrun by the
tte Iv. xxiii. 26-31, xxviii.
4

Libyans, enslaved and impoverished
by Gizeric, m1. v. 11-13, 15-17 ;
cannot trust the Vandals, M1.
xvi. 3; their sufferings at the

477

INDEX

hands of the Vandals, ΠΙ. xx. 19 ;
oppressed by the Moors, IV. viii.
20, xxiii. 27; enjoy peace at
last, IV. xxviii. 52

Liguria, the army of Majorinus
halts there, 111. vii. 4, 11 ae

Lilybaeum, a promontory of Sicily ;
presented to Amalafrida, mI.
viii. 13; Belisarius attempts un-
successfully to take it, IV. v. 11;
he asserts his claim, IV. v. 12 ff. ;
the claim denied by the Goths,
Iv. v. 19 ff.

Massagetae, called Huns in Pro-
copius’ time, IM. xi. 9; their
love of wine, Il. xii. 8; their
custom of allowing only members
of a certain family to begin a
battle, 11. xviii, 14; in the army
of Aetius, MI. iv. 24; in the
African expedition of Belisarius,
ΠΙ. xi. 11, xii. 8-10, xvii. 3, xviii.
3, 12, 17, xix. 18, 88, IV. xiii. 2;
their doubtful allegiance, ΝΣ i.
δ, 6, 9-11, ii. 3, iii, 7, 16
with the mutineers under John
IV. xxvii. 8

Maeotic Lake, at the eastern ex-
tremity of the “ Mediterranean,”
ΠΙ. i, 4 ; limit of the Euxine, m1.
i, 10; home of the Vandals, 11.
iti 1

Majorica, island in the western
Mediterranean, m1. i. 18; Apol-
linarius sent thither with an
army, IV. v. 7

Majorinus, emperor of the West;
makes an expedition against the
Vandals, ΠῚ vii. 4-13; dis-
guised as an envoy and received
by Gizeric, M1. vii. 8-10; his
death, τη. vii. 14

Malea, southern promontory of the
Peloponnesus, III. xiii. 5

Mammes, a place in Byzacium;
Solomon encamps there, IV. xi.

ΠῚ ppeatl fought there, IV. xi.

>
2

Mandracium, the harbour of Car-
thage, ΠΙ. xx. 14,15, IV. viii. lis
xxvi. 10; opened to the Roman
fleet, I. xx. 3; entered by
Calonymus with a few ships,
Tl. xx. 16

478

Marcellianus, rules as independent
tyrant over Dalmatia, m1. vt 7;
won over by Leon and sent to
Sardinia against the Vandals,
Ill. vi. 8; destroyed by treachery,
Ill. vi. 25

Marcellus, commander of auxil-
iaries, I. xi. 6; on the left wing
at the battle of Tricamarum
Iv. iii, 4; commander-in-chie
of Roman forces in Numidia, Iv.
xv. 50,51; leads his army against
Stotzas, IV. xv. 52; his death,
IV. xv. 59

Marcentius, commander in Byzac-
ium; persuaded by Antalas to
join him, Iv. xxvii. 5, 6, 31

Marcian, confidential adviser of
Aspar, ΠῚ iv. 7; taken prisoner
by Gizeric, 11. iv. 2; his career
foreshadowed by a sign, I. iv.
4-8; spared by Gizeric, m1. iv.
9, 10; becomes emperor of the
East, M11. iv. 10, 39; his success-
ful reign, I. iv. 11; his death,
Ill. v. 7

Marcian, commander of infantry,
ΤῊ ΧΙ

Martinus, commander of auxil-
jaries, M1. xi. 6, 29; sent with
Valerian in advance of the
African expedition, I. xi. 24;
meets the Roman fleet at Methone,
Mm. xiii. 9; on the left wing at
the battle of Tricamarum, trv.
iii. 4; escapes with Solomon
from the mutiny in Carthage. Iv.
xiv. 37-40; sent back to
Numidia, Iv. xiv. 40 ; summoned
to Byzantium, Iv. xix. 2

Massonas, son of Mephanias; a
Moorish ruler, accuses Iaudas to
Solomon, IV. xiii. 19

Mastigas, Moorish ruler, tv. xx. 31

Mastinas, ruler of Moors in Maure-
tania, [V. xiii. 19

Mauritania, occupied by the Moors,
Iv. x. 29; Moors of, seek alliance
with the Romans, I. xxv. 3;
ruled by Mastinas, Iv. xiii. 19;
fugitive Vandals return thither,
Iv. xiv 19; lJaudas retires
thither, IV. xx. 21; “First
Mauritania,” called Zabe,. sub-
Jugated by Solomon, Iv xx. 30;

INDEX

Stotzas comes thence to join
Antalas, Iv. xxii. 5; adjoins
Numidia, ΠΙ. xxv. 21 ; city of
Caesarea there, IV. v. 5

Maximinus, body-guard of Theo-
dorus the Cappadocian; tries
to set up a tyranny, IV. xviii.
1-3; upon invitation of Ger-
manus, becomes a body-guard of
his, IV. xviii. 6, 7; his attempt
frustrated by Germanus, IV.
xviii. 8-15; examined by Ger-
manus and impaled, Iv. xviii
17, 18

Maximus the elder, his tyranny,
ju. iv 16; the festival cele-
brating his defeat, ibid.

Maximus, a Roman senator, Il.
iv. 16; his wife outraged by
Valentinian, mI. iv. 17-22; plans
to murder Valentinian, II. iv.
24; slanders and destroys Aetius,
Im. iv. 25-27; kills Valentinian,
and makes himself tyrant, II.
iv. 36; stoned to death, I.

v. 2

Medeos, city at the foot of Mt.
Papua in Numidia, Iv. iv. 27

Medic garments, i.e. silk; called
‘‘seric ἡ in Procopius’ time, as
coming from the Chinese (Seres) ;
worn by the Vandals, IV. vi. 7

Medissinissas, a Moorish ruler;
joins in an attack upon a Roman
force, Iv. x. 6 ff.; slays Rufinus,
1ν. 5} 511:

Megara, its distance from Athens
the measure of a one day’s
journey, I. i. 17

Melanchlaenae, an old name for
the Goths, IL. ii. 2 .

Melita, island between the Adriatic
and Tyrrhenian Seas (Malta),
Ill. xiv. 16

Membresa, city in Libya, IV. Xv.
12; distance from Carthage,

ibid.

Menephesse, place in Byzacium,
Iv. xxiii. 3

Mephanias, a Moor, father of Mas-
sonas, an father-in-law οἵ
Jaudas, IV. xiii. 19; treacher-
ously slain by Iaudas, ibid.

Mercurium, a town near Carthage,
πι. vi. 10, xvii. 15, xx 10

Mercurius, the Latin name for
Hermes, I. vi. 10

Methone, a town in the Pelopon-
nesus, TI. xiii. 9; the Roman
fleet stops there, Ml. xiii. 9-21

Minorica, island in the western
Mediterranean, II. i. 18; Apol-
linarius sent thither with an
army, IV. v. 7

Misuas, the ship-yard of Carthage,
IV. xiv. 40

Monks, their monastery in Carthage,
Iv. xxvi. 17

Moors, a black race of Africa, IV.
xiii. 29; an account of their
origin in Palestine, and migration
westward, Iv. x. 13 ff.; driven
away from Carthage, 1V. x. 27,
28; possess themselves of much
of Libya, Iv. x. 29; take Mt.
Aurasium from the Vandals,
Iv. xiij. 26, 27; those beyond
Mt. Aurasium ruled by Ortaias,
IV. xiii. 28; on Aurasium, ruled
by Laudas, Iv. xii. 29, xiii. 1;
of Mauritania, ruled by ‘Mastinas,
IV. xiii. 19; inhabit Mt. Papua
Iv. iv. 27, vi. 19, 20; not merged
with the Vandals, 1. v. 21;
their alliance secured by Gizeric,
ΠΙ. v. 22; make war on the
Vandals, Il. viii. 1, 2; dwelling
on Mt. Aurasium, establish their
independence from the Vandals,
Ul. viii. 5; their wars with
Gundamundus, Il. viii. 7; in-
flict a great disaster upon the
Vandals, Il. viii. 15-28; of
Byzacium, defeat the Vandals,
li. ix. 3; most of them seek
alliance with the Romans, II.
xxv. 2-4, Iv. viii. 11 ff.; their
doubtful fidelity, m1. xxv. 9;
stationed in the rear of the
Vandals at the battle of Trica-
marum, IV. iii. 8; threaten the
Roman power in ‘Tripolis, Iv.
v. 10; on Mt. Papua, drive back
Pharas and his men, IV. vi. 1-3;
of Byzacium and Numidia, rise
and overrun the country, IV.
viii. 20-23, x. 1, 2; caught by
Aigan and Rufinus in an am-
bush, Iv. x. 5; in turn anni-
hilate the Roman force, IV. x.

479

INDEX

6 fi.; receive a warning letter
from Solomon, Iv. xi. 1-8; their
reply, IV. xi. 9-13; Solomon
marches against them, ἀνε χὶ,
14; prepare for battle at Mam-
mes, IV. xi. 17, 18, 87-46; de-
feated by the "Romans, IV. xi.
47-54 ; rise against the Romans a
second time, IV. xii. 1; establish
themselves on Mt. *Bourgaon,
Iv. xii. 3-93; suffer a crushing
defeat, Iv. xii. 17 ff.; finally
understand their ancient pro-
phecy, Iv. xii. 28; emigrate from
Byzacium to Numidia, TV. oxi,
29; those under Antalas re-
main in Byzacium, Iv. xii. 30;
of Aurasium, take up arms under
Iaudas, IV. xiii. 1 ff. ; checked by
Althias at the spring of Tigisis,
IV. xiii. 8, 9; in the army of
Solomon, WW.” xiii. 20; elude
Solomon on Mt. Aurasium, IV.
xiii. 35, 36; Solomon prepares
another’ expedition against them,
Iv. xiii. 40; with the mutineers
of Stotzas, Iv. xvii. 8; their
uncertain “allegiance, IV. xvii.
9-12; join in the pursuit of the
mutineers, Iv. xvii. 31; on
Aurasium; Solomon marches
against them, IV. xix. 5; defeat
Gontharis, IV. xix. 8; flood the
Roman camp, IV, xix. 14; retire
to Mt. Aurasium, Iv. xix. 16;
defeated by Solomon, retire to
the heights of Aurasium, Iv. xix.
17, 18; abandon the’ fortress
of Zerboule to the Romans, Iv.
xix, 23-32; overwhelmingly de-
feated at Toumar, Iv. xx. 1 ff.;

defeat the Romans under Solo-
mon, IV. xxi. 25-28; gather
under Antalas, Iv. xii. ῦ;
tricked by Solomon the younger,
Iv, xxii. 12-17; attack Laribus,
Iv. xxii. 18-20; gathered a
second time by ‘Antalas, IV. xxiii.
1; capture Himerius ‘and take
Hadrumetum, Iy. xxiii. 10-15;
lose Hadrumetum, IV. xxiii. 25:
pillage all Libya unhindered, Iv.
Xxili, 26-32; defeat the Roman
army at Siccaveneria, IV.jUXXiv.
8-12; at the invitation of Gon-

480

tharis, march against Carthage,
IV. xxv. 1,2; of Coutzinas, in the
army of Artabanes, Iv. XXvii. 25;
of Byzacium, defeated by John,
Iv. xxviii. 46; with the Leuathae
defeat, John, "IV. xxviii. 47, 48;
routed in a third battle, Iv.
Xxviii. 50, 51; of Coutzinas, in
alliance with John, Iv. xxviii.
50; in Sardinia, Solomon pre-
pares an expedition against them,
Iv. xiii. 41, 45; sent thither by
the Vandals, Iv. xiii. 43; over-
run the island, IV. xiii. 42, 44;
called Barbaricini, Iv. xiii. 44;
their polygamy, Iv. xi. 13;
untrustworthy by nature, IV.
xiii. 37, xvii. 10, even among
themselves, Iv. xxv. 16; sus-
picious toward all, Iv. xxvi. 2;
nee hardiness as a nation, Iv.
. 5, 10-13; their reckless char-
cee; IV. viii. 10; their female
oracles, IV. vili. 13 ; their method
of cooking bread, Iv. ovii. 08:
accustomed to take some women
with their armies, Iv. xi. 18, 19;
undesirable allies, Iv. xiii. 40°
not practised in storming walls,
Iv. xxii. 20; not diligent ‘in
guarding captives, IV. xxiii. AY;
the symbols of kingship among
them received from the Roman
emperor, Il. xxv. 5-7; Moorish
old man, guardian of Iaudas’
treasures, IV. xx. 24; slain by
a Roman soldier, IV. XMIAQTS
Moorish woman, IY. vii. 3
Moses, leader of the Hebrews, his
death, Iv. x. 13

Nepos, emperor of the West, dies
aiter a reign of a few days, Ti.
vii. 15

Numidia, in Africa, adjoins Mauri-
tania, UI. xxv. οἱ; its boundary
near the plain of Boulla, 11.
xxv. 1; Mt. Papua on its borders,
Iv. iv. 97: includes Mt. Auras-
ium, ΠΙ. viii. 53 and the city of
Hippo Regius, πι. lii. 31, Iv. iv.
26; and the ‘city of Tigisis, IV.
Xs "a1; Moors of, seek alliance
with the Romans, Ill. xxv. ὃ;
plundered by the Moors, Iv. viii.

INDEX

9, x. 2; plundered by Iaudas,
Iv. xiti. 1, 18; a place of retreat
for the mutineers of Stotzas, IV.
xv. 44, 50, xvii. 1; Romans
retire from there, IV. xx. 30;
Gontharis commander there, IV.
xxv. 1; Moors of, march out
against Carthage, IV. xxv. 2

Nun (“ Naues ”’), father of Joshua
ζ Jesus ’’), IV. x. 13, 22

Ocean, Procopius’ conception of it
as encircling the earth, 1. 1. 4
Olyvrius, Roman senator, husband
of Placidia, m1. v. 6, vi. 6; be-
comes emperor of the West;
killed after a short reign, UI.
vii. 1

Optio (Latin), a kind of adjutant in
the Roman army, Il. xvii. 1,
IV. Xx. 12

Ortaias, Moorish ruler beyond Mt.
Aurasium, Iv. xiii. 19, 28;
accuses Iaudas to Solomon, IV.
xiii. 19; with the mutineers of
Stotzas, Iv. xvii. 8; his report
of the country beyond his own,
IV. xiii. 29

Palatium, the imperial residence in
Rome; said to be named from
Pallas, It. xxi. 4; despoiled by
Gizeric, II. v. 34, Iv. ix. 5

Palestine, settlement of the Hebrews
there, IV. x. 13; Moors emigrated
therefrom, Iv. x. 27

Pallas, an ‘eponymous ” hero,
used to explain the word “ Pala-
tium,” Il, xxi. 4

Pannonia, entered by the Goths,
I. ii. 39 :

Pappus, brother of John, Iv. xvii.
6, xxviii. 45; commander of
cavalry, MI. xi. 7; on the tight
wing at the battle of Trica-
marum, IV. iii. 4 :

Papua, mountain in Numidia, Iv.
iv. 27; Gelimer takes refuge
there, IV. 26, 28; its ascent
attempted by Pharas, IV. vl. ane
closely besieged, IV. iv. 28, vi.
3; Cyprian sent thither to re-
ceive Gelimer, IV. vii. 11.

Pasiphilus, a mutineer in the
Roman ormy; active supporter

of Gontharis, IV. xxvii. 21, 22,
36, 38; entertains John at a
banquet, Iv. xxviii. 3; his death,
IV, x¥vili. 39

Patrician rank, 1. ii. 15, xi. 17,
Iv. vi. 22, xvi. 1; Gelimer ex-
cluded from it because of Arian-
jsm, IV. ix. 14

Paulus, a priest of Hadrumetum ;
rescues the city from the Moors,
Tv. xxiii, 18-25; comes to
Byzantium, IV. xxiii. 29

Pedion Halon, in Libya, distance
from Decimum; forces of Giba-
Inundus destroyed there, III.
Xvili. 12

Pegasius, friend of Solomon the
younger, IV. xxii. 14, 15

Peloponnesus, It. xi. 24, Iv. xiv.
18; plundered by Gizeric, III.
v. 23, xxii. 16

Pentapolis, part of Libya; its
rule falls to Cyrus, IV. xxi. 1_.

Perinthus, called Heracleia in Pro-
copius’ time, II. xii. 6

Persians, Ill. xix. 7; make peace
with the Romans, Il. i. 1, ix.
25, 26; Varidals fight against
them IV. xiv. 18

Peter, Roman general, accused by
the Massagetae of unfair dealing,

Iv.i. 6

Peter, of Thrace, body-guard of
Solomon; at the banquet of
Gontharis, IV. xxviii. 3; looks
with approval upon Artabanes’
plot, IV. xxviii. 24, 28; with
‘Artabanes cuts down the body-
guards who remain, IV. xxviii. 33

Pharas, leader of Eruli,.in the
African expedition, mI. xi. 11;
left in charge of the siege of
Gelimer on Mt. Papua, IV. iv.
28, 31, vi. 1, 3; his correspond-
ence with Gelimer, Iv. vi. 15-30,
vii. 6-9; learns the reasons for
Gelimer’s peculiar request, and
fulfils it, Iv. vi. 31-34; reports to
Belisarius, IV. vii. 10; his good
qualities, IV. iv. 29, 31; an un-
educated man, IV. vi. 15

Pharesmanes, father of Zaunas,
Ty. xix. 1, xx. 19

Phasis River, in Colchis, m1. i. 11;
distance from Chalcedon, ibid.

481

INDEX

Phoenicia, its extent, Iv. x. 15;
tuled by one king in arcient
times, IV. x. 16; home of various
peoples, IV. x. 17; Dido’s emi-
gration therefrom, Iv. x. 25;
Phoenician tongue, spoken in
Libya. Iy. x. 20; Phoenician
writing, on two stones in Numidia
Wig 22:

Phredas, friend of Areobindus, sent
by him to Gontharis, Iv. xxvi.
8,9

Placidia, sister of Arcadius and
Honorius and wife of Constantius,
Ill. iii. 4; mother of Valentinian,
brings him up in vicious ways,
Il. ili. 10; as regent for her son,
appoints Boniface general of all
Libya, I. iii. 16; gives ear to
Aetius’ slander of Boniface, m1.
iii. 17, 18; summons him to
Rome, Ill. iii. 18; sends men to
Boniface at Carthage, II. iii. 27;
upon learning the truth tries to
bring him back, 11. iii. 28, 29;
finally receives him back, m1.
iii, 36; her death, m1. iv. 15

Placidia, daughter of Eudoxia and
wife of Olyvrius; taken captive
by Gizeric, 1. y. 8, vi. 6; sent
to Byzantium, Im. v. 6

Pontus, see Euxine

Praetor, II. x. 3

Praetorian, see Prefect

Prefect, praetorian prefect (lit. “ οὗ
the court’), m1. x. 3, 7, xi. 17,
xiii. 12; of the army, “ financial
Manager,” IW. xi. 17: cf. I.
Xv. 13, xvii. 16, IV. xvi. 2

Prejecta, daughter of Vigilantia and
wife of Areobindus, accompanies
him to Libya, IV. xxiv. 3; placed
in a fortress for her safety, rv.
xxvi. 18; removed from the
fortress by Gontharis and com-

elled to give a false report in a
etter to Justinian, IV. xxvii. 20;
presents a great sum of money to
Artabanes, IV. xxviii. 43

Proba, a notable woman of Rome 5
according to one account opened
the gates of the city to Alaric,
IU. ii. 27

Procopius, author of the History
of the Wars; sails with Beli-
sarius for Africa, ΠΙ. xii. 3; his

482

reassuring dream, 1Π. xii. 3-5;
sent by Belisarius to Syracuse to
get information, ΠῚ xiv. 3, 4,
7-13; praised by Belisarius
Il. xiv. 15; congratulates Beli-
sarius upon a good omen, In.
Xv. 35; escapes from Carthage
with Solomon, IV. xiv. 39; goes
to Belisarius in Syracuse, Iv.
xiv. 41

Pudentius, of Tripolis; recovers
this country for the Roman
empire, III. x. 22-24, xi. 22, 1°.
xxi. 3; receives support from
Belisarius, Iv. v. 10; persuades
Sergius to receive only repre-
sentatives of the Leuathae, Iv.
xxi. 3; fights against the Teu-
athae, IV. xxi. 13, 14; his death,
Iv. xxii. 15

Ravenna, city in Italy; the re-
fuge of Honorius, ΠΙ. ii. 9, 25;
attacked by Alaric and Attalus,
Ill. ii, 29

Reparatus, priest of Carthage ; sent
by Gontharis to summon Areo-
bindus, IV. xxvi. 23; with
difficulty persuades him to come,
IV. Xxvi. 24-27; dismissed by
Gontharis, IV. xxvi. 31

Rhecimer, slays his father-in-law
Anthemius, emperor of the West,
11]. vii. 1

Rhine River, crossed by the Van-
dals, I. iit. 1

Romans, subjects of the Roman
empire, both in the East and in
the West; mentioned con-
stantly throughout: celebrate a
festival commemorating the over-
throw of Maximus, II. iv. 16;
accustomed to enter subject
cities in disorder, mI. xxi. 9;
require especial oaths of loyalty
from body-guards of ofticers,
Iv. xviii. 6; subjugate the
peoples of Libya, Iv. x..28; lose
Libya to Gizeric and the Vandals,
ΠῚ. iii. 31-35 ; send an unsuccess-
ful expedition under Basiliscus
against the Vandals, m1. vi, 1-24 :
make peace with the Persians,
Il. ix. 26; send a second ex-
pedition under Belisarius, m1.

1 ff.; defeat the Vandals

INDEX

at Decimum, ΠΙ. xviii. 5-19, xix.
31-33; at Tricamarum, IV. li.
4. ff.; defeat the Moors at the
battle of Mammes, IV. xi. 47-54;
on Mt. Bourgaon, Iv. xii. 19 ff. ;
and on Mt. Aurasium, IV. xix.
5-xx. 22; further conflicts with
the Moors, IV. xxi—xxviii.;
poverty of the Roman soldiers,
Iv. iv. 3; their marriages with

‘the Vandal women, IV. xiv. 8;
and their desire for the Vandals’
estates, IV. xiv. 10; they make
a mutiny, IV. xiv. 7 ff

Rome, abandoned by MHonorius,
11. ii. 8,9; completely sacked by
the Visigoths, 111. ii. 13;
tured by Alaric, UI. ii. 14-23;
sacked by Alaric, Ii. ii. 24;
according to one account, was
delivered over to Alaric by Proba,
ml. ii. 27; the suffering of the
city during the siege of Alaric,
Il. ii. 27; despoiled by Gizeric,
τον 1 fi., tv. ix./5

Rome, name of a cock of the
Emperor Honorius, ΠΙ. ii. 26

Rufinus, of Thrace ; of the house of
Belisarius and his standard-
bearer, IV. x. 3, 4; commander
of cavalry, 1Π. xi. 7; makes a
successful attack upon the Moors
in Byzacium, Iv. x. 5; his force
in turn annihilated by the Moors
Iv. x. 6 ff.; captured an
killed, Iv. x. 10, 11, xi. 22

Rufinus, son of Zaunas and brother
of Leontius; sent as commander
to Libya, IV. xix. 1; fights valor-
ously at the capture of Toumar,
Iv. xx. 19

Salarian Gate, at Rome, 1Π. ii. 17,

Sallust, Roman historian, the house
of, burned by Alaric, ΠΙ. li. 24

Sarapis, commander of Roman in-
fantry, ΠΙ. xi. 7, IV. xv. 50; his
death, Iv. xv. 59 :

Sardinia, its size compared with
that of Sicily, IV. xiii. 42; half
way between Rome and Carthage,
ibid. ; recovered by the Romans
from the Vandals, 11. vi. 8, 11;
occupied by the tyrant Godas,
mr x. 26, 27; Gelimer sends an

expedition to recover it, ΠΙ. xi
22, 23; subdued by Tzazon,
I, xxiv. 1, 3, 1v. il. 25; avoided
by Cyril, τη. xxiv. 19; Tzazon
and his men summoned thence
by Gelimer, I. xxv. 10, 17, 24,
25; recovered for the Roman
empire by Cyril, IV. v. 2, 4;
Solomon sends an expedition
against the Moors who had over-
run the island, IV. xiii. 41-45

Sauromatae, an old name for
the Goths, II. ii. 2

Scalae Veteres, place in Numidia,
IV. xvii. 3

Scythians, a barbarian people, I.
xix. 7; in the army of Attila,

1Π. iv. 24
Scriptures of the Christians ; Areo-
bindus seeks to protect himself
by them, Iv. xxvi 27; see also
Gospel, and Hebrew Scriptures
Septem, fort at the Pillars of
Heracles, ml. i. 6; John sent
thither with an army, IV. v. 6
Sergius, son of Bacchus, and
brother of Cyrus ; becomes ruler
of Tripolis in Libya Iv. xxi. 1;
brother of Solomon the younger,
Iy. xxi. 19; threatened by an
army of Leuathae, IV. xxi. 2;
receives representative from
them, IV. xxi. 3 ff.; meets them
in battle, Iv. xxi. 18, 14; retires
into the city, Iv. xxi. 15; and
receives help from Solomon,
Iv. xxi. 16,19; succeeds Solomon
in the command of Libya, Iv.
xxii. 1; his misrule, IV. xxil. 25
his recall demanded by Antalas,
Iv. xxii. 9, 10; Justinian refuses
to recall him, Iv. xxii. 11; ap-
pealed to by Paulus to save
Hadrumetum, but does nothing,
Iv. xxiii. 20, 21; quarrels with
John, son of Sisiniolus, IV. xxii.
3; xxiii. 32; shares the rule of
Libya with Areobindus, Iv, xxiv.
4, 5; departs to Numidia, Iv.
xxiv. 6; disregards Areobindus’
instructions to unite with John,
Iv. xxiv. 7, 8; recalled and sent
to Italy, Iv. xxiv. 16, xxv. 1
Seric, see Medic Garments, IV. vi. 7
Sestus, oe on the Hellespont,
ΠΙ. i.

483

INDEX

Severianus, son of Asiaticus, a
Phoenician; his daring en-
counter with the Moors, Iv.
xxiii. 6-9; escapes to Carthage,
Iv. xxiii. 17

Shield Mountain (Clypea), ancient
fort on Aurasium, IV, xiii. 33

Shoal’s Head, see Caputvada, II.

iv.

Siccaveneria, city in Libya; dis-
tance from Carthage. Iv. xxiv. 6

Sicily, its size compared with that
of Sardinia, Iv. xiii. 42; invaded
by Gizeric, I. v. 22, 23; con-
cessions given the Vandals there,
Ill. viii. 13, IV. v. 21; reached by
the Roman fleet, I. xiii. 22;
expedition sent thither by Beli-
sarius, IV. v.11; claimed by the
Goths, Iv. v. 19; subjugated by
Belisarius, IV. xiv. 1; a mutiny
there causes Belisarius to return
to it, Iv. xv. 48, 49; refuge of
Libyans, IV. xxiii. 28

Sidon, city at the extremity of
Phoenicia, IV. x. 15

Sigeum, promontory on the coast
of the Troad, M1. xiii. 5

Singidunum, town in the land of
the Gepaides, modern Belgrade,
In. ii. 6

Sinnion, leader of the Massagetae,
Ill. xi. 12

Sirmium, town in the land of the
Gepaides, ΠΙ. ii. 6

Sisiniolus, father of John, rv. xix. 1,
xxii. 3, xxiii. 2, xxiv. 6

Sitiphis, metropolis of ‘‘ First
Mauritania,” Iv. xx. 30

Sittas, Roman general; slain by
Artabanes, IV. xxvii. 17

Sophia, name of the great church
in Byzantium, ΠΙ. vi. 26

Solomon, commander of auxiliaries,
Ti. xi. 5; a eunuch, mi. xi. 6;
a native of the country about
Daras, UWI. xi. 9; uncle of
Bacchus, Iv. xxi. 1; sent to
report Belisarius’ victory. to the
emperor, III. xxiv. 19; returns
to Libya, IV. viii. 4; left by
Belisarius in charge of Libya,
Iv. viii. 23; receives reinforce-
ments from Byzantium, Iv. viii.
24; disturbed by the news of
uprisings in Libya, Iv. x. 1 ff.;

484

writes to the Moorish leaders,
Iv. xi. 1-8; their reply, Iv. xi.
9-13; moves against the Moors
with his whole army, Iv. xi, 14;
addresses his troops, IV. xi. 23-
36; inflicts a crushing defeat
upon the enemy at Mammes, IV.
xi. 15 ff.; receives word of the
second Moorish uprising, and
marches back, IV. xii. 2; wins a
brilliant victory on Mt. Bourgaon,
Iv. xii. 3 ff.; moves against
Iaudas, Iv. xiii. 18; instigated
against him by other Moorish
leaders, IV. xiii. 19; encamps on
the Abigas River, Iv. xiii. 20;
ascends Mt. Aurasium with few
provisions, IV. xiii. 30-33;
eluded by the Moors, Iv. xiii. 35,
36; returns to Carthage, Iv.
xiii. 39; prepares a second ex-
pedition against Mt. Aurasium,
Iv. xiii. 40; and against Sar-
dinia, IV. xiii, 41, 45; passes
the winter in Carthage, IV. xiv.
4; opposed by the soldiers in
regard to confiscated lands, Iv.
xiv. 10; plan to assassinate him)
Iv, xiv. 22; his guards implicated
in the plot, Iv. xiv. 23; failure
of the conspirators to act, Iv.
xiv. 24-27; tries to win back the
loyalty of his men, Iv. xiv. 30;
insulted openly, Iv. xiv. 31;
sends Theodorus to the mutineers
Iv, xiv. 32; his enmity toward
Theodorus, IV. xiv. 33; his ac-
quaintances killed by the mutin-
eers, IV. xiv. 36; flees to a sanc-
tuary in the palace, IV. xiv. 37;
joined by Martinus there, ibid. ;
they come out to the house o:
Theodorus, IV. xiv. 38; escape in
a boat to Misuas, whence he
sends Martinus to Numidia, Iv,
xiv. 40 ; writes to Theodorus, and
departs to Syracuse, Iv. xiv. 41;
begs Belisarius to come to
Carthage, IV. xiv. 42; returns
with him, Iv. xv. 9; entrusted
again with the command of
Libya, Iv. xix. 1; his prosperous
rule); EVs XAKf897 ἀντ BX0n8S 7
marches against Iaudas once
More, IV xix. 5; sends Gon-
tharis ahead, Iv. xix. 6; hears

INDEX

of the defeat of Gontharis, IV.
xix. 9; advances to the camp of
Gontharis, thence to Babosis,
IV. xix. 16; defeats the Moors in
battle, Iv. xix. 17; plunders the
Hao and then returns to Zer-
oule, IV. xix. 20; which he
unexpectedly captures, IV. xix.
5-31; his care of the water
supply during the siege of Tou-
quar, IV. xx. 3; addresses the
army, IV. xx. 4-9; tries to find
a point of attack, lv. xx. 10, 11;
fortities Mt. Aurasium agains
the Moors, IV. xx. 22; fortifies
many Libyan cities with money
captured from Jaudas, IV. xix.
3, Xx. 29; subjugates Zabe, or
“'Rirst Mauritania,” Iv. xx. 30;
appealed to by Sergius for help,
iV. xxi. 16; incurs the enmity of
Antalas, IV. xxi. 17, xxii. 7, 8;
marches against the Moors, Iv.
xxi. 19; his overtures scorned by
the Leuathae, IV. xxi. 20-22;
captures some booty and refuses
to distribute it to the soldiers,
Iv. xxi. 23, 24; defeated by the
Moors and slain, IV. xxi. 25-28;
Justinian’s regard for him, Iv.
xxii. 11; builds and fortifies a
monastery in Carthage, IV. Xxvi.
17; standards οἵ, recovered
from the Moors, 1V. xxviii. 46
Solomon the younger, brother of
Cyrus and Sergius ; marches
with Solomon against the Moors,
iy. xxi. 19; his capture and re-
lease, IV. xxii. 12-17
Solomon, king of the Jews, IV. x 7
Sophia, temple of, in Byzantium ;
appropriateness of its name, UI.

yi. 26

Spain, settled by the Vandals, 11.
{iid 2°22 5 invaded by Constan-
tinus, ΠΙ. ii. 315 settled by the
Visigoths, Ill. iii. 26. xxiv. 7, IV.

iv. 34

Stagnum, a harbour near Carthage,
li. xv. 15; the Roman fleet
anchors there, II. xx. 15, 16

Stotzas, a body-guard of Martinus,
destined not to return to Byzan-
tium, I. xi. 30; chosen tyrant
by the miutineers, IV. Xv. as
marches on Carthage, IV. xv. 2;

invites the Vandals to join his
army, IV. xv. 3, 4; demands the
surrender of Carthage, IV. Xv.
5; kills the envoy Joseph, and
besieges Carthage, IV. xv. 8;
addresses his troops, IV. Xv.
30-39; defeated by Belisarius,
Ivy. xv. 40 ff.; his forces gather
in Numidia, Iv. xv. 50; the
Romans march against him at
Gazophyla, Iv. xv. 52; comes
alone into the Roman army and
addresses the soldiers, IV. Xv.
53-57; received with favour,
Iv. xv. 58; kills the Roman com-
manders in a sanctuary, IV. Xv.
59; eager to fight a pattle with
Germanus, IV. xvi. 8 ; approaches
Carthage, hoping for defection
from there, Iv. xvi. 9, 10; his
hopes falsitied, Iv. xvii. 1; de-
feated by Germanus at Scalae
Veteres, IV. xvii. 3 ff.; escapes
with a few men, Iv, xvii. 24+;
hopes to renew the battle with
the help of the Moors, Iv. xvii.
32; makes his escape with
difficulty, Iv. xvii. 33; suffers
another defeat, IV. xvii. 34,
withdraws to Mauritania and
marries the daughter of a Moorish
chief, IV. xvii. 35; the end of his
mutiny, ibid.; IV. xix. 3; joins
Antalas, Iv. xxii. 5, xxiii, 1;
receives Roman captives, IV.
xxiii. 10, 17; joins the Moors in
plundering Libya, IV. xxiii. 26-
31; Areobindus sends an army
against him, IV. XXiv. 6; his
enmity against John, Iv. xxiv. 9;
mortally wounded by ‘him in
> pattie, IV. xxiv. 115 carried out
of the battle, Iv. xxiv. 12° his
death, Iv. xxiv. 14; succeeded
by John as tyrant of the mutin-
eers, IV. XXvV. 3 ὴ
Syllectus, city in Libya, Ul. Xvi.
9; captured by Belisarius’ men,
Iu. xvi. 11; entered by the
Roman army, I. xvii. 6
Symmachus, ἃ Roman senator ;
accompanies Germanus to Libya,
Ivy. xvi. 2; summoned to Byzan-
tium, Iv. xix. 1 }
Syracuse, city in Sicily, 11. xiv. 13;
its harbour Arethusa, ΠΙ. ΧΙΝ.

485

INDEX

11; Procopius sent thither, ΠῚ,
xiv. 3, 7; Belisarius passes the
winter there, Iv. xiv. 4, 41;
distance from Caucana, II. xiv 4

Taenarum, called Caenopolis in
Procopius’ time; promontory
of the Peloponnesus, I. xiii. 8;
Gizeric repulsed from there, HI.
xxii. 16

Tamougadis, a city at the foot of
Mt. Aurasium; dismantled by
the Moors, Iv. xiii. 26, xix. 20

Tattimuth, sent in command of an
army to Tripolis, ΠῚ. x. 23;
receives support from Belisarius,
Iv. v. 10

Taulantii, a people of Illyricum,
ΠΙ. ii. 9

Tebesta, city in Libya; distance
from Carthage, Iv. xxi. 19

Terentius, Roman commander of
infantry, Il. xi. 7, IV. xv. 50

Theoderic, king of the Goths ; gives
his daughter in marriage to the
king of the Vandals, and makes
certain concessions in Sicily, m1.
viii. 11-13, Iv. v. 21; becomes
hostile to the Vandals, m1. ix. 3;
refrains from attacking them,
ΠΙ. ix. 5; his death, mt. xiv. 6;
grandfather of Antalaric, ibid. ;
pene of Amalafrida, UT. viii.

Theodora, wife of Justinian: dis-
tributes rewards to Gelimer and
others, Iv. ix. 13

Theodorus, youngest son of Gizeric ;
his death, I. v. 11

Theodorus, called Cteanus, com-
mander of infantry, ΠΙ. xi. 7

Theodorus, commander of guards ;
sent to the top of Mt. Bourgaon
by Solomon, Iv. xii. 17; killed by
the mutineers, Iv. xiv. 35: his ex-
cellent qualities as a soldier, ibid.

Theodorus, the Cappadocian ; sent
to Libya with an army, IV. viii.
24; sent by Solomon to quiet the
mutineers, Iv. xiv. 82; his
enmity against Solomon, Iv. xiv.
33; elected general by the
Mnutineers, IV. xiv. 34; gives
Solomon and Martinus dinner
and helps them to escape, Iv.
xiv. 38; bidden by Solomon to

486

take care of Carthage, Iv. xiv
41; refuses to surrender Car-
thage to Stotzas, Iv. xv. 6; made
joint ruler of Carthage with
Ildiger, Iv. xv. 49; at the battle
of Scalae Veteres, Iv. xvii. 6,
19; learns of the plot of Maxi-
minus from Asclepiades, Iv
Xvili. 4

Theodosius I, Roman emperor,
father of Arcadius and Honorius,
Ill. i. 2; overthrows the tyranny
of Maximus, ΠΙ. iv. 16

Theodosius 11, son of Arcadius;
becomes emperor of the East, MI.
li. 33, iii. 6; Honorius considers
the possibility of finding refuge
with him, M1. ii, 32; rears
Valentinian, Im. iii. 5; makes
him emperor of the West, m1.
iii. 8; sends an army against the
tyrant John, ibid.; his death,
Ill. iv. 39; succeeded by Marcian,
Ill. iv. 2,10; father of Eudoxia,
ΠΙ. iv. 15

Thrace, starting point of Alaric’s
invasion, UI. ii. 7; the Goths
settle there for a time, M1. ii.
39; home of several Roman
commanders, I. xi. 10; ad-
joins “‘ Germania,” πὸ xi, 21;
royal horse-pastures there, 1.

xii, 6; home of Himerius, ty.
xxiii, 3; and of Peter, ty.
xxviii. 3

ae cape, or chlamys, ΠΙ.

XXV.

Theodatus, king of the Goths;
Belisarius sent against him, ry.

xiv. 1

Theudis, king of the Visigoths, Iv.
iv. 34; receives envoys from
Gelimer, U1, xxiv. 7-16

Tigisis, city in Numidia, tv. x. 21 ξ
two Phoenician inscriptions there;
Iv. Χ. 22; its great spring, IV
xiii. 5

Titus, Roman emperor, Iv. ix, 2;
his capture of Jerusalem, Iv. ix.
5; son of Vespasian, ibid.

Toumar, place on the summit of Mt.
Aurasium, Iv. xix. 22; besieged
by the Romans, Iv. xx. 1 ἤν 2
scaled by Gezon and captured by
Solomon, Iv. xx. 1-20

Trajan, Roman emperor, Iv. ix. 2

INDEX

Trasamundus, brother of Gunda-
mundus; becomes king of the
Vandals, Il. viii. 8; tries to win
over the Christians. 111. viii. 9,
10; asks the hand of Amala-
frida, ΠΙ|. viii. 11; becomes a
friend of Anastasius, II. viii. 14 ;
his death, I. viii. 29

Tricamarum, place in Libya; dis-
tance from Carthage, IV. ii. 4;
Vandals defeated there, IV. iii.
1 εἶν. SD, Ὁ

Tripolis, district in Libya; dis-
tance from Gadira, WI. i. 14;
the Vandals there defeated by
Heraclius, WI. vi. 9, 11; Moors
dwelling there, WI. viii. 15; lost
again by the Vandals, I. x.
22-24; Gelimer hopeless of
recovering it, I. xi. 22; Beli-
sarius sends an army thither, Iv.
v. 10: rule of, falls to Sergius,
IV. xxi. 1; Leuathae come from
there with a large army, IV
xxviii. 47

Troy, Ill. xxi. 4

Tryphon, sent to Libya to assess the
taxes, IV. viii. 25

Tuscan Sea, separated from the
Adriatic by Gaulus and Melita,
im. xiv. 16; severity of its
storms, IV. iv. 37

Tzazon, brother of Gelimer; sent
with an army to recover Sardinia,
Ii. xi. 23; overthrows and kills
Godas in Sardinia, DI. xxiv. 1;
writes to Gelimer, WI. xxiv. 2-4;
yeceives a letter from him, I.
xxv. 10-18; thereupon departs
for Libya, I. xxv. 19-21;
meets Gelimer in the Plain of
Boulla, U1. xxv. 24; addresses
his troops separately, Iv. ii.
23-32; commands the centre
at the battle of Tricamarum,
IV. iii. 1, 8, 10, 12; his death,
Iv. iii. 14; his head taken to
Sardinia by Cyril, Iv. v. 2, 4

Uliaris, body-guard of Belisarius,
UI. xix. 23; his stupid action at
Decimum, Il. xix. 24; kills
John the Armenian accidentally,
Iv, iv. 15 ff.; takes refuge in a
sanctuary, IV. iv. 21; spared by
Belisarius, IV. iv. 25

Ulitheus, trusted body-guard of
Gontharis, Iv. xxv. 8; bears
messages to Antalas, IV. xxv. 8-11
19; at Gontharis’ order assas-
sinatcs Areobindus, IV. xxvi.
32, 33, xxvii. 20; marches with
Artabanes against Antalas, Iv.
XXVii. 25 ff.; killed by Artasires
at the banquet of Gontharis, Iv
XXviii. 19 ff.

Valentinian, son of Constantius,
reared by Theodosius, D1. iii. 5;
made emperor of the West, Ill.
iii. 8; captures John and after
brutal abuse kills him, 1. iii. 9 ;
his viciousness resulting from
early training, U1. iii. 10, 11;
loses Libya to the empire, IIl.
iii. 12; receives tribute and a
hostage from Gizeric, II. iv. 13;
returns the hostage, ΠΙ. iv. 14;
slays Aetius, II. iv. 27; outrages
the wife of Maximus, ΠΙ. iv. 16 ff.;
slain by him, II. iv. 15, 36; son
of Placidia, UI. iii. 10; father of
Eudocia and Placidia, MI. v. ὃ,
vi. 6; husband of Eudoxia,
mm. iv. 15; members of his
family receive rewards from
Justinian and Theodora, Iv.
ix. 13

Valerian, commander of auzxil-
jaries, I. xi. 6; sent with
Martinus in advance of the
African expedition, UI. xi. 24,
29; meets the Roman fleet at
Methone, Ill. xiii. 9; on the left
wing at the battle of ‘Trica-
marum, Iv. iii. 4; Martinus sent
to him in Numidia, Iv.. xiv. 405
summoned to Byzantium, Iv.

xix. 2

Vandals, a Gothic people, ΠΙ. ii. 2 ;
whence they came into the
Roman empire, Il. i. 1, iii. 1 ff. ;
a portion of them left behind and
lost to memory, Il. xxii. 3, 13;
settle in Spain, 1. iii. 2; their
alliance sought by Boniface, II.
iii. 22, 25; cross from Spain into
Libya, 11. iii. 26; defeat Boui-
face in battle, UT. iii. 31 ; besiege
Hippo Regius, Il. iii, 32, 34;
defeat a second Roman army,
Ill. iii. 35; secure possession of

487

INDEX

Libya, ΠΙ|. xxiiy 4; send Moors’

to Sardinia, Iv. xiii, 43; take the
church of St, Cyprian at Car-
thage from the Christians, m1.
xxi. 19; invade Italy and sack
Rome, ΠΙ. vy. 1 ff.; their numbers
together with the Alani, Ill. ἀν:
18-20; - absorb all barbarian
peoples . associated with them
except the Moors, ml. v. 21;
Leon sends an expedition against
them, U1. vi. 1 ff.; driven out of
-Sardinia by Marcellianus, 11.
vi. 8; defeated in Tripolis by
Heraclius, ΠῚ. vi. 9;. lost Mb.
Aurasium to the Moors, Iv. xiii.
26; enter into. an “endless
peace ” with the emperor Zeno,
ΠῚ, vii. 26; make war on the
Moors, Il. viii, 1, 2; suffer a
great disaster at the hands of
the Moors, Il. viii. 15-28;
defeated. by the Moors, and be-
- come enemies of the Goths, Il.
ix. 3; defeated many times by
the Moors, Iv. x. 29; Justinian
prepares an expedition against
them, III. x. 1 ff.; lose Tripolis,
Tl, xX. 22-24; and Sardinia,
Tl. x, 25-27; letter. addressed
to them by Justinian, m.-xvi.
12-14; recover Sardinia, m1.
xxiv. 1; defeated by the Romans
at Decimum, It. xviii. 1 ff.;
greatly feared by the Roman army
Il. xix. 27; collected by Geli-
mer in the Plain of Boulla, m1.
xxv. 1 ff:; besiege Carthage,
ἐν, i. 3; invite the Huns to
join them, Iv. i. 5; defeated by
the Romans at Tricamarum, Iv.
ii. 4 ff.; taken to Byzantium by
Belisarius, Iv. xiv. 17; some of
them go to. the East, while the
others escape to Libya, Iv. xiv,
17-19; - together with their
women, sent out of Libya, Iv.
xix. 3; upon invitation of Stot-
zas, join the mutineers, IV. xv.

» 4 accumulate great wealth
in Africa, Iv. iii, 26; not trusted
by the Libyans, m. xvi. 33
their effeminacy as a nation, Iv.

vi. 5-9 ; their women, as wives of
the Romans, incite them. to
mutiny, IV. xiv. 8, 93 priests of,
incite Romans of Arian faith to
mutiny, Iv. xiv. 18: Vandals’
estates, established by Gizeric,
If. v.12; Vandals of Justinian,
Iv. xiv. 17

Veredarii (Latin), royal messengers,
ΠῚ, xvi. 12

Vespasian, Roman emperor, father
of Titus, Iv. ix. 5

Vigilantia, mother of Prejecta, and
sister of J ustinian, IV. xxiv. 3

Visigoths, a Gothic people, m1. ii. 2 ᾿
their -alliance with Arcadius,
Ill. ii. 7; the destruction wrought
by them in Italy, m1. ii. 11-12;
settle in Spain, m1. iii. 265 Iv.
iv. 34; invited to form alliance
with the Vandals, 11. xxiv. 7

Zabe, called ‘ First Mauritania Ἐν
subjugated by Solomon, Iv. xx. 30

Zacynthus, island off the coast of
Greece, I. xiii. 21; its. in-
habitants the victims of Gizeric’s
atrocity, III. xxii. 15, 17, 18

Zaidus, commander of Roman in-
fantry, 1Π. xi. 7

Zaunus, son of Paresmanes, and
father of Leontius and Rufinus,
IV, xix. 1, xx. 19

Zeno, emperor of the East: hus-
band of Ariadne, and father of
Leon the younger, ul. vii, Path
shares the empire with _ his
infant son, Il. vii. 3; flees into
Isauria, 1. vii. 18; gathers an
army and marches against Basil-
iscus, III. vii. 20; meets Har-
matus and receives the army by
surrender, II. vii. 21; captures
Basiliscus and banishes him,
Ill. vii, 22, 24; becomes emperor
a second time, ΠΙ. vii. 23; kills
Harmatus, ibid.; formsa compact
with Gizeric, ΠῚ. vii. 26

Zerboule, fortress on Mt. Aurasium,
IV. xix. 19, 20; besieged by the
Romans, Iv. xix. 23-27; aban-
Oe G by the Moors, Iv. xix.

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Cicrro: Pro Arcata Post Repirum, Dz Domo, Dr Harvus-
PicuM ReEsponsis, Pro Puanocio. N. H. Watts.

CicrRo: Pro Carcina, Pro Lreae Manis, Pro CLUENTIO,
Pro Rasrrio. H. Grose Hodge.

CiczrRo: Pro Carnio, DE Provincus CoNSULARIBUS, Pro
Bartso. R. Gardner.

Cicrro: Pro ΜΊΓΟΝΕ, In Pisonem, Pro Scauro, Pro FoNTEIO,
Pro ΒΑΒΙΒΙΟ Postumo, Pro MarcreLyo, Pro Ligario, Pro
Reece Driotaro. N. H. Watts.

CicrRo: Pro Qurincti0, Pro Roscro AMERINO, Pro Roscio
Comorpo, Contra Ruttum. J. H. Freese.

Cicrro: Pro Sxstio, In Vatinrum. R. Gardner.

Cicero: Tuscutan Dispurations. J. E. King.

Cicrro: VERRINE Orations. L. H. G. Greenwood. 2 Vols.

CuaupiIaAn. M. Platnauer. 2 Vols.

CorumerLa: Dr Re Rustica. De Arsortsus. H. B. Ash,
E. 5. Forster and E. Heffner. 3 Vols.

Currius, Q.: History or ALEXANDER. J.C. Rolfe. 2 Vols.
Fiorus. E.S8. Forster; and Cornertius Neros. J.C. Rolfe.

Frontinus: Stratacems and Aquepucts. C. E. Bennett and
M. B. McElwain.

Fronro: CorrEsPONDENCE. OC. R. Haines. 2 Vols.

Gertitus, J. C. Rolfe. 3 Vols.

Horace: ODEs AnD Epopzs. (C. E. Bennett.

Horacz: Satires, Episturs, Ars Porrica. H.R. Fairclough.

ΨΈΒΟΜΕ: SeLectep Lerrers. Εἰ. A. Wright.

Juvenat and Prrsius. G. G. Ramsay.

Livy. B. O. Foster, F. G. Moore, Evan T. Sage, and A. 6.
Schlesinger and R. M. Geer (General Index). 14 Vols.

Lucan. J.D. Duff.

Lucretius. W.H. Ὁ. Rouse.

Marrran. W.C. A. Ker. 2 Vols.

Minor Latin Ports: from Pusriis Syrus To Rovritius
NAMATIANUS, including Grartius, CaLpuRNIUS SICULUS,
NeEmEsIANvS, AvIANUS, and others with ‘“ Aetna ” and the
“ Phoenix.” J. Wight Duff and Arnold M. Duff.

Ovip: THE Arr or Love and Oruer Porms, J. Η. Mozley.

Ovip: Fasti. Sir James G. Frazer.

Ovi: Heroes and Amores. Grant Showerman.
Ovm: MeramorpHosss. F. J. Miller. 2 Vols.
Ovrp: Tristra and Ex Ponto. A. L. Wheeler.
Prrsius. Cf. JUVENAL.

Prerronius. M. Heseltine; SENECA; APOCOLOCYNTOSIS.
W. H. Ὁ. Rouse.

Puautrus. Paul Nixon. 5 Vols.

Pury: Lerrers. Melmoth’s Translation revised by W. M. Τὰ,
Hutchinson. 2 Vols.

Pry: Narurat History. H. Rackham and W.H.S. Jones.
10 Vols. Vols. 1.-. and IX. H. Rackham. Vols. VI. and
VIl. W.H.S. Jones.

Prorertivs. H. Εἰ. Butler.

Prupentius. H.J. Thomson. 2 Vols.

Qumuvrmian. H. Εἰ. Butler. 4 Vols.

Remats or Οὐ Latin. E. B. Warmington. 4 Vols. . Vol. I.
(Ennius AND CAECILIUS.) Vol. II. (Livrus, Naryius,
Pacuvius, Acctus.) Vol. III. (Luctt1us and Laws or XII
TasLEs.) (ARCHAIC INSCRIPTIONS.)

Sattust. J.C. Rolfe.

Scriprores Histor1az Aucustan. D. Magie. 3 Vols.

Seneca: APOCOLOCYNTOSIS. Cf, PETRONIUS.

SmnEecA: EpistuLAr MORALES. R. M. Gummere. 3 Vols.

SmnrecA: Moran Essays. 7. W. Basore. 3 Vols.

Seneca: TRAGEDIES. F. J. Miller. 2 Vols.

Smpontus: Porms and LETTERS. W. B. Anperson. 2 Vols.

Sruus Iraricus. J.D. Duff. 2 Vols.

gratius, J.H.Mozley. 2 Vols.

Sunronius. J.C. Rolfe. 2 Vols.

Tacirus: DIALOGUES. Sir Wm. Peterson. AGRICOLA and
Germanta. Maurice Hutton.

Tacrrus: HisTORIES AND ANNALS. C. H. Moore and J. Jackson.
4 Vols.

Terence. John Sargeaunt. 2 Vols.

TERTULLIAN: APOLOGIA and Dr Specracuuis. T. R. Glover.
Minuctus Fetix. G. H. Rendall.

Vatertus Fraccus. J. H. Mozley.

Varro: DE Lineva LATINA. R. G. Kent. 2 Vols.

Verierus PATERCULUS and Res Grestar Divi AUGUSTI. F. W.
Shipley.

Vinci. H.R. Fairclough. 2 Vols.

Virruvius: Ds ARCHITECTURA. F. Granger. 2 Vols.

Greek Authors

AcHILLEs Tattus. S: Gaselee. :

AELIAN: ON THE NATURE oF Antmats. A. Εἰ. Scholfield; 3
Vols.

AENEAS TacTicus, AscLEPIODOTUS and ONASANDER.. The
Illinois Greek Club.

AESCHINES. OC. Ὁ. Adams.
AxEscuyius. H. Weir Smyth. 2 Vols.

ALcIPHRON, AELIAN, PamostRatus: Lerrers. A. R. Benner
and F. H. Fobes.

AnpDocipEs, ΑΝΤΙΡΗΟΝ, Cf. Minor Artic ORATORS:
APpotLoporus. Sir James G. Frazer. 2 Vols.
APOLLONIUS RuHopius. R. C. Seaton: ᾿
Tue ΑΡΟΒΤΟΙΙΟ Farumrs: Kirsopp Lake. . 2.Vols.
Appian: Roman History.. Horace. White.. 4. Vols.
ARatus. | Cf. CALLIMACHUS.

ARISTOPHANES. Benjamin Bickvey Rogers. 3 Vols. Verse
trans. ‘

Aristottye: Art or Ruxrrorio. J. H. Freese,

ARISTOTLE: ATHENIAN Constitution, ‘ EUDEMIAN EruHIcs,
VicEs:AND Virruns. H. Rackham.

ARISTOTLE: GENERATION OF AnImats, A. ‘L. Peck.

ARISTOTLE: Mrrapuysics. Η. Trédennick. 9 Vols.

ARISTOTLE: MretERonoaica. H. Ὁ. P:; Lee.

ARISTOTLE: Minor Works. W. 3. Hett. On Colours, On
Things Heard, On Physiognomies, On Plants, On Marvellous
Things Heard, Mechanical Problems, On Indivisible Lines,
On Situations and Names of Winds, On Melissus, Xenophanes,
and Gorgias. ps Be

ARISTOTLE: NicoMACHEAN Etuics. H. Rackham, ἡ

ARISTOTLE: OErcONOMICA and Maana Moraura. G. C. Arm-
strong; (with Metaphysics, Vol. IT.).

ARISTOTLE: ON THE HEAVENS. ΨΥ. K. C. Guthrie.

ARISTOTLE: ON THE SouL. Parva NaTuRALIA. ON BREATH,
W.S. Hett.

ARISTOTLE: Carracorigs, ON INTERPRETATION, PRIOR
Awnatytics. H. P. Cooke and H. Tredennick.

ARISTOTLE: PostTERIOR ANnatytics, Topics. H. Tredennick
and EK. S. Forster.

ARISTOTLE: ON SopHIstTIcAL REFUTATIONS.

On Coming to be and Passing Away, On the Cosmos. E. 5.
Forster and Ὁ), J. Furley.

ARISTOTLE: Parts or Animats. A. L. Peck; Morton anp.

PROGRESSION oF Animats. KE. 5. Forster.

πεν τον Puysics. Rev. P. Wicksteed and F. Μ. Cornford.

ols.

AristoTLteE: Portics and Lonemnus. W. Hamilton Fyfe;
DeEmeEtRius ON StyLe. W. Rhys Roberts.

AnistoTLE: Poxitics. H. Rackham.

AnistoTtE: Propiems. W.S. Hett. 2 Vols.

ArisroTte: RHETOoRICA AD ALEXANDRUM (with PROBLEMS.
Vol. 11.) H. Rackham.

Arrian: Hisrory or ALEXANDER and Inpica. Rev. E. Tliffe
Robson. 2 Vols.

Aruenarus: DrErpnosopHistTar. C. B. Gunick. 7 Vols.

Sr. Basin: Lurrers. R. J. Deferrari. 4 Vols.

Catnimacuus: FRAGMENTS, C. A. Trypanis.

Catimmacuus, Hymns and Epigrams, and LycoPHRON. A.W.
Mair; Aratus. G. R. Marr.

Ciement of ALEXANDRIA. Rev. G. W. Butterworth.

Cortutuus. Cf. OPPIAN.

Darunis AND CHLOE. Thornley’s Translation revised by
J. M. Edmonds; and Parruentius. S. Gaselee.

DEMOSTHENES I.: OLYNTHIACS, PHILIPPICS and Minor ORA=
Tions. I.—XVII. anp XX. J.H. Vince.

DrEmosTHENES 11.: Dr Corona and Dr Fatsa LEGATIONE,
CG. A. Vince and J. H. Vince.
DemostHENES JII.: MerDIAs, ANDROTION, ARISTOCRATES,
Timocratss and ΑΒΙΒΤΟΘΈΙΤΟΝ, I. aND 1. J. H. Vince.
DemostHENES IV.-VI.: PrivaTE ORATIONS and In NEAERAM.
A. T. Murray.

DemosTHENEs VIJ.: FUNERAL SPEECH, Erotic Essay, ExorpDIA
and Lerrers. N. W. and N. J. DeWitt.

Dio Casstus: Roman History. Εἰ. Cary. 9 Vols.

Dio Curysostom. J. W.Cohoon and H. Lamar Crosby. 5 Vols.

Drioporus Sicutus. 12 Vols. Vols. 1—VI. 6. H. Oldfather.
Vol. VII. C.-L. Sherman. Vols. IX. and X. R. M. Geer.
Vol. XI. F. Walton. 5

Diogenes Larzitius. R.D. Hicks. 2 Vols.

Dionysius or Hatrcarnassus: Roman Antiquitigs. Spel-
man’s translation revised by E. Cary. 7 Vols.

Ericrerus: W. A. Oldfather. 2 Vols.

Eurrewes. A.S. Way. 4 Vols. Verse trans.

Eusepius: Ecctesiastican History. Kirsopp Lake and
J. E. L. Oulton. 2 Vols.

GatEen: ON THE NATURAL Facurtis. A. J. Brock.

Tur GREEK ANTHOLOGY. W.R. Paton. 5 Vols.

Grerx Evray anp IAmBus with the ANACREONTEA. ΖΦ. Μ.

Edmonds. 2 Vols.
5

THE GREEK Bucotic Porrs (THEOcRITUS, BION, Moscuvs).
J. M. Edmonds.

GREEK MarHEMATICAL Works. Ivor Thomas. 2 Vols.

Heropes. Cf. THropHRAsTUS: CHARACTERS.

Heropotus. A.D. Godley. 4 Vols.

HeEsiop anp ΤῊΞ Homeric Hymns. H. G. Evelyn White.

Hippocrates and the FracmMrents OF Heracirirus. W.H.S.
Jones and E. T. Withington. 4 Vols.

Homer: Iniap. A. T. Murray. 2 Vols.

Homer: Opysszy. A.T. Murray. 2 Vols.

Isanus. E. W. Forster.

IsocratEs. George Norlin and LaRue Van Hook. 3 Vols.

Sr. Joun DamascenrE: BARLAAM AND ToasapH. Rev. G. R.
Woodward and Harold Mattingly.

JosErHus. H. St. J. Thackeray and Ralph Marcus. 9 Vols.
Vols. I.—VII.

Juuian. Wilmer Cave Wright. 3 Vols.

Lucian. 8 Vols. Vols. 1.-. A.M. Harmon. Vol. VI. K.
Kilburn.

LycorHron. Cf. CALLIMACHUS.

Lyra GraEcaA. J.M. Edmonds. 3 Vols.

Lystas. W.R.M. Lamb.

ΜΆΝΕΤΗΟ. W. G. Waddell: Protemy: Trerrasisios. F. E.
Robbins.

Marcus AvRELIus. C. R. Haines.

MENANDER. F. G. Allinson.

Minor Attic Orators (ANTIPHON, ANDocIDEs, Lycuraus,
Drmapes, Drnarcuus, HyprrripEs). K. J. Maidment and
J. O. Burrt. 2 Vols. .

Nonnos: Dionysiaca, W.H.D. Rouse. 3 Vols.

ΟΡΡΙΑΝ, CoLLuTHus, TRYPHIODORUS. “A. W. Mair.

Papyri, Non-Lirerary Setrcrions. A. 5. Hunt and C. C.
Edgar. 2 Vols. Lirrrary SELECTIONS (Poetry). D. L.
Page.

PartTHEntius. Cf. Dapunis and Cunon.

Pausantas: DrEscripTion or Greece. W. H. 5. Jones. 4
Vols. and Companion Vol. arranged by R. E. Wycherley.

Puito. 10 Vols. Vols. I.-V.; F. H. Colson and Rev. G. H.
Whitaker, Vols. VI—IX.; F. H. Colson.

PHILO: two supplementary Vols. (Translation only.) Ralph
Marcus.

Puitostrarus: THE Lire or Aportonius or TYANA. F.C:
Conybeare. 2 Vols.

PuHinostRAtus: IMAGINES; CaLLisTRATUs: DeEsoriprions. A,
Fairbanks.

Puitosrratus and Eunarius: Lives or THESopuists. Wilmer
Cave Wright.
Pinpar. Sir J. E, Sandys.

Prato: CHarmMipEs, AtcrsiapEes, Hipparcuus, THE LovERs,
Tueacss, Mrvos and Erivomis. W. R. M. Lamb.

Prato: Craryius, PARMENIDES, GREATER ΗἸΡΡΙΑΒ, LESSER
Hrerias. H. N. Fowler.

Prato: ΕὔΤΗΥΡΗΒΟ, ApoLocy, Criro, PuHanpo, PHAEDRUS.
H. N. Fowler.

Prato: Lacuss, Proracoras, MENO, EUTHYDEMUS. W.R. M.
Lamb.

Prato: Laws. Rev. R.G. Bury. 2 Vols.

Prato: Lysis, Symposrum, Gorcias. W. R. M. Lamb.

Praro: Repusiic. Paul Shorey. 2 Vols.

PLaro: STATESMAN, PHILEBUS. H.N. Fowler; Ion. W.R. M.
Lamb.

Prato: THEAETETUS and Sopuist. H.N. Fowler.

Prato: Trmazus, Crirtas, CLiropHo, MENEXENUS, EPISTULAE.
Rev. R. G. Bury.

Prurarcu: Morar. 15 Vols: Vols. I.—V. F. C. Babbitt.
Vol. VI. W. GC. Helmbold. Vol. VII. P. H. De Lacy and
B. Einarson. Vol. 1X. E. L. Minar, Jr., Ἐς, H. Sandbach,
W. C. Helmbold. Vol. X. H. N. Fowler. Vole ΧΠ Ἢ:
Cherniss and W. C. Helmbold.

PrurarcH: THE PaRavien Lives. B. Perrin. 11 Vols.

Potyzius. W.R. Paton. 6 Vols.

Procorrus: History or THE Wars. H. B. Dewing. 7 Vols.

ProteMy: TETRABIBLOS. Cf, MANETHO.

QuiINTUS SMYRNAEUS. A. 5. Way. Verse trans.

Smxtus Emerricus. Rev. R.G. Bury. 4 Vols.

SopHocies. Εἰ. Storr. 2 Vols. Verse trans.

Srraso: GrocraPHy. Horace L. Jones. 8 Vols.

THEOPHRASTUS: - CHARACTERS. J. M. Edmonds. HERopzs,
etc. A. Ὁ. Knox.

TuropHRastus: ENQUIRY INTO PLANTS. Sir Arthur Hort,
Bart. 2 Vols.

Tuucypipes. C.F.Smith. 4 Vols.

TrypHioporus. Cf. OPPIAN.

XpnopHon: Cyroparpia. Walter Miller. 2 Vols.

XENOPHON: HELLENICA, Awapasis, APOLOGY, and SYMPOSIUM.
GC. L. Brownson and O. J. Todd. 3 Vols.

XENOPHON: MEMORABILIA and Onconomicus. E.C. Marchant.

ΧΕΝΟΡΗΟΝ: Scripra ΜΊΝΟΒΑ. Ἐ. C. Marchant.

IN PREPARATION

Greek Authors

ARISTOTLE: History or Anitmats. A. L. Peck.
Prorinus: A. H. Armstrong.

Latin Authors

BABRIUS AND PHAEDRUS. Ben E. Perry.

DESCRIPTIVE PROSPECTUS ON APPLICATION

London WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD
Cambridge, Mass. HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS

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R PA3612 .Ρ7 1960 / vol 2
Procopius.
Procopius /

FOR REFERENCE

NOT TO BE TAKEN FROM THE ROOM

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